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<div class="header reader-header reader-show-element" dir="ltr"> <font
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href="https://venezuelanalysis.com/analysis/14629">https://venezuelanalysis.com/analysis/14629</a></font>
<h1 class="reader-title">Venezuela Retains Political Control
After New US Coercive Measures</h1>
<div class="credits reader-credits">By Nino Pagliccia - One
World - August 15, 2019<br>
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<p>In political terms the government of Venezuela had a
good month of July while managing very critical
economic circumstances. Reps of 120 Non Aligned
Movement (NAM) countries attended their ministerial
meeting in Caracas, and more than 700 delegates from
dozens of leftist parties and social movements from
about 32 countries were in attendance for the 25<sup>th</sup>
encounter of the Sao Paulo Forum (SPF), also in
Caracas, a few days later. Even the quick recovery
from what appeared to be another sabotage of the
electric power grid, which occurred in the days
between the two meetings, was seen as a sign of an
efficient and responsive government fully in control.</p>
<p>However, the month of August had a more challenging
beginning for Venezuela. But we think that the Maduro
government still retains full command of the political
situation.</p>
<p>On August 5, the day before the meeting of the
so-called Lima Group in Lima, Peru, United States
President Donald Trump signed an <a
href="https://www.whitehouse.gov/presidential-actions/executive-order-blocking-property-government-venezuela/">Executive
Order</a> on “Blocking Property of the Government of
Venezuela”. This may well be the most severe
unilateral coercive measure (sanction) against
Venezuela to this date. It also meets the criteria of
a total blockade on the country, despite Secretary of
State Mike Pompeo’s denial that “<a
href="https://www.state.gov/the-united-states-imposes-maximum-pressure-on-former-maduro-regime/">this
is not an embargo</a>”.</p>
<p>The more serious and controversial issue of the
Trump’s executive order is that it implies the
possibility of its extraterritorial application. US
National Security Adviser John Bolton left no doubt
about that intention <a
href="https://www.washingtonpost.com/national-security/trump-administration-threatens-to-sanction-russia-china-for-aiding-venezuelas-government/2019/08/06/0ed664b6-b852-11e9-bad6-609f75bfd97f_story.html">saying</a>
that the order “also authorizes sanctions on foreign
persons who provide support or goods or services to
any designated person, including the government of
Venezuela.”</p>
<p>The EU immediately <a
href="https://www.telesurenglish.net/news/EU-Opposes-Recent-US-Total-Blockade-Against-Venezuela--20190807-0006.html">opposed</a>
Washington’s threat and other countries may follow.
But we know that Trump is not shying away from his
version of “if you’re not with us, you are against
us”. He has recently <a
href="https://www.telesurenglish.net/news/US-to-Fully-Apply-Helms-Burton-Act-Against-Cuba-From-Today-20190502-0008.html">implemented</a>,
for the first time since 1996, Title III of the
Helms-Burton Act (blockade) on Cuba, which allows US
persons, whose property was taken over by the Cuban
government after 1959, to sue companies and
individuals who "traffic" in those properties in US
courts. This has serious implications for many
European and Canadian companies currently operating in
Cuba.</p>
<p>The US blockade of Venezuela is intended to “make the
Venezuelan economy scream”; nevertheless, the blockade
does not guarantee the collapse of the economy. After
almost 60 years of persistent and harsh US blockade,
Cuba’s economy has done fairly well in maintaining its
socialist project, initially with the support of the
former Soviet Union, and since the early 1990s with
the development of a thriving tourist sector that has
brought substantial foreign investment to the chagrin
of the US government.</p>
<p>Therefore, in geopolitical terms, the
extraterritorial element of the blockade on Venezuela
is the US second line of attack - unlikely directed at
the EU or Canada that have recognized self appointed
“interim president” Juan Guaidó - rather directed at
Russia and China that have sided in words and deeds
with the elected president Nicolás Maduro.</p>
<p>Russia has not only sold military equipment to
Venezuela and trained its military, but last July 10
the two countries <a
href="https://sputniknews.com/latam/201908081076502394-russia-venezuela-sign-protocol-facilitating-rosnefts-activities-at-venezuelan-gas-fields/">signed
a protocol</a> on facilitating Russian state-owned
oil company Rosneft's activities in two gas fields on
the continental shelf of the Bolivarian Republic of
Venezuela.</p>
<p>China has also developed important economic
cooperation with Venezuela. A joint venture of over
$1.8 billion between Venezuelan Petroleum Corp (CVP)
and China National Petroleum Corp (CNPC) was just <a
href="https://www.businesstimes.com.sg/energy-commodities/venezuela-begins-expansion-of-crude-joint-venture-with-china">reported</a>.</p>
<p>Enter John Bolton with a <a
href="https://www.washingtonpost.com/national-security/trump-administration-threatens-to-sanction-russia-china-for-aiding-venezuelas-government/2019/08/06/0ed664b6-b852-11e9-bad6-609f75bfd97f_story.html">threatening
message</a> in Lima: “to both Russia and China, we
say that your support to the Maduro regime is
intolerable, particularly to the democratic regime
that will replace Maduro.”</p>
<p>Both in tone and actions Washington is sounding
increasingly desperate and frustrated at the lack of
tangible results in its effort at regime change in
Venezuela. The US has usually been absent at meetings
of the “Lima Group”; it is not even a member of it.
Canada has normally taken on the “leadership” role
with other a dozen or so nations.</p>
<p>The Lima meeting was clearly driven by a combative US
government with the high profile presence of National
Security Advisor John Bolton and Secretary of
Commerce Wilbur Ross. If Bolton held Washington’s
stick, Ross offered its carrot as a vague recovery
plan for Venezuela after Maduro. Of the 100
governments invited, only about 60 reps were present,
mostly observers. Many declined, including Russia and
China.</p>
<p>If Washington’s intention was to bring on board more
international allies, the strategy didn’t work. The UN
Assembly would have been a larger and captive
audience. Why was that venue not chosen?</p>
<p>The answer lies in the balance of support for the
Maduro government. While reportedly about 50
governments do not, 120 NAM governments showed their
support with their presence and <a
href="http://mppre.gob.ve/2019/07/22/declaracion-reunion-ministerial-mnoal/">joint
declaration</a> in Caracas in July. </p>
<p>The Maduro government seems to show a better
understanding of the world order, the role of the UN
and the mustering of public support. This spells
failure of the US blockade as it did in the case of
Cuba, at least politically. Caracas is still in
control. It has not only <a
href="http://mppre.gob.ve/comunicado/venezuela-denuncia-comunidad-internacional-nueva-agresion-trump-terrorismo-economico/">denounced</a>
the White House executive order, calling it “economic
and political terrorism,” illegal according the UN
Charter, but it is also making a direct appeal to the
UN. As we write, a campaign to <a
href="https://albaciudad.org/2019/08/presidente-maduro-con-su-firma-el-pueblo-venezolano-alza-su-voz-con-dignidad-contra-el-imperio/">collect
signatures</a> for a “Letter from Venezuelans to the
Secretary General of the United Nations” is underway.
All world supporters are invited to sign as well.</p>
<p><em>The views expressed in this article are the
author's own and do not necessarily reflect those of
the Venezuelanalysis editorial staff.</em></p>
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