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href="https://www.counterpunch.org/2020/08/13/teaching-torture-the-death-and-legacy-of-dan-mitrione/">https://www.counterpunch.org/2020/08/13/teaching-torture-the-death-and-legacy-of-dan-mitrione/</a></font>
        <h1 class="reader-title">Teaching Torture: The Death and Legacy
          of Dan Mitrione<br>
        </h1>
        <span class="post_author_intro">by</span> <span
          class="post_author" itemprop="author"><a
            href="https://www.counterpunch.org/author/l2l4l54ldlc/"
            rel="nofollow">Brett Wilkins - August 13, 2020</a><br>
          <br>
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              <p>In the pre-dawn darkness of Monday, August 10, 1970,
                Dan Mitrione’s bullet-ridden body was discovered in the
                back seat of a stolen Buick convertible in a quiet
                residential neighborhood of Montevideo, the Uruguayan
                capital. He had just turned 50, and he had recently
                started a new dream job, although it was thousands of
                miles from his home in Richmond, Indiana. Who was Dan
                Mitrione, and what work was he doing in Uruguay that led
                him to such an early and violent end?</p>
              <p>As the Cold War heated up, one of the ways in which the
                United States government fought communism abroad was
                through foreign assistance programs. These were favorite
                vehicles for Central Intelligence Agency and other US
                meddling. Dan Mitrione, a Navy veteran and former
                small-town police chief from Indiana, joined one such
                agency, the International Cooperation Administration, in
                1960. The following year, ICA was absorbed by the United
                States Agency for International Development, which in
                addition to its stated mission of administering
                assistance to developing nations, gained global
                notoriety for its role in helping brutal dictatorships
                repress, torture and murder innocent men, women and
                children around the world.</p>
              <p><strong>Brazil Brutality </strong></p>
              <p>Mitrione’s first posting was in Belo Horizonte, Brazil,
                where he worked on the police aid program for USAID’s
                Office of Public Safety. OPS trained and armed friendly
                — read anti-communist — Latin American police and
                security officers. Ostensibly, it was meant to teach
                police how to be less corrupt and more professional. In
                practice, it operated as a CIA proxy. As for its parent
                organization, one former USAID director, John Gilligan,
                <a
href="https://www.google.com/books/edition/Cold_War_Anthropology/dn6tCwAAQBAJ?hl=en&gbpv=1&dq=%22infiltrated+from+top+to+bottom+with+cia+people%22+gilligan&pg=PT146&printsec=frontcover">later
                  admitted</a> it was “infiltrated from top to bottom
                with CIA people.” Gilligan explained that “the idea was
                to plant operatives in every kind of activity we had
                overseas; government, volunteer, religious, every kind.”</p>
              <p>Before Mitrione’s arrival, standard operating procedure
                for Brazilian police was to beat a suspect nearly to
                death; if he talked he lived, if not, well… Under
                Mitrione’s tutelage, officers introduced refined torture
                techniques drawn from the pages of <a
                  href="https://nsarchive2.gwu.edu/NSAEBB/NSAEBB122/">KUBARK</a>,
                a CIA instruction manual describing various physical and
                psychological methods of breaking a prisoner’s will to
                resist interrogation. Many of the abuses in KUBARK would
                later become familiar to the world as the “enhanced
                interrogation” techniques used during the US war against
                terrorism: prolonged constraint or exertion, ‘no-touch’
                torture (stress positions), extremes of heat, cold or
                moisture and deprivation or drastic reduction of food or
                sleep. KUBARK also covers the use of electric shock
                torture, a favorite tool of both the Brazilian and
                Uruguayan police under Mitrione’s instruction.</p>
              <p>One of the most notorious Brazilian torture devices
                during Mitrione’s tenure was known as <a
href="https://www.google.com/books/edition/American_Torture/wiVqrgS68NoC?hl=en&gbpv=1&dq=Otterman+American+Torture+Mitrione+the+fridge&pg=PA75&printsec=frontcover">the
                  refrigerator</a>, a small square box barely big enough
                to hold a hunched-up human being. The “fridge” was
                equipped with a heating and cooling unit, speakers and
                strobe lights; its use drove many men mad. Under
                Mitrione, Brazilian police devised a new torture
                technique they called the “Statue of Liberty,” in which
                hooded prisoners were forced to stand on a sharp-edged
                sardine tin and hold heavy objects above their heads
                until they began collapsing from exhaustion, at which
                point powerful electric shocks would force them upright.</p>
              <p>Mitrione was transferred to Rio de Janeiro in 1962,
                where he trained the dreaded shock troops of the
                Department of Political and Social Order in suppressing
                dissent and democracy. He was working in this role
                during the 1964 <a
                  href="https://nsarchive2.gwu.edu/NSAEBB/NSAEBB118/">US-backed
                  military coup</a> that ousted the
                democratically-elected, anti-communist president João
                Goulart, who had committed the fatal sin of advocating
                moderately redistributive economic policies. The coup
                ushered in two decades of brutal military dictatorship.
                By the end of the decade, USAID had trained more than
                100,000 Brazilian police. During this period, the
                military dictatorship murdered hundreds of dissidents
                and tortured thousands more, among them a Marxist
                student named Dilma Rousseff, who half a century later
                would later be elected Brazil’s first woman president.</p>
              <p><strong>Move to Montevideo </strong></p>
              <p>In 1969, Mitrione was named the OPS’ chief public
                safety adviser in Montevideo, Uruguay, replacing Adolph
                Saenz, a quintessential Cold Warrior who previously led
                the operation that hunted and murdered Che Guevara in
                Bolivia. Mitrione arrived amid a collapsing economy,
                labor strikes and student protests in a country once
                known as the Switzerland of South America for its high
                level of economic development, freedom and stability.
                Mitrione’s tenure in Montevideo saw the militarization
                of Uruguayan police, ever-worsening state repression and
                an increase in the power and brutality of the dreaded
                National Directorate of Information and Intelligence,
                the national security agency responsible for the death
                squads that soon operated with impunity.</p>
              <p>On the far left, National Liberation Movement rebels,
                more commonly known as Tupamaros, were increasing in
                power and popularity and embarrassing the government
                with their bold urban kidnapping and other attacks.
                Named after the Inca revolutionary Túpac Amaru II — who
                led a major 18th century uprising against the genocidal
                Spanish empire in Peru — and inspired by the Cuban
                revolution, the Tupamaros were led by farm labor
                organizer Raúl Sendic. Unlike other Latin American
                guerrilla groups, they avoided bloodshed whenever
                possible and until August 1970 had never killed any of
                their prisoners.</p>
              <p>The Tupamaros’ relatively restrained rebellion
                initially engendered widespread popular support. But as
                the government’s hand grew heavier, so too did the
                rebels’ attacks. Just a few years earlier, the US
                ambassador lamented the “relaxed attitude” of the
                Uruguayan government toward communists. That would
                change under Mitrione. OPS <a
href="https://books.google.com/books?id=DBkPkRPmIA0C&pg=PA227&lpg=PA227&dq=adolph+saenz+che+guevara&source=bl&ots=F9IpDMw3zd&sig=ACfU3U3F3lGzamq0-J9U4AoWjdaDqY4DyQ&hl=en&sa=X&ved=2ahUKEwj935muzKfqAhWBvp4KHSRrAo4Q6AEwAHoECAsQAQ%23v=onepage&q=adolph%2520saenz%2520che%2520guevara&f=false">imported</a>
                surveillance technology and machine guns while sending
                “penetration agents” to infiltrate the Tupamaros and
                gather information on their leaders, members and
                sympathizers, including José Mujica, who like Rousseff
                in Brazil endured imprisonment and torture before
                ultimately being elected president of his country
                decades later.</p>
              <p><strong>Teaching Torture </strong></p>
              <p>The late US journalist and author A.J. Langguth
                credited US advisers led by Mitrione with introducing
                “scientific methods of torture” to Uruguay. These
                included psychological tortures like playing recordings
                of screaming women and children and telling prisoners it
                was their relatives being tortured, to more traditional
                torture techniques like electric shocks applied under
                the fingernails and to the genitals. According to Manuel
                Hevia Cosculluela, a Cuban double agent who infiltrated
                the CIA and spent years in the agency’s Montevideo
                station, <a
href="https://books.google.com/books?id=-IbQvd13uToC&pg=PA203&lpg=PA203&dq=%2522the+precise+pain,+in+the+precise+place+in+the+precise+amount%2522&source=bl&ots=cJz6IfGmcB&sig=ACfU3U1ZESo-gopugcZ9tGqT_LLD7qlwuQ&hl=en&sa=X&ved=2ahUKEwiBivOuiajqAhVgJjQIHVpXDUAQ6AEwAHoECAwQAQ%23v=onepage&q=%2522the%2520precise%2520pain%252C%2520in%2520the%2520precise%2520place%2520in%2520the%2520precise%2520amount%2522&f=false">Mitrione
                  said</a> that the key to successful interrogation was
                to apply “the precise pain, in the precise place, in the
                precise amount to achieve the desired effect.”</p>
              <p>“A premature death means failure by the technician,” <a
href="https://www.nytimes.com/1978/08/05/archives/cuban-agent-says-us-police-aides-urged-torture-not-merely-work-of.html">Mitrione
                  told Hevia</a>. “You have to act with the efficiency
                and cleanliness of a surgeon and with the perfection of
                an artist.” Mitrione walked a very fine line between
                surgical and sadistic when he added: “When you get what
                you want, and I always, do, it may be good to prolong
                the session a little to apply another softening up, not
                to extract information now, but only as a political
                measure, to create a healthy fear.”</p>
              <p>In order to build the perfect underground classroom in
                which to teach his Uruguayan students the tools and
                techniques of their torturous trade, Mitrione
                soundproofed the basement of his Montevideo home. He
                tested its integrity by blasting Hawaiian music or
                having an assistant fire a pistol from the room while he
                listened from different points outside the home. Hevia
                claimed it was there that Mitrione trained Uruguayan
                police to torture using “beggars from the outskirts of
                Montevideo,” a practice he honed to perfection while
                stationed in Brazil. “There was no interrogation, only a
                demonstration of the different voltages on the different
                parts of the human body,” said Hevia.</p>
              <p>The Cuban claimed that Mitrione personally tortured
                four beggars to death in his bespoke dungeon. This fits
                a historical pattern: At the notorious US Army School of
                the Americas (SOA), then located in Panama, US doctors
                supervised torture classes in which homeless people were
                kidnapped from the streets of Panama City and used as
                human guinea pigs. <a
href="https://www.greenleft.org.au/content/united-states-americas-terrorist-training-camp">According
                  to</a> one former SOA instructor interviewed in the
                award-winning documentary film <em>Inside the School of
                  the Assassins</em>, “they would bring people in from
                the streets to the base, and the experts would train us
                on how to obtain information through torture… They had a
                US physician… who would teach the students… [about] the
                nerve endings of the body. He would show them where to
                torture, where and where not, where you wouldn’t kill
                the individual.”</p>
              <p>“The special horror of the course was its academic,
                almost clinical atmosphere,” said Hevia, who described
                Mitrione as “a perfectionist” and “coldly efficient.” To
                better electrocute victims, Mitrione experimented with
                fine wires that could be slipped between their teeth and
                into their gums. While some of the tortures he
                supervised were indeed innovative, others were anything
                but clinical, like the time he deprived a trade unionist
                of water for three days before giving him a pot of <a
href="https://fair.org/extra/adolfo-perez-esquivel-on-the-new-york-times-argentina-coverage/">water
                  mixed with urine</a> to drink.</p>
              <p>Hevia told the <em>New York Times </em>that Mitrione
                was no rogue agent. Rather, he “represented the program
                of the American mission” in Uruguay. “Mitrione was only
                carrying out policy,” the Cuban insisted. For the United
                States during the Cold War, torture was not a departure
                from the norm, it <em>was</em> the norm, from the
                villages of South Vietnam where tens of thousands of
                civilians were “neutralized” during the <a
href="https://books.google.com/books?id=GBGj4PvBfMEC&pg=PA97&lpg=PA97&dq=Phoenix+Program+Vietnam+torture+execution&source=bl&ots=_r2S9y8IPl&sig=ACfU3U2DVbHCKThYbEYXDaiEtKOlbqbotA&hl=en&sa=X&ved=2ahUKEwj6gb6iuKLqAhXDo54KHb2EB804FBDoATABegQIChAB%23v=onepage&q=Phoenix%2520Program%2520Vietnam%2520torture%2520execution&f=false">Phoenix
                  Program</a> to the some of the most prestigious
                hospitals and research facilities in North America,
                where perhaps thousands of men, women and children, many
                of them unwitting victims, were subjected to torturous
                experimentation during <a
href="https://www.smithsonianmag.com/smart-news/what-we-know-about-cias-midcentury-mind-control-project-180962836/">Project
                  MK-ULTRA</a> and other mind and behavior control
                programs.</p>
              <p>For Uruguay, savage torture was a departure from the
                norm in a nation once regarded as a model democracy. But
                such outrages occurred that the Uruguayan Senate was
                compelled to investigate. It concluded that torture had
                become “normal, frequent and habitual,” and that common
                techniques used to torture prisoners, including pregnant
                women, included electric shocks to the genitals, slow
                compression of testicles, electric needles under
                fingernails and burning with cigarettes. Filmmaker
                Eduardo Terra described being subjected daily to <a
href="https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.1080/03064227508532430?journalCode=rioc20">the
                  “submarine,”</a> in which a prisoner is nearly drowned
                in a tank of electrified water often full of urine,
                vomit or feces. Victor Paulo Laborde Baffico, a former
                Uruguayan naval intelligence officer, <a
href="https://www.upi.com/Archives/1981/11/01/Defector-says-US-manuals-used-to-teach-torture-in-Uruguay/9775373438800/">later
                  revealed</a> that the “submarine,” electroshock
                torture and what would later be called waterboarding
                were all taught to Uruguayan military officers from the
                pages of US torture manuals.</p>
              <p><strong>Kidnapped, Killed </strong></p>
              <p>Years later, Raúl Sendic <a
href="https://www.nytimes.com/1987/06/21/world/uruguayan-clears-up-state-of-siege-killing.html">told</a>
                the <em>New York Times</em> that Mitrione was targeted
                due to his direct role in training police in torture and
                in retaliation for the killing of student protesters.
                The corpulent Midwesterner was kidnapped as he left his
                home in suburban Carrasco on July 31, 1970. Sometime
                during or shortly after his abduction, Mitrione was shot
                in the shoulder. His captors treated — <a
href="http://static1.1.sqspcdn.com/static/f/1045809/20676702/1350599879063/DialogueBeforeDeath.pdf?token=y6Ad3EHrURcn8dkr6IMMMEQC46g%253D">and
                  apologized for</a> — the wound. The Tupamaros demanded
                the release of 150 of their jailed comrades in exchange
                for Mitrione’s safe release. Although the Richard Nixon
                administration’s public position was that it did not
                negotiate with terrorists, the US president urged
                Uruguayan President Jorge Pacheco Areco to “spare no
                effort” to secure the safe return of both Mitrione and
                Dr. Claude Fly, an American agricultural adviser
                abducted by the Tupamaros on August 7. Fly <a
href="https://archive.org/details/hiddenterrors00ajla/page/290/mode/2up?q=heart+attack">suffered
                  a heart attack</a> while still in captivity in March
                1971 and was rushed first to a heart surgeon and then to
                the local British Hospital, and freedom.</p>
              <p>“Sparing no effort” <a
                  href="https://nsarchive2.gwu.edu/NSAEBB/NSAEBB324/index.htm">included
                  a threat</a> by the Pacheco regime to execute the 150
                prisoners and their relatives. Still, 10 days passed,
                among them Mitrione’s 50th birthday on August 4, without
                progress. A <a
href="http://static1.1.sqspcdn.com/static/f/1045809/20676702/1350599879063/DialogueBeforeDeath.pdf?token=y6Ad3EHrURcn8dkr6IMMMEQC46g%3D">recorded
                  conversation</a> between Mitrione and his captors
                shows that both were uncertain, yet apparently hopeful,
                about the former’s fate. When Mitrione asks how long it
                will take until he is freed, one of his captors says the
                government will apply pressure. “We think you are very
                important,” he says on the tape. “I hope somebody thinks
                so,” replies Mitrione.</p>
              <p>The Tupamaros issued seven communiques before executing
                Mitrione. His body was discovered on August 10 at 4:15
                in the back of that Buick. He’d been shot twice in the
                head and once in the heart and back. Sendic, the former
                Tupamaro leader, always insisted that the rebels did not
                want to kill Mitrione and that his death was the
                unfortunate result of a communication breakdown after
                authorities captured Tupamaro leaders who were unable to
                tell his captors what to do with him. On the other hand,
                Eladio Moll, a former Uruguayan rear admiral and
                intelligence chief during the dictatorship, <a
href="https://books.google.com/books?id=oBM8UiDYz1MC&pg=PA182&lpg=PA182&dq=eladio+moll+%22they+didn%27t+deserve+to+live%22&source=bl&ots=Am8hIYi22Z&sig=ACfU3U3ExixpJw0US-gJvl9_bMf_uyJAbw&hl=en&sa=X&ved=2ahUKEwidj6Ge97HqAhXCvp4KHZ9LApoQ6AEwAHoECAoQAQ#v=onepage&q=eladio%20moll%20%22they%20didn't%20deserve%20to%20live%22&f=false">later
                  revealed</a> that US officials told state security
                forces to execute Tupamaro prisoners after interrogation
                because “they didn’t deserve to live.”</p>
              <p>Back in the US, Dan Mitrione was hailed as a hero.
                White House spokesman Ron Ziegler <a
href="https://books.google.com/books?id=k2RQAQAAMAAJ&pg=PA1315&lpg=PA1315&dq=white+house+statement+on+death+of+dan+mitrione&source=bl&ots=MTC-N6HeVc&sig=ACfU3U1neaRN_Q4TrNltBBEU0DqO6S28Ig&hl=en&sa=X&ved=2ahUKEwiSx8f906LqAhXSi54KHaBWBH4Q6AEwAXoECAkQAQ%23v=onepage&q=white%2520house%2520statement%2520on%2520death%2520of%2520dan%2520mitrione&f=false">lauded</a>
                his “devoted service to the cause of peaceful progress”
                as “an example for free men everywhere,” calling him a
                man who “exemplified the highest principles of the
                police profession.” To his wife, he was the “perfect
                man.” His daughter called him “a great humanitarian.”
                Frank Sinatra and Jerry Lewis even staged a benefit
                concert for his grieving family — Mitrione had nine
                children — in his home town of Richmond, Indiana on
                August 29.</p>
              <p><strong>Deadly Decade </strong></p>
              <p>In the days and weeks following Mitrione’s murder, US
                officials denied that he tortured Uruguayan prisoners.
                Alejandro Otero, the ambitious head of police
                intelligence, vehemently refuted the US claim. Otero
                resigned after learning that Mitrione tortured his
                friend, a woman who allegedly sympathized with the
                rebels. Days after Mitrione’s death, Otero <a
href="https://books.google.com/books?id=-IbQvd13uToC&pg=PA201&lpg=PA201&dq=only+use+violence+as+a+last+resort+otero&source=bl&ots=cJz6M9BifC&sig=ACfU3U24FfjlRjhoU0p9766rAq7DK9_ycw&hl=en&sa=X&ved=2ahUKEwj916f757HqAhUVs54KHS-HBKUQ6AEwAXoECAcQAQ#v=onepage&q=only%20use%20violence%20as%20a%20last%20resort%20otero&f=false">blamed
                  the American</a> and his violent methods for fueling
                the flames of the Tupamaros’ insurgency. “Before then,
                they would only use violence as a last resort,” he said.</p>
              <p>The new decade was one of increasingly violent state
                suppression of dissent in Uruguay. In 1972 a new
                president, Juan María Bordaberry, declared a state of
                “internal war,” and the Tupamaros were soon destroyed as
                the government escalated its repression and torture.
                Congress was dissolved, total censorship was enforced
                and political parties, labor unions and student groups
                were banned. During this period, the right-wing military
                dictatorships of numerous South American countries
                expanded <a
                  href="https://nsarchive.gwu.edu/events/operation-condor-1968-1989">Operation
                  Condor</a>, a US-backed campaign of coordinated “dirty
                war” state terrorism and repression in which tens of
                thousands of people were killed and hundreds of
                thousands more were imprisoned for their real or
                suspected political beliefs.</p>
              <p>According to Amnesty International, in the mid-1970s <a
href="https://www.amnesty.org/download/Documents/204000/amr520131979en.pdf">at
                  least 6,000 people</a> were being held as political
                prisoners in Uruguay, a country with less than 3 million
                people. That’s the equivalent of 728,000 people in the
                United States today. “Every Uruguayan was a prisoner
                except for jailers and exiles,” said Eduardo Galeano,
                the internationally renowned Uruguayan author who fled
                his homeland during the worst of the oppression. It
                would be another decade before democracy was restored,
                political prisoners like Mujica were freed and exiles
                like Galeano returned home. Most human rights violators
                from the dictatorship years enjoy codified immunity
                today, although Bordaberry died in 2011 while serving a
                30-year sentence for the murder and forced disappearance
                of dissidents during Operation Condor.</p>
              <p><strong>Mitrione’s Tortured Legacy </strong></p>
              <p>While Congress canceled the OPS program in 1974, its
                various missions were merely transferred to other
                agencies including the Drug Enforcement Administration
                and the FBI. USAID, which helped fund <a
                  href="https://repository.asu.edu/attachments/166680/content/4-11.pdf">opium
                  traffickers</a> in Laos, the <a
href="https://www.usaid.gov/sites/default/files/documents/1864/peru-508.pdf">forced
                  sterilization</a> of some 300,000 indigenous Peruvian
                women, <a
                  href="http://hiaw.org/defcon1/nairnelsalvadorbtds.html">Salvadoran
                  death squads</a> and Guatemala’s <a
href="https://www.google.com/books/edition/Modern_Genocide_The_Definitive_Resource/JB4UBgAAQBAJ?hl=en&gbpv=1&dq=USAID+Guatemala+genocide&pg=PA928&printsec=frontcover">genocidal
                  army</a>, continues to operate — <a
href="https://www.theguardian.com/world/2014/dec/11/cuban-hip-hop-scene-infiltrated-us-information-youth">and
                  subvert</a> — to this day.</p>
              <p>Although Dan Mitrione has been dead for half a century,
                his legacy lives on in the words and deeds of a new
                generation of US torturers. Many of the psychological
                and “no-touch” tortures he pioneered and practiced led
                to the “enhanced interrogation techniques” of the US war
                on terrorism, Guantánamo Bay and CIA “black sites.”
                Mitrione’s methodical approach to torture — “a premature
                death means failure by the technician” — echoes in the
                words of unrepentant Bush-era torturers and their
                apologists like John Yoo, Bruce Jessen, James Mitchell,
                Gina Haspel and CIA counterterrorism lawyer Jonathan
                Fredman, who with Mitrionesque coldness <a
href="https://www.abajournal.com/news/article/cia_lawyers_torture_definition_if_the_detainee_dies_youre_doing_it_wrong">instructed
                  the military</a> that “if the detainee dies, you’re
                doing it wrong.”</p>
              <p>Plenty of detainees <em>have</em> died in US custody,
                with dozens of their deaths <a
                  href="https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC1681676/">considered
                  or ruled as criminal homicides</a> by American
                military officials. Dan Mitrione would not have
                approved. The sheer sloppiness of their deaths would
                surely have offended his clinical sensibilities.</p>
            </div>
            <p> <i><strong>Brett Wilkins</strong> is editor-at-large
                for US news at Digital Journal. Based in San Francisco,
                his work covers issues of social justice, human rights
                and war and peace. </i> </p>
          </div>
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