<html>
  <head>

    <meta http-equiv="content-type" content="text/html; charset=utf-8">
  </head>
  <body text="#000000" bgcolor="#FFFFFF">
    <div class="container font-size5 content-width3">
      <div class="header reader-header reader-show-element" dir="ltr"> <font
          size="-2"><a class="domain reader-domain"
href="https://www.hcn.org/articles/tribal-affairs-where-are-the-indigenous-children-that-never-came-home-carlisle-indian-school">https://www.hcn.org/articles/tribal-affairs-where-are-the-indigenous-children-that-never-came-home-carlisle-indian-school</a></font>
        <h1 class="reader-title">Where are the Indigenous children that
          never came home?<br>
        </h1>
        <div class="credits reader-credits">Nick Estes and Alleen Brown
          - <span class="pubdate">Sept. 25, 2018</span></div>
      </div>
      <hr>
      <div class="content">
        <div class="moz-reader-content line-height4 reader-show-element"
          dir="ltr">
          <div id="readability-page-1" class="page">
            <div>
              <div>
                <p><i>This story was done in collaboration with </i><a
                    href="https://theintercept.com/" target="_blank"
                    data-linktype="external"
                    data-val="https://theintercept.com/">The Intercept</a><i>.
                  </i></p>
                <p>When Yufna Soldier Wolf was a kid, she was made well
                  aware of why her family members only spoke English,
                  and why they dressed the way they did. Her grandfather
                  and other elders used to recount their experiences at
                  boarding schools, where the government sent hundreds
                  of thousands of Indigenous children, from nearly every
                  Indigenous nation within U.S. borders, to unlearn
                  their languages and cultures. “A lot of them were
                  physically abused, verbally abused, sexually abused,”
                  she said.</p>
                <p>At the center of the stories were the children who
                  never came home from the Carlisle Indian Industrial
                  School, where her grandfather was a student. “My
                  grandpa used to say, ‘Don’t forget these children.
                  Don’t forget my brother — he’s still buried there,’”
                  Soldier Wolf said. She promised that she would
                  remember.</p>
                <p>The school, which opened in 1879 in Carlisle,
                  Pennsylvania, and closed its doors 100 years ago, this
                  month, was the United States’ most notorious Indian
                  boarding school and the starting point for more than a
                  century of child removal policies that continue to
                  tear apart Indigenous families today. Carlisle, and
                  hundreds of federally funded boarding schools like it,
                  were key to the U.S. government’s project of
                  destroying Indigenous nations and indoctrinating
                  children with military discipline and U.S. patriotism.</p>
                <p>It was Soldier Wolf’s closeness to her family and
                  their stories of abuse at the school that inspired her
                  to become the Northern Arapaho tribal historic
                  preservation officer and work on the return of the
                  children lost at Carlisle.</p>
                <p>In June, after about a decade of back-and-forth with
                  the U.S. Army, which owns the Carlisle property,
                  Soldier Wolf stood present as Little Plume, the last
                  of three Northern Arapaho children buried there, was
                  exhumed and sent back to the Wind River Reservation in
                  Wyoming. The remains of two others, 14-year-old Horse
                  and 15-year-old Little Chief, Soldier Wolf’s great
                  uncle, had been returned the previous August.</p>
                <p>The Northern Arapaho Tribe is the first to succeed in
                  bringing home children interred at Carlisle’s military
                  cemeteries — but it won’t be the last, and Carlisle is
                  only the tip of the iceberg.</p>
                <p>A coalition of Indigenous organizations — including
                  the National Congress of American Indians, which
                  represents 250 Indigenous nations, the International
                  Indian Treaty Council, the Native American Rights
                  Fund, and the National Native American Boarding School
                  Healing Coalition — has turned to the United Nations
                  to demand that the U.S. government “provide a full
                  accounting of the children taken into government
                  custody under the U.S. Indian Boarding School Policy
                  whose fate and whereabouts remain unknown.”</p>
                <p>After unsuccessful attempts to obtain such
                  information directly through Freedom of Information
                  Act requests to the U.S. Bureau of Indian Education,
                  the coalition members hope that pressure from the U.N.
                  Working Group on Enforced or Involuntary
                  Disappearances will make the difference. An appeal
                  could require the U.S. to report on the statuses of
                  missing Native boarding school children every six
                  months. </p>
                <p>“Our greatest hope is to start to raise awareness
                  about this part of American history, but also to get
                  some acknowledgement and accountability from the U.S.
                  government,” said Christine Diindiisi McCleave,
                  executive officer for the Boarding School Healing
                  Coalition. “The fact that they haven’t willingly done
                  that is disrespectful and a human rights violation.”</p>
                <p>The Interior Department, which oversees the Bureau of
                  Indian Education, did not respond to a request for
                  comment.</p>
                <p>Those pushing for the U.N. filing and the return of
                  children’s remains acknowledge that it’s only a
                  beginning — a full accounting of Carlisle’s legacy
                  would mean reforming child welfare systems that
                  continue to separate Native children from the land and
                  their communities. Although Carlisle and the boarding
                  schools like it have closed, child removal is an
                  enduring reality for many Native families and their
                  nations. “It’s always worked for colonizers worldwide,
                  you take the children and you break the family tie,”
                  said Madonna Thunder Hawk, a boarding school survivor
                  who now works for the Lakota People’s Law Project
                  advocating Indian child welfare reform in South
                  Dakota. “If we’re fighting for the land, we’re also
                  fighting for our future,” Thunder Hawk said of her
                  community in Cheyenne River. “Who is going to be on
                  the land? We’ve got to keep our children.”</p>
                <p><strong>AT CARLISLE, KILL THE INDIAN, SAVE THE MAN</strong></p>
                <p>For Carlisle’s founder, Richard Henry Pratt, an
                  Indian fighter who once served with George Armstrong
                  Custer, the boarding school was another battlefront of
                  the Indian wars. Pratt devised the school’s curriculum
                  of “kill the Indian, save the man” from his
                  experiments in forced education on Cheyenne, Caddo,
                  Arapaho, Kiowa, and Comanche prisoners of war at Fort
                  Marion, Florida, in the early 1870s. The prison
                  experiments impressed Indian reformers in Congress,
                  who authorized the Bureau of Indian Affairs to take
                  control of the Carlisle Barracks to build the nation’s
                  first off-reservation boarding school.</p>
                <p>As Pratt assembled Carlisle’s first class of
                  students, Commissioner of Indian Affairs Ezra Hayt
                  ordered him to take children from the Lakotas because
                  of their “hostile attitude toward the government.”
                  Hayt hoped to pressure the Lakotas, and other western
                  Indigenous nations, into opening millions of acres of
                  treaty-protected territory for white settlement. “The
                  children would be hostages for the good behavior of
                  their people,” wrote Pratt of his first Carlisle
                  recruitment mission at the Rosebud and Pine Ridge
                  agencies in Dakota Territory.</p>
                <p>From the 1880s through the 1920s, conditions at
                  boarding schools were especially terrible — and
                  deadly. “Routinely, you have students begging for
                  clothes and food,” said Preston McBride, a University
                  of California, Los Angeles Ph.D. candidate working on
                  a dissertation about health conditions in the schools.
                  “There were students sharing spoons and cups in dining
                  halls, sharing bath water,” he added. “Once a disease
                  hit, it rapidly spread.”</p>
                <p>The schools tended to send sick kids back to their
                  families — many died en route or within days of
                  arriving home. When students did die in the schools,
                  McBride said, records show that at times the area
                  Indian agent, rather than the family, was informed of
                  the death. Runaways were common, and for children
                  thousands of miles from home, finding their way back
                  would have been practically impossible.</p>
                <p>Indeed, determining exactly how many children might
                  have disappeared after they were sent to boarding
                  school is no simple task. “It’s really hard to give an
                  estimate to anything related to boarding schools —
                  because the government doesn’t even know how many
                  children went through them,” McBride said. He
                  estimates those who disappeared number in the
                  thousands.</p>
                <p><strong>FROM BOARDING SCHOOL TO FOSTER CARE</strong></p>
                <p>Thirty-five years after Carlisle closed, when Sandy
                  White Hawk was 18 months old, she was adopted out to a
                  white missionary family who promised to “save” her
                  from a life of poverty and abuse on the Rosebud
                  Reservation, where she was born. White Hawk did not
                  escape either in her adopted family, and the problems
                  were compounded by a deeper sense of loss over who she
                  was as an Indigenous person.</p>
                <p>White Hawk compares her experience as an adoptee to
                  that of her brother, who was sent away to boarding
                  school. “Adoption and boarding schools were about
                  stripping Native people of who they were,” she said.
                  Throughout the 20th century, the two worked in tandem.</p>
                <p>After World War II, social workers picked up where
                  boarding schools like Carlisle left off, placing
                  children into state foster care or adopting them into
                  white families. The child sweeps dovetailed with
                  federal termination policy, which aimed to assert
                  state jurisdiction over Native lands and relocate
                  Native people off-reservation. In 1957, Utah
                  Republican Sen. Arthur V. Watkins, a termination
                  advocate, characterized the approach as a “freeing of
                  the Indians from special federal restrictions on the
                  property and the person of the tribes and their
                  members,” which held them back from “the full
                  realization of their national citizenship.”</p>
                <p>Once relocated to cities and enrolled in public
                  schools, families came under increased surveillance by
                  state officials and children once again became targets
                  for removal. The practice became so routine that by
                  the early 1970s, according to a report by the
                  Association on American Indian Affairs, more than a
                  quarter of Native children nationwide had been taken
                  from their families. As Amy Lonetree, a history
                  professor at the University of California, Santa Cruz,
                  put it, “Every single Indigenous family in the
                  post-World War II era lived with the threat of child
                  removal.”</p>
                <p>The practice was particularly acute in states like
                  Minnesota, and today, it has hardly subsided. “We have
                  the highest rate of Indigenous child removal in the
                  United States,” White Hawk, now an Indian child
                  welfare advocate living in Minnesota, said of the
                  state’s foster care system. In 2016, the Star Tribune
                  reported that although Native children made up less
                  than 2 percent of Minnesota’s population, they
                  accounted for a quarter of children in foster care<strong>.</strong></p>
                <p>Advocates like White Hawk say that while healing from
                  the past is important, stopping contemporary forms of
                  Indigenous family separation is just as urgent. In
                  recent years, the Goldwater Institute, a powerful
                  libertarian think tank based in Phoenix, has led
                  multiple legal attacks on the Indian Child Welfare Act
                  of 1978, charging that the legislation — which
                  requires judges and social workers to preserve Native
                  families when possible — does not ensure equal
                  protection under the law because it is based on
                  “race.” ICWA, however, was established to protect
                  children who are members of tribes or whose biological
                  parents are members of tribes in an effort to combat
                  the history of places like Carlisle and the role
                  foster care and adoption agencies play in continuing
                  to remove Native children from their families.</p>
                <p>To White Hawk, keeping Native families together today
                  is also about shifting resources from the foster care
                  system to affordable housing, especially in cities
                  like Minneapolis, which is experiencing a housing
                  shortage. “We have always known what we need, but we
                  have not had resources,” she said. Instead of
                  providing effective housing assistance to keep Native
                  families together, the state’s money goes into the
                  foster care system. “It’s a shame that money would go
                  to a stranger to foster an Indian child and not to
                  preserve the Indian family, which is the heart of
                  ICWA.” According to state statutes, Minnesota foster
                  parents can earn anywhere from $650 to $2,410 per
                  child per month, depending on the number of children
                  under their care and a child’s special needs.</p>
                <p><strong>FIGHTING BACK</strong></p>
                <p>In the face of Carlisle’s sweeping legacy, returning
                  some of the children who were taken is a remarkably
                  arduous small step. There is a lack of legal clarity
                  around whether the Native American Graves Protection
                  and Repatriation Act of 1990, which governs the return
                  of property or human remains to Native communities,
                  could be successfully applied to a military
                  institution like Carlisle. So far, only individual
                  descendants, not Indigenous nations, have attempted to
                  appeal for the return of Carlisle students’ remains.
                  Nations interested in bringing home children have to
                  track down individual family members — a huge problem
                  for kids who entered the boarding school as orphans.</p>
                <p>McBride acknowledged that no investigation could give
                  a complete account of all the missing children,
                  because records are so inconsistent. But if
                  researchers were able to access the voluminous
                  material that does exist, archived by the federal
                  government and individual schools, they could help
                  bring closure to some families and communities — and
                  obtain important official acknowledgement of the
                  system of child removals that forms a key piece of the
                  nation’s foundation.</p>
                <p>According to Andrea Carmen, the executive director of
                  the International Indian Treaty Council, the U.S.
                  government’s failure to account for missing Native
                  boarding school children is “an ongoing human rights
                  violation under international law.” The organizations
                  are currently assembling the U.N. submission, which
                  will include testimony from tribes and individuals
                  whose children were lost.</p>
                <p>After the children buried at Carlisle came home,
                  Soldier Wolf resigned her position as the Northern
                  Arapaho tribal historic preservation officer. “I felt
                  I’ve run this path,” she said. The return of her
                  relative Little Chief was more than a gesture to her
                  grandfather; it was about offering her own children a
                  different set of possibilities that didn’t include
                  “this sad story of we never got our uncle back,” she
                  said. “Because we got him back.”</p>
                <p><em>Nick Estes, a citizen of the Lower Brule Sioux
                    Tribe, is an assistant professor of American studies
                    at the University of New Mexico. Alleen Brown is a
                    reporter for </em><a
                    href="https://theintercept.com/" target="_blank"
                    data-linktype="external"
                    data-val="https://theintercept.com/">The Intercept</a><em> focused
                    on environmental justice issues.</em></p>
                <br>
              </div>
            </div>
          </div>
        </div>
      </div>
      <div> </div>
    </div>
    <div class="moz-signature">-- <br>
      Freedom Archives
      522 Valencia Street
      San Francisco, CA 94110
      415 863.9977
      <a class="moz-txt-link-freetext" href="https://freedomarchives.org/">https://freedomarchives.org/</a>
    </div>
  </body>
</html>