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<font size="1"><a href="https://mailchi.mp/thetricontinental.org/goliath-is-not-invincible-the-twenty-third-newsletter-819173?e=d206d0a40d">https://mailchi.mp/thetricontinental.org/goliath-is-not-invincible-the-twenty-third-newsletter-819173?e=d206d0a40d</a>
</font><h1 class="gmail-reader-title">Ten-Point Agenda for the Global South After COVID-19: The Twenty-Fifth Newsletter (2020).</h1>
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<div class="gmail-reader-estimated-time">June 18, 2020<br></div>
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<p><span><span lang="ES-US">Jorge González Morales (Mexico), <em>Capitalism</em>, 2020</span></span></p>
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<div dir="ltr" id="gmail-docs-internal-guid-07302030-7fff-a962-a127-7fb366a6b8d3"><p><span><span><strong>Ten-Point Agenda for the Global South After COVID-19: The Twenty-Fifth Newsletter (2020).</strong></span></span></p><p>
Dear Friends,</p><p>
Greetings from the desk of the <a href="http://thetricontinental.org/"><span>Tricontinental: Institute for Social Research</span></a><span>.</span></p><p>
In 1974, the United Nations General Assembly <a href="https://digitallibrary.un.org/record/218450?ln=en"><span>passed</span></a>
a New International Economic Order (NIEO), which was driven by the
Non-Aligned Movement (NAM). The resolution laid out a clear plan for the
structural transformation of the world system, which was in the throes
of a crisis at the time. But, the NIEO was set aside and the world order
was shaped in a neoliberal direction; this neoliberal orientation
furthered the crisis and brought us to this current cul-de-sac of human
possibilities.</p><p>
Our team at Tricontinental: Institute for Social Research developed a
ten-point agenda for a post-COVID-19 world. Last week, I presented this
agenda at the High-Level Conference on the Post-Pandemic Economy,
organised by the Bolivarian Alliance for the Peoples of Our America
(ALBA). The rest of this newsletter is taken up with the agenda, which
we hope will be adopted by the Non-Aligned Movement (NAM) who might take
it forward for discussion to the UN General Assembly. We are certainly
in need of a New International Economic Order.</p></div>
<em>1. Tackle the global pandemic.</em>
<p dir="ltr">Our priority is to tackle the global pandemic. To this end,
enhancing and pivoting public sector production towards masks,
protective equipment, ventilators, field hospitals, and tests for the
entire population must be central – as it is already in places such as
Vietnam and in Venezuela. It is essential to establish worker control
over working conditions so that workers – who are best placed to make
these decisions – can be guaranteed a hygienic work environment. In the
absence of adequate public action, governments need to create work plans
to hire people for projects to break the chain of infection and to
ensure that people are fed, clothed, and in good health; such public
action can learn from the cooperatives in Kerala (India) and the
Committees for the Defence of the Revolution in Cuba. The workforce in
shuttered sectors – such as tourism – should be immediately hired into
jobs that are geared towards countering the pandemic.<br>
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<p><span><span lang="EN-GB">Greta Acosta Reyes (Cuba), <em>Women Who Fight</em>, 2020</span></span></p>
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<em>2. Broaden medical solidarity.</em><p>
A united front of the Global South must reject the IMF and
creditor-driven limit placed on government sector salaries; because of
these limits, former colonised countries have been losing medical
personnel to the North Atlantic states. States must use their precious
resources to enhance public medical education and train medical workers
within communities to provide public health services. ALBA’s medical
internationalism, with the Cuban brigades in the lead, must become a
model for the world through the World Health Organisation (WHO). Chinese
medical internationalism would play a key role here as the US departs
from the WHO. The entire private health sector must be nationalised, and
smaller medical centres need to be created so that people can easily
access public health facilities. Governments must withdraw from public
insurance for private health care; in other words, no more public
subsidies for private health care. Public health systems must be
strengthened, including the production of medical equipment and
medicines and the distribution of essential medicines (whose prices must
be controlled by regulations).</p><p>
3. <em>Create an intellectual commons.</em></p><p>
The Global South must push for the annulment of the TRIPS Agreement
(Trade-Related Aspects of Intellectual Property Rights), which provides
unrestrained property rights on goods that must be part of the global
commons. This applies directly to the COVID-19 vaccine, which must be
offered for production in countries without consideration of profits or
intellectual property rights. But it applies equally to any
pharmaceutical drugs, many of them publicly financed – the profits for
which are then privately appropriated – and to energy technologies that
would swiftly move us from fossil to renewable fuels as well as to more
efficient communications technologies (such as 5G). In the short term,
the states of the Global South must enhance mechanisms for science and
technology transfer amongst themselves.</p></div>
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<p><span><span lang="EN-GB">Judy Ann Seidman (South Africa), <em>Capitalism</em>, 2020</span></span></p>
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<em>4. Cancel debt.</em><p>
Reasonable estimates suggest that the ‘developing countries’ owe $11
trillion in external debt, with debt service for this year alone
estimated to be $3.9 trillion. With the coronavirus recession, such
payments are unthinkable. Debt relief must go beyond the forty-seven
‘least developed countries’ and include all of the states in the Global
South; this relief must not only postpone debt, but it must <em>cancel</em>
debt (from both public and private creditors). An international
alliance must be formed on a broad front to pressure creditors to cancel
the debt so that all resources that go to service the debt can be
channelled fully towards the dire needs of society.</p><p>
<em>5. Expand food solidarity.</em></p><p>
Half of the world’s population struggles with hunger. Food sovereignty
and food solidarity are essential antidotes, as has been shown by
platforms such as Via Campesina. Corporate control over agriculture must
be challenged and food production must be made into a human rights
priority. Funds need to be marshalled towards enhancing the production
of food; these funds need to be spent on infrastructure for agrarian
production (including to enhance such projects as the ALBA Seed Bank).
Universal public distribution systems must be strengthened to provide
higher incomes for farmers and to ensure distribution of food to the
people. A more robust rural landscape will decongest cities and draw
people to live meaningful lives in rural areas.</p><p>
<em>6. Enhance and invest in the public sector.</em></p><p>
The <a href="http://thetricontinental.org/studies/"><span>CoronaShock</span></a>
has shown that the private sector is simply not capable of addressing
emergencies, let alone human needs. States of the Global South must lead
by offering a robust defence of the public sector, not only for the
production of key goods and services (medicine and food), but for
anything that is essential for modern life – more public housing, more
public transportation, more public Wi-Fi, and more public education.
Allowing the profit sector to commodify these parts of human life has
eroded our capacity to build a civilised society.</p></div>
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<p><span><span lang="ES">Davide Leone, Associazione Italiana Design della Comunicazione Visiva (Italy), <em>Capitalism</em>, 2020</span></span></p>
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<em>7. Implement wealth taxes.</em><p>
Currently, roughly $32 trillion is sitting in offshore<span> </span><a href="https://www.thetricontinental.org/working-document-1/"><span>tax havens</span></a>,
and untold amounts of money are simply not counted towards taxation.
Two things are necessary: first, that illicit financial flows be
recovered, and second, that wealth taxes be properly imposed on the
upper echelons of the bourgeoisie and the wealthy land-owning elite, as
well as financiers and those engaged in financial speculation. These
funds would be enough to redirect priorities to eliminate poverty,
hunger, illiteracy, homelessness, and indignity on a global level.</p><p>
<em>8. Enact capital controls.</em></p><p>
Without capital controls, a country has no effective economic
sovereignty. States of the Global South must create an international
platform that binds each of them to undertake capital controls; this is a
political issue that cannot be implemented by a single country. Capital
controls are measures taken by a government to regulate the flow of
finances into and out of a country. Such controls include transaction
taxes, minimum stay requirements, and caps on the amount of currency
that can move across borders. Capital controls and democratic control
over the Central Bank will prevent capital flight and should give
governments sovereignty over their currency and their economy.</p></div>
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<p><span><span lang="EN-GB">Túlio Carapiá and Clara Cerqueira (Brazil), <em>Fruits of the Earth</em>, 2020</span></span></p>
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<em>9. Shift to non-dollar-based regional trade.</em><p>
Dedollarisation is an essential part of a new agenda. Sixty per cent of
the world’s reserves are held in dollars, and world commerce is largely
conducted in dollars. The Dollar-Wall Street Complex has a near
stranglehold on international finance and trade; it is no surprise that
US unilateral sanctions are having a catastrophic impact on countries
not necessarily because they rely upon the dollar, but because their
trading partners are enmeshed in it. The dollar has become a weapon to
undermine development. Experimental alternative payment systems like the
Sucre need to be dusted off, and new global financial institutions need
to be created to facilitate wire transfers. In the short run, this
could begin with non-dollar-based regional facilities, although there is
a need for global institutions to set aside the immense advantage
provided to the United States by the dollar being used as a global
currency. Relatedly, there is a need to strengthen regional trade blocs
that would honour barter as a mechanism for payment.</p><p>
<em>10. Centralise planning, decentralise public action.</em></p><p>
The pandemic has shown us the power of central planning and the
importance of decentralised public action. Economies that are not
allowed to plan their use of resources have floundered before the virus.
There is a need to establish participatory central planning mechanisms
on an ever-increasing scale and to recast social production towards need
– not towards profit. These plans must be derived from maximum
democratic input and must be transparent to the public. Central planning
would enable the nationalisation of sectors such as mining (including
energy production), the large-scale production and processing of food,
and tourism; these would be placed under worker control into
cooperatives. It would be an instrument to minimise waste, including
profligate military expenditures. The enhancement of local
self-government and cooperative production, as well as of associations
and unions of the people, will allow social life to become increasingly
democratic.</p></div>
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<p><span><span lang="EN-GB">Ahmed Mofeed (Palestine), <em>Coca-Cola Zero</em>, 2020</span> </span></p>
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The images in this newsletter are from the Anti-Imperialist poster <a href="https://antiimperialistweek.org/en/exhibitions/capitalism/"><span>exhibition</span></a>.
The first set of posters are on the idea of capitalism. Please go to
the website and browse through the posters, which come from
seventy-seven artists from twenty-six countries and twenty-one
organisations.<p>
Warmly, Vijay.</p><p>
PS: please share this newsletter from our <a href="https://www.thetricontinental.org/newsletterissue/25-2020-ten-point-agenda/" target="_blank"><span>website</span></a>.
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