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            href="https://venezuelanalysis.com/analysis/14308">https://venezuelanalysis.com/analysis/14308</a></font>
        <h1 class="reader-title">Juan Guaidó: The Man Who Would Be
          President of Venezuela Doesn’t Have a Constitutional Leg to
          Stand On</h1>
        <div class="credits reader-credits">By Roger Harris - February
          8, 2019<br>
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                <p>Donald Trump imagines Juan Guaidó is the rightful
                  president of Venezuela. Mr. Guaidó, a man of
                  impeccable illegitimacy, was <a
href="https://grayzoneproject.com/2019/01/29/the-making-of-juan-guaido-how-the-us-regime-change-laboratory-created-venezuelas-coup-leader/">exposed</a>
                  by Dan Cohen and Max Blumenthal as “a product of a
                  decade-long project overseen by Washington’s elite
                  regime change trainers.” Argentinian sociologist Marco
                  Teruggi described Guaidó in the same article as “a
                  character that has been <a
href="https://grayzoneproject.com/2019/01/29/the-making-of-juan-guaido-how-the-us-regime-change-laboratory-created-venezuelas-coup-leader/">created</a>
                  for this circumstance” of regime change. Here, his
                  constitutional credentials to be interim president of
                  Venezuela are deconstructed.</p>
                <p>Educated at George Washington University in DC,
                  Guaidó was virtually unknown in his native Venezuela
                  before being thrust on to the world stage in a rapidly
                  unfolding series of events. In a <a
href="https://www.conelmazodando.com.ve/oposicion-sin-liderazgo-81-de-los-venezolanos-no-sabe-quien-es-juan-guaido-encuesta">poll</a>
                  conducted a little more than a week before Guaidó
                  appointed himself president of the country, 81% of
                  Venezuelans had never even heard of the 35-year-old.</p>
                <p>To make a <a
href="https://www.wsj.com/articles/a-call-from-pence-helped-set-an-uncertain-new-course-in-venezuela-11548430259?eType=EmailBlastContent&eId=0c2ae8b0-656d-4bfa-9d93-61a4b8eb8e12">short
                    story</a> shorter, US Vice President Pence phoned
                  Guaidó on the evening of January 22<sup>rd</sup> and
                  asked him how’d he like to be made president of
                  Venezuela. The next day, Guaidó announced that he
                  considered himself president of Venezuela, followed
                  within minutes by US President Trump confirming the
                  self-appointment.</p>
                <p>A few weeks before on January 5, Guaidó had been
                  selected as president of Venezuela’s National
                  Assembly, their unicameral legislature. He had been
                  elected to the assembly from a coastal district with
                  26% of the vote. It was his party’s turn for the
                  presidency of the body, and he was hand-picked for the
                  position. Guaidó, even within his own party, was not
                  in the top leadership.</p>
                <p>Guaidó’s party, Popular Will, is a far-right marginal
                  group whose most enthusiastic boosters are John
                  Bolton, Elliott Abrams, and Mike Pompeo. Popular Will
                  had adopted a strategy of regime change by
                  extra-parliamentary means rather than engage in the
                  democratic electoral process and had not participated
                  in recent Venezuelan elections.</p>
                <p>Although anointed by Trump and company, Guaidó’s
                  Popular Will Party is not representative of the
                  “Venezuelan opposition,” which is a fractious bunch
                  whose hatred of Maduro is only matched by their
                  abhorrence of each other. Leading opposition candidate
                  <a
href="https://www.reuters.com/article/us-venezuela-politics-election-analysis/maduro-challenger-shakes-up-venezuelas-presidential-vote-idUSKCN1GU04N?eType=EmailBlastContent&eId=0c2ae8b0-656d-4bfa-9d93-61a4b8eb8e12">Henri
                    Falcón</a>, who ran against Maduro in 2018 on a
                  neoliberal austerity platform, had been vehemently
                  opposed by Popular Will who demanded that he join
                  their US-backed <a
href="https://www.usnews.com/opinion/world-report/articles/2018-03-03/new-evidence-the-trump-administration-is-meddling-in-venezuelas-elections?eType=EmailBlastContent&eId=0c2ae8b0-656d-4bfa-9d93-61a4b8eb8e12">boycott</a>
                  of the election.</p>
                <p>The Venezuelan news outlet, <em>Ultimas Noticias</em>,
                  reported that prominent opposition politician Henrique
                  Capriles, who had run against Maduro in 2013,
                  “affirmed during an interview that the majority of <a
href="http://www.ultimasnoticias.com.ve/noticias/politica/capriles-partidos-no-apoyaban-autojuramentacion-de-guaido/">opposition
                    parties did not agree</a> with the self-swearing in
                  of Juan Guaidó as interim president of the country.” <a
href="https://www.aporrea.org/oposicion/n337146.html">Claudio Fermin</a>,
                  president of the party Solutions for Venezuela, wrote
                  “we believe in the vote, in dialogue, we believe in
                  coming to an understanding, we believe Venezuelans
                  need to <a
                    href="https://www.aporrea.org/tiburon/n337622.html">part
                    ways with the extremist</a> sectors that only offer
                  hatred, revenge, lynching.” Key opposition governor of
                  the State of Táchira, Laidy Gómez, has <a
href="http://www.lechuguinos.com/laidy-gomez-no-quiere-intervencionismo/">rejected</a>
                  Guaidó’s support of intervention by the US, warning
                  that it “would generate death of Venezuelans.”</p>
                <p>The Guaidó/Trump cabal does not reflect the
                  democratic consensus in Venezuela, where polls
                  consistently show super majorities <a
href="https://grayzoneproject.com/2019/01/29/venezuelans-oppose-intervention-us-sanctions-poll/">oppose
                    outside intervention</a>. Popular opinion in
                  Venezuela supports negotiations between the government
                  and the opposition as proposed by Mexico, Uruguay, and
                  the Vatican. The Maduro administration has embraced
                  the negotiations as a peaceful solution to the crisis
                  facing Venezuela.</p>
                <p>The US government <a
href="https://www.msn.com/en-us/news/politics/time-for-action-pence-whips-up-venezuelan-crowd-in-doral-pledges-continued-support/ar-BBT4fDk">rejects
                    a negotiated solution</a>, in the words of Vice
                  President Pence: “This is no time for dialogue; this
                  is time for action.” This intransigent position is
                  faithfully echoed by Guaidó. So while most Venezuelans
                  want peace, the self-appointed president, backed by
                  the full force of US military power, wrote in a <a
href="https://www.nytimes.com/2019/01/30/opinion/juan-guaido-venezuela.html">New
                    York Times</a> op-ed that it was possible to “end
                  the Maduro regime with a minimum of bloodshed.”</p>
                <p>The Guaidó/Trump cabal’s fig leaf for legitimacy is
                  based on the <a
href="https://www.laiguana.tv/articulos/428481-maduro-legitimo-baltazar-garzon/">bogus
                    argument</a> that Article 233 of the <a
                    href="https://venezuelanalysis.com/constitution">Venezuelan
                    constitution</a> gives the National Assembly the
                  power to declare a national president’s “abandonment”
                  of the office. In which case, the president of the
                  National Assembly can serve as an interim national
                  president, until presidential elections are held. The
                  inconvenient truth is that Maduro has shown no
                  inclination to abandon his post, and the constitution
                  says no such thing.</p>
                <p>In fact, the grounds for replacing a president are
                  very clearly laid out in the first paragraph of <a
                    href="https://venezuelanalysis.com/constitution/title/5">Article
                    233</a> of the Venezuelan constitution and do not
                  include fraudulent or illegitimate election, which is
                  what the cabal has been claiming. In the convoluted
                  logic of the US government and its epigones, if the
                  people elect someone the cabal doesn’t like, the
                  election is by definition fraudulent and the
                  democratically elected winner is <em>ipso facto </em>a
                  dictator.</p>
                <p>The function of adjudicating the validity of an
                  election, as in any country, is to be dealt with
                  through court challenges, not by turning to Donald
                  Trump for his approval. And certainly not by anointing
                  an individual from a party that could have run in the
                  2018 election but decided to boycott.</p>
                <p>The National Electoral Council (CNE), Venezuela’s
                  separate electoral branch, has certified Maduro’s
                  reelection, as have independent international
                  observers. A transparent and redundant auditing
                  process of the vote had been conducted at each polling
                  station and all party representatives – including
                  opposition ones – signed off on the validity of the
                  process when the polls closed. Further, no appeal was
                  filed by any of the boycotting parties.</p>
                <p>Maduro was sworn into office under constitutional
                  Article 231 before the <a
                    href="https://venezuelanalysis.com/news/14211">Supreme
                    Tribunal of Justice</a> (TSJ), which is the separate
                  high court branch of the Venezuelan government. The
                  TSJ had previously found the National Assembly to be
                  in judicial contempt under Article 336:7, because the
                  assembly had sworn in three deputies temporarily
                  suspended because of voting irregularities.</p>
                <p>The far-right opposition has boycotted the high court
                  as well as the electoral process. They contest the
                  legitimacy of the TSJ because some members of the TSJ
                  were appointed by a lame duck National Assembly
                  favorable to Maduro, after a new National Assembly
                  with a majority in opposition had been elected in
                  December 2015 but not yet seated.</p>
                <p>Even if President Maduro were somehow deemed to have
                  experienced what is termed a <em>falta absoluta </em>(i.e.,
                  some sort of void in the presidency due to death,
                  insanity, absence, etc.), the National Assembly
                  president is only authorized to take over if the <em>falta
                    absoluta</em> occurs before the lawful president
                  "takes possession." However, Maduro was already "in
                  possession” before the January 10, 2019 presidential
                  inauguration and even before the May 10, 2018
                  presidential election. Maduro had won the presidency
                  in the 2013 election and ran and won reelection last
                  May.</p>
                <p>If the <em>falta absoluta</em> is deemed to have
                  occurred during the first four years of the
                  presidential term, the vice president takes over. Then
                  the constitution decrees that a snap election for the
                  presidency must be held within 30 days. This is what
                  happened when President Hugo Chávez died while in
                  office in 2013. Then Vice President Nicolás Maduro
                  succeeded to the presidency, called for new elections,
                  and was elected by the people of Venezuela.</p>
                <p>If it is deemed that the <em>falta absoluta</em>
                  occurred during the last two years of the six-year
                  presidential term, the vice president serves until the
                  end of the term, according to the Venezuelan
                  constitution. And if the time of the alleged <em>falta
                    absoluta</em> is unclear – when Maduro presided over
                  “illegitimate” elections in 2018, as is claimed by the
                  far-right opposition – it is up to the TSJ to decide,
                  not the head of the National Assembly or even such an
                  august authority as US Senator Marco Rubio. Or the
                  craven US press (too numerous to cite), which without
                  bothering to read the plain language of the Bolivarian
                  Constitution, repeatedly refers to Guaidó as the
                  “constitutionally authorized” or “legitimate”
                  president.</p>
                <p>As <a
href="https://dezayasalfred.wordpress.com/2019/01/25/former-u-n-expert-the-u-s-is-violating-international-law-by-attempting-a-coup-in-venezuela/">Alfred
                    de Zayas</a>, United Nations independent expert on
                  the promotion of a democratic and equitable
                  international order, tweeted: “Article 233 of the
                  Venezuelan constitution is inapplicable and cannot be
                  twisted into legitimizing Guaidó’s self-proclamation
                  as interim President. A <a
                    href="https://twitter.com/Alfreddezayas/status/1093061037086203904">coup
                    is a coup</a>.”</p>
                <p><em>Roger Harris with the <a
                      href="http://taskforceamericas.org/">Task Force on
                      the Americas</a> and the <a
href="https://afgj.org/focus-areas/venezuela-solidarity-campaign/campaign-to-end-us-and-canada-sanctions-against-venezuela">Campaign
                      to End US/Canada Sanctions Against Venezuela</a>.</em></p>
                <p><em>The views expressed in this article are the
                    author's own and do not necessarily reflect those of
                    the Venezuelanalysis editorial staff.</em></p>
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