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<h1 class="reader-title">Occupy, Resist, Produce: The Strategy
and Political Vision of Brazil’s Landless Workers’ Movement</h1>
<span class="post_author_intro">by</span> <span
class="post_author" itemprop="author"><a
href="https://www.counterpunch.org/author/bresp5zexefetha/"
rel="nofollow">Ben Dangl</a> - May 31, 2018</span></div>
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<p><em>Brazil’s Landless Workers’ Movement (MST) is one of
Latin America’s largest social movements, with roughly
1.5 million members. For decades the MST has operated
under their slogan “Occupy, Resist, Produce” to settle
landless farmers on unused land in Brazil, where
roughly 3% of the population owns over 2/3 of the vast
country’s arable land. In the midst of Brazil’s <a
href="http://www.mstbrazil.org/news/mst-calls-brazilian-people-discuss-ways-out-country%E2%80%99s-crisis">current
political crisis</a>, the MST continues to work for
justice and against the right-wing Michel Temer
government. Most recently, <a
href="http://www.mstbrazil.org/news/lawyers-file-appeals-call-mobilization-free-lula">it
has mobilized for the release</a>of <a
href="https://www.thenation.com/article/lula-may-be-in-jail-but-brazils-occupy-movement-wont-let-hope-die/">unjustly
imprisoned</a> former Brazilian President, recent
presidential candidate, and Workers’ Party leader, <a
href="https://www.alternet.org/world/lula-caravan-brazil-populism">Luiz
Inácio Lula da Silva</a>. The following is a brief
overview of the history, tactics and political vision
of this powerful movement.</em></p>
<p>In the early hours of the morning on October 29, 1985,
2,500 landless families arrived in trucks, buses, and
motorcycles to occupy Fazenda Annoni, a roughly
23,000-acre plot of land in Rio Grande do Sul, Brazil.
The families were forced to occupy the land out of
desperation. For many of these activists, the
alternative was grueling, slavery-like labor on large
estates, or crushing poverty in city slums. Darci
Bonato, a participant in the occupation, recalled that
the families had only what they could carry on their
backs with them to start their new lives.</p>
<blockquote>
<p>We had a [grill] that we could use over an open fire,
saucepans, food and bedclothes. The children had
fallen asleep by the time we arrived and we laid them
on a mattress under a tree, covering them with a
blanket. Then we went back to the road to help guard
the camp. That first night, none of the adults slept.
There was a full moon, I remember, and it was quite
bright. When dawn came, some policemen arrived. Strung
out along the fence, we were ready to stop them coming
in. There were rumors that we were armed, but we
weren’t. The only weapons we had were our hoes and
scythes.<a
href="https://towardfreedom.org/archives/americas/occupy-resist-produce-the-strategy-and-political-vision-of-brazils-landless-workers-movement/#_edn1"
name="_ednref1">[1]</a></p>
</blockquote>
<p>Police tried to in vain to push them off the land, but
the activists had strength in numbers and successfully
resisted the police as they continued preparing for
their new lives. “People began putting up their tents,
collecting water from the river, and lighting a fire for
the cooking,” Bonato recalled.<a
href="https://towardfreedom.org/archives/americas/occupy-resist-produce-the-strategy-and-political-vision-of-brazils-landless-workers-movement/#_edn2"
name="_ednref2">[2]</a></p>
<p>The police siege of the camp went on for a year, making
it hard for the families to come and go, and receive
food and supplies. The MST activists eventually opened
up a school to teach their children, and more people
joined family members in the camp as it became further
established. The police blockade made it necessary for
everyone in the camp to share supplies, labor, and food.
At one point, children approached the police and gave
them flowers, explaining that they weren’t against the
police, but against the government. By 1987, the
government agreed to let the farmers stay on the land.
Bonato spoke of the years she spent at the camp:</p>
<blockquote>
<p>I don’t regret it. If hadn’t done that, I would have
worked for thirty years as a farm laborer and ended up
without a single hectare. So for me it was a huge
victory. Today my sons are living on the settlement
with me, each with his plot of land. They lived
through it all with me, and now they’re ten times
better off than they would have been if I’d gone on
working as a hired hand.<a
href="https://towardfreedom.org/archives/americas/occupy-resist-produce-the-strategy-and-political-vision-of-brazils-landless-workers-movement/#_edn3"
name="_ednref3">[3]</a></p>
</blockquote>
<p>The MST members who occupied Fazenda Annoni saw the
direct rewards of their hard work, and inspired new
landless activists in Brazil.</p>
<p>The tactics of the MST speak to the creativity and
resourcefulness of its members. The ability among
participants in this occupation to build a close-knit
community of self-sufficient farmers, raise children,
and resist the police all at once is reflective of the
MST’s capacities and persistence on a national level.
Over the course of the MST’s twenty-six years of work,
it has expropriated over thirty-five million acres, and
settled over 400,000 families.<a
href="https://towardfreedom.org/archives/americas/occupy-resist-produce-the-strategy-and-political-vision-of-brazils-landless-workers-movement/#_edn4"
name="_ednref4">[4]</a> The settlements, which are
often cooperatively organized (with some notable
exceptions), are home to hundreds of MST-built schools,
which have enabled tens of thousands of people to learn
to read and write.<a
href="https://towardfreedom.org/archives/americas/occupy-resist-produce-the-strategy-and-political-vision-of-brazils-landless-workers-movement/#_edn5"
name="_ednref5">[5]</a> As the movement has grown, it
has carved its own autonomous social presence through
direct action and has become a major political force in
Brazil.</p>
<p><strong>Occupy, Resist, Produce</strong></p>
<p>The MST began in 1984, when for four days in January,
approximately one hundred landless farmers met in the
southern state of Paraná. Because the organizers knew
that the movement needed to be broad, landless leaders
from thirteen different states were invited. This
gathering was a break from the traditional land
struggles, which had largely been led by unions. Many in
large Brazilian labor unions believed the fight for
agrarian reform should take place within union ranks—but
unions didn’t accept landless farmers as members. João
Pedro Stédile, the Rio Grande do Sul Secretary of
Agriculture at the time, along with other participants
in the meeting, saw that the entire family of a landless
farmer is affected by injustice, and therefore should be
empowered to define what an alternative should look
like. On that basis, Stédile believed leaders should
incorporate families into the movement. Thus, all
members of the landless families were given rights to
participate in the movement from the beginning of the
MST. Besides empowering women outside of the traditional
patriarchal structure, Stédile explained in 1999, “By
including all members of the family, the movement
acquires a remarkable potential force. Adolescents, for
example, who are used to being oppressed by their
fathers, realize that their votes in an assembly are as
important as their father’s [vote].”<a
href="https://towardfreedom.org/archives/americas/occupy-resist-produce-the-strategy-and-political-vision-of-brazils-landless-workers-movement/#_edn6"
name="_ednref6">[6]</a> Over time, this breadth of
membership contributed to the movement’s longevity and
strength in numbers when occupying land and creating
objectives that took into account the needs of all
family members.</p>
<p>The MST – whose slogan is “Occupy, Resist, Produce” –
has been peacefully occupying unused land since 1985.
Typically, when the activists take over land, they
develop cooperative farms and build houses, schools, and
health clinics on it. They manage the land collectively
in a sustainable way, as well as educate children and
advance gender equality.<a
href="https://towardfreedom.org/archives/americas/occupy-resist-produce-the-strategy-and-political-vision-of-brazils-landless-workers-movement/#_edn7"
name="_ednref7">[7]</a> Since the founding of the
movement, the MST did not just take over land, they also
participated in marches, blockades, and occupations
aimed at acquiring government assistance for their
members, including improved access to credit, education,
and healthcare. For decades, the MST has actively fought
against the use of genetically modified organisms (GMO)
and large-scale, industrial farming, while also working
within their own camps to grow healthy food on a
small-scale that generates employment for MST members.<a
href="https://towardfreedom.org/archives/americas/occupy-resist-produce-the-strategy-and-political-vision-of-brazils-landless-workers-movement/#_edn8"
name="_ednref8">[8]</a> Moving from its initial focus
on land occupations, this diverse set of tactics and
goals has helped the movement remain flexible over time,
and able to adapt to new agricultural practices and
changes in the political landscape of the country.</p>
<p>Among the reforms following the fall of the Brazilian
dictatorship in 1985 was a new constitution written in
1988, establishing the right of the government to
redistribute unused land to landless farmers. The land
reform measure established that all land must be used
for the good of society. If land does not fulfill a
social function, the constitution stated, then the
government reserves the right to take over and
redistribute that land.<a
href="https://towardfreedom.org/archives/americas/occupy-resist-produce-the-strategy-and-political-vision-of-brazils-landless-workers-movement/#_edn9"
name="_ednref9">[9]</a> The institutional tool that
carries out this redistribution is the National
Colonization and Agrarian Reform Institute (INCRA). Once
INCRA certifies that land should be redistributed, the
government appropriates it by paying the landowner for
the land, and in the case of MST occupations, gives the
title of the property to the landless farmers. The MST
has used this constitutional reform to pressure the
government and INCRA to follow their own legal
procedures—first by occupying the unused land, and then
by demanding ownership of that land, or land nearby the
encampment.<a
href="https://towardfreedom.org/archives/americas/occupy-resist-produce-the-strategy-and-political-vision-of-brazils-landless-workers-movement/#_edn10"
name="_ednref10">[10]</a></p>
<p>Much of the MST’s success lies in the democratic
structures of its leadership, decision-making, and
mobilization. Decisions and activities of the movement
are debated in elected committees at various levels of
the movement, ranging from the encampments to the
regional offices. Within the MST, every member belongs
to their own Base Group, a participatory committee that
keeps power among the roots of the movement. The Base
Groups in each encampment or settlement are made up of
ten to twenty families, and each group has both a male
and female coordinator.<a
href="https://towardfreedom.org/archives/americas/occupy-resist-produce-the-strategy-and-political-vision-of-brazils-landless-workers-movement/#_edn11"
name="_ednref11">[11]</a></p>
<p>“That’s our democracy,” MST member João Amaral of Rio
Grande do Sul, said of the Base Groups’ process and
general operations. Using consensus to arrive at
decisions is an important part of the Base Groups’
functionality, according to Amaral. “Perhaps that’s one
of the secrets of the unity of the MST. That we have not
been divided over every issue where you have to make a
decision. That’s just it. We look for consensus,
respecting the positions in the minority, until we
arrive at consensus. There have been cases where
positions which were at first in the minority became
majority in the discussion process.”<a
href="https://towardfreedom.org/archives/americas/occupy-resist-produce-the-strategy-and-political-vision-of-brazils-landless-workers-movement/#_edn12"
name="_ednref12">[12]</a></p>
<p>This emphasis on a decentralized, bottom-up approach
adds to the movement’s sustainability and popularity
among members. It is largely through the land
occupations that MST leaders emerge; their skills are
further developed in classes and meetings. The focus on
bringing new leadership into the fold has spanned
generations and undermines moves to centralize
decision-making power in the hands of a few.</p>
<p>The actual occupation of land generates momentum and
increases the number of MST members. Generally, once MST
leaders decide on a parcel of unused land to occupy in a
given area, they organize in the communities surrounding
the land, describing the process INCRA goes through, and
recruiting people to participate in the occupation. This
community-based process brings people into the MST,
incorporating participants into the necessary logistical
tasks and preparation for the occupation, and then
cementing relations through the solidarity that the
occupation itself requires. After all of the planning is
complete and the MST members decide to occupy the land,
everyone is alerted at the last minute to maintain an
element of surprise. Finally, participants enter the
land, setting up their camp before dawn.<a
href="https://towardfreedom.org/archives/americas/occupy-resist-produce-the-strategy-and-political-vision-of-brazils-landless-workers-movement/#_edn13"
name="_ednref13">[13]</a> While this is a typical
approach, over time MST members have also set up
encampments in which people rotate through the camp
during a two-to-five-year period as people are awarded
land.</p>
<p>As Stédile explained in 2002,</p>
<blockquote>
<p>On the night [of the occupation], the hired trucks
arrive, well before daybreak, and go around the
communities, pick up all they can carry and then set
off for the property. The families have one night to
take possession of the area and build their shelters,
so that early the next morning, when the proprietor
realizes what’s happened, the encampment is already
set up. The committee chooses a family to reconnoiter
the place, to find where there are sources of water,
where there are trees for shade.<a
href="https://towardfreedom.org/archives/americas/occupy-resist-produce-the-strategy-and-political-vision-of-brazils-landless-workers-movement/#_edn14"
name="_ednref14">[14]</a></p>
</blockquote>
<p>The goal is to remain in the fight in spite of any
repression from police or thugs hired by the landowner:
“[T]he main thing for a group, once it’s gathered in an
encampment, is to stay united, to keep putting pressure
on the government.”<a
href="https://towardfreedom.org/archives/americas/occupy-resist-produce-the-strategy-and-political-vision-of-brazils-landless-workers-movement/#_edn15"
name="_ednref15">[15]</a> The MST’s persistence and
technique of direct action has been incredibly
successful over the years and empowers its capacity to
build an autonomous space for survival while pressuring
the government at the same time.</p>
<p>After setting up camp, the group begins to push INCRA,
court officials, and/or politicians for land. The
activists often wait two to four years. In the meantime,
landowners, their thugs, and police usually try to push
the people off the land through harassment and
assassinations. The organizational power of the MST, the
solidarity of other groups that support it, and the
dedication of settling families is decisive in whether
or not the occupation will be successful.<a
href="https://towardfreedom.org/archives/americas/occupy-resist-produce-the-strategy-and-political-vision-of-brazils-landless-workers-movement/#_edn16"
name="_ednref16">[16]</a></p>
<p>For many MST activists, life turns out to be better
than what was suffered through before occupying the new
land. Sonia Bergamasco, a professor of agrarian
engineering at Campinas State University and the author
of an MST settlement survey, said, “95 percent of people
respond that they’re better off now [after entering a
settlement]. At least they have housing, they grow food
and their kids go to school. Once they’re settled, one
of the first things communities do is start a school.”<a
href="https://towardfreedom.org/archives/americas/occupy-resist-produce-the-strategy-and-political-vision-of-brazils-landless-workers-movement/#_edn17"
name="_ednref17">[17]</a></p>
<p>The difficulty of life in the encampments pushes some
to leave, but the adversity also brings MST members
together. The living conditions are often tough in the
camps, with plastic homemade tents to live in and poor
water supplies. It is hard to remain healthy and prevent
the spread of illness when an encampment is far from a
hospital. To inspire solidarity, educate the children,
and strengthen the will to stay in the fight, MST
committees organize dances, soccer games, and theater
performances.<a
href="https://towardfreedom.org/archives/americas/occupy-resist-produce-the-strategy-and-political-vision-of-brazils-landless-workers-movement/#_edn18"
name="_ednref18">[18]</a></p>
<p>Pacote, an MST member, recalled,</p>
<blockquote>
<p>We lost what little we had when we went to the
encampment. We could take little even of those few
things we owned into the new encampment, the only
thing we took was our [wood-burning] cook stove. What
little savings we had were soon gone, because we were
earning nothing. We had no house or land to return to,
no household goods, hardly any clothing, very few of
our tools—everything was lost. And there was no way to
go back and be the same person again to the old
neighbors, the friends on the outside. Everything
depended on the future and on the friends we had made
in the encampment. There was no way back.<a
href="https://towardfreedom.org/archives/americas/occupy-resist-produce-the-strategy-and-political-vision-of-brazils-landless-workers-movement/#_edn19"
name="_ednref19">[19]</a></p>
</blockquote>
<p>In general, for people living in squalor or essentially
enslavement as farm laborers, in slums, facing fierce
poverty, drug addiction, crime, and lack of education
and healthcare for their families, the MST encampments
have been a clear improvement.<a
href="https://towardfreedom.org/archives/americas/occupy-resist-produce-the-strategy-and-political-vision-of-brazils-landless-workers-movement/#_edn20"
name="_ednref20">[20]</a></p>
<p>At first, the MST’s main focus was the fight for land.
But quickly the activists discussed the need to educate
their children to be able community members. The MST
families wanted an empowering education for their
children, so they could, “fight for their rights, to
work together, to value the healthy life they could live
in the country and to resist the lure of the city.” The
movement decided they needed to set up their own, more
liberating education system. In 1990, they developed
their aims for this system, which focused on training
new leaders, showing the reality of society and how it
can be changed, in addition to classes in reading,
writing, and analytical skills. Problems arose if
children attending distant schools moved around a lot
from camp to camp, and if the schools were outdoors,
children were exposed to the elements. In response to
such difficulties, MST activists set up itinerant
schools in which teachers traveled with all of their
supplies, including blackboards and desks.<a
href="https://towardfreedom.org/archives/americas/occupy-resist-produce-the-strategy-and-political-vision-of-brazils-landless-workers-movement/#_edn21"
name="_ednref21">[21]</a></p>
<p>In March of 1998, when the police evicted MST members
from a camp in Rio Grande do Sul, the activists decided
to march to the state capital in protest. The itinerant
schools went with them, operating in various settings
along the march. One teacher described this educational
experience:</p>
<blockquote>
<p>Our desks and seats were the hard, cold ground, the
blackboard was a piece of paper taped to the wall, to
the railings, to the trees or just held in the
teacher’s hand. We learned by seeing, living, and
doing. We calculated the kilometers, meters,
centimeters of the road we had to take, the number of
days it would take to arrive in the capital, what was
produced in the towns we went through… We saw cars,
horses, carts, trains, planes, a helicopter, boats,
ships, so we studied means of transport. We sang in
front of 2,000 people [at the teachers’ union assembly
in Porto Alegre]… When we decided to write a letter to
the governor, we talked about the theme, we wrote
about it, each one giving an idea, then it was read
and approved by the collective school.<a
href="https://towardfreedom.org/archives/americas/occupy-resist-produce-the-strategy-and-political-vision-of-brazils-landless-workers-movement/#_edn22"
name="_ednref22">[22]</a></p>
</blockquote>
<p>This educational approach is illustrative of the MST’s
general focus on providing an alternative to the state
and traditional Brazilian institutions. In the
classroom, the farming fields, and the meetings, the MST
has built its own world without waiting for the right
election results, policy change, or political party
backing; it has taken matters into its own hands to
build the society it needs to survive and thrive.</p>
<p>“In whatever society, and even more so in Brazil,
social change doesn’t depend on the government but on
the organization and the mobilization of society. It is
the people that make the change,” noted Stédile. “The
people have to realize that it’s useless looking to the
government for everything. The government forms part of
society and it’s preferable that it’s progressive… But
the essential changes of society do not come from the
government but from the energies that the working class
succeeds in mobilizing when organizing for its rights.”<a
href="https://towardfreedom.org/archives/americas/occupy-resist-produce-the-strategy-and-political-vision-of-brazils-landless-workers-movement/#_edn23"
name="_ednref23">[23]</a></p>
<p><em>This article is excerpted and adapted from <a
href="https://www.amazon.com/Dancing-Dynamite-Social-Movements-America/dp/1849350159">Dancing
with Dynamite: Social Movements and States in Latin
America</a> by Benjamin Dangl, (AK Press, 2010).</em></p>
<p>NOTES</p>
<p><a
href="https://towardfreedom.org/archives/americas/occupy-resist-produce-the-strategy-and-political-vision-of-brazils-landless-workers-movement/#_ednref1"
name="_edn1">[1]</a> Quoted in Sue Branford and Jan
Rocha, <em>Cutting the Wire: The Story of the Landless
Movement in Brazil</em>(London: Latin America Bureau,
2002), 35–36. Encruzilhada Natalino, located near the
Fazena Annoni, was the first MST encampment: “History of
the MST,” MSTBrazil.org, <a
href="http://www.mstbrazil.org/?q=history">http://www.mstbrazil.org/?q=history</a>.</p>
<p><a
href="https://towardfreedom.org/archives/americas/occupy-resist-produce-the-strategy-and-political-vision-of-brazils-landless-workers-movement/#_ednref2"
name="_edn2">[2]</a> Quoted in Branford and Rocha, <em>Cutting
the Wire</em>, 35–36.</p>
<p><a
href="https://towardfreedom.org/archives/americas/occupy-resist-produce-the-strategy-and-political-vision-of-brazils-landless-workers-movement/#_ednref3"
name="_edn3">[3]</a> Quoted in Ibid., 37–39.</p>
<p><a
href="https://towardfreedom.org/archives/americas/occupy-resist-produce-the-strategy-and-political-vision-of-brazils-landless-workers-movement/#_ednref4"
name="_edn4">[4]</a> Michael Fox, “Brazil’s Landless
Movement Turns 25, Opens ‘New Phase’ of Struggle,” <em>Upside
Down World</em>, January 28, 2009,
<a class="moz-txt-link-freetext" href="http://upsidedownworld.org/main/">http://upsidedownworld.org/main/</a> content/view/1688/63/.</p>
<p><a
href="https://towardfreedom.org/archives/americas/occupy-resist-produce-the-strategy-and-political-vision-of-brazils-landless-workers-movement/#_ednref5"
name="_edn5">[5]</a> For example, at Fazenda Annoni
some families are organized into coops, while others are
not and farm their own 20 hectares.</p>
<p><a
href="https://towardfreedom.org/archives/americas/occupy-resist-produce-the-strategy-and-political-vision-of-brazils-landless-workers-movement/#_ednref6"
name="_edn6">[6]</a> Quoted in Branford and Rocha, <em>Cutting
the Wire</em>, 21–23.</p>
<p><a
href="https://towardfreedom.org/archives/americas/occupy-resist-produce-the-strategy-and-political-vision-of-brazils-landless-workers-movement/#_ednref7"
name="_edn7">[7]</a> “About the MST,” MSTBrazil.org, <a
href="http://www.mstbrazil.org/?q=about">http://www.mstbrazil.org/?q=about</a>.</p>
<p><a
href="https://towardfreedom.org/archives/americas/occupy-resist-produce-the-strategy-and-political-vision-of-brazils-landless-workers-movement/#_ednref8"
name="_edn8">[8]</a> “History of the MST.”</p>
<p><a
href="https://towardfreedom.org/archives/americas/occupy-resist-produce-the-strategy-and-political-vision-of-brazils-landless-workers-movement/#_ednref9"
name="_edn9">[9]</a> Richard Plevin, “The World Bank
Project Subverts Land Reform in Brazil,” <em>Global
Exchange</em>, August 6, 1999, <a
href="http://www.mstbrazil.org/wbsubverts.html">http://www.mstbrazil.org/wbsubverts.html</a>.</p>
<p><a
href="https://towardfreedom.org/archives/americas/occupy-resist-produce-the-strategy-and-political-vision-of-brazils-landless-workers-movement/#_ednref10"
name="_edn10">[10]</a> Matthew Flynn, “Brazil’s
Landless Workers Movement,” <em>Americas Program</em>,
April, 2003, <a
href="http://americas.irc-online.org/citizen-action/series/06-mst_body.html">http://americas.irc-online.org/citizen-action/series/06-mst_body.html</a>.</p>
<p><a
href="https://towardfreedom.org/archives/americas/occupy-resist-produce-the-strategy-and-political-vision-of-brazils-landless-workers-movement/#_ednref11"
name="_edn11">[11]</a> Sílvia Leindecker and Michael
Fox, <em>Beyond Elections: Redefining Democracy in the
Americas</em> (Oakland: PM Press/Estreito Meios
Productions, 2008), <a class="moz-txt-link-freetext" href="http://www">http://www</a>. beyondelections.com/.
Interview from documentary segment at: <a class="moz-txt-link-freetext" href="http://www">http://www</a>.
youtube.com/watch?v=dK0IAM-DIaA.</p>
<p><a
href="https://towardfreedom.org/archives/americas/occupy-resist-produce-the-strategy-and-political-vision-of-brazils-landless-workers-movement/#_ednref12"
name="_edn12">[12]</a> Quoted in Ibid.</p>
<p><a
href="https://towardfreedom.org/archives/americas/occupy-resist-produce-the-strategy-and-political-vision-of-brazils-landless-workers-movement/#_ednref13"
name="_edn13">[13]</a> Flynn, “Brazil’s Landless
Workers Movement.”</p>
<p><a
href="https://towardfreedom.org/archives/americas/occupy-resist-produce-the-strategy-and-political-vision-of-brazils-landless-workers-movement/#_ednref14"
name="_edn14">[14]</a> Joao Pedro Stédile, “Landless
Battalions,” <em>New Left Review</em>, May/June 2002, <a
href="http://www.newleftreview.org/A2390">http://www.newleftreview.org/A2390</a>.</p>
<p><a
href="https://towardfreedom.org/archives/americas/occupy-resist-produce-the-strategy-and-political-vision-of-brazils-landless-workers-movement/#_ednref15"
name="_edn15">[15]</a> Ibid.</p>
<p><a
href="https://towardfreedom.org/archives/americas/occupy-resist-produce-the-strategy-and-political-vision-of-brazils-landless-workers-movement/#_ednref16"
name="_edn16">[16]</a> Melissa Moore, “Now It Is Time:
The MST and Grassroots Land Reform in Brazil,” <em>Food
First</em>, March 8, 2003, <a
href="http://www.foodfirst.org/en/node/49">http://www.foodfirst.org/en/node/49</a>.</p>
<p><a
href="https://towardfreedom.org/archives/americas/occupy-resist-produce-the-strategy-and-political-vision-of-brazils-landless-workers-movement/#_ednref17"
name="_edn17">[17]</a> Quoted in Bill Hinchberger,
“The Brazilian Landless Workers Movement (MST),” <em>The
Nation</em>, March 2, 1998,
<a class="moz-txt-link-freetext" href="http://www.brazilmax.com/news.cfm/tborigem/fe_society/id/29">http://www.brazilmax.com/news.cfm/tborigem/fe_society/id/29</a>.</p>
<p><a
href="https://towardfreedom.org/archives/americas/occupy-resist-produce-the-strategy-and-political-vision-of-brazils-landless-workers-movement/#_ednref18"
name="_edn18">[18]</a> Angus Lindsay Wright and Wendy
Wolford, <em>To Inherit the Earth: The Landless Movement
and the Struggle for a New Brazil</em> (Oakland: Food
First Books, 2003), 46–51</p>
<p><a
href="https://towardfreedom.org/archives/americas/occupy-resist-produce-the-strategy-and-political-vision-of-brazils-landless-workers-movement/#_ednref19"
name="_edn19">[19]</a> Quoted in Ibid., 54, 264.</p>
<p><a
href="https://towardfreedom.org/archives/americas/occupy-resist-produce-the-strategy-and-political-vision-of-brazils-landless-workers-movement/#_ednref20"
name="_edn20">[20]</a> Ibid.</p>
<p><a
href="https://towardfreedom.org/archives/americas/occupy-resist-produce-the-strategy-and-political-vision-of-brazils-landless-workers-movement/#_ednref21"
name="_edn21">[21]</a> Branford and Rocha, <em>Cutting
the Wire</em>, 114–118. Also see Michael Fox,
“Landless Women Launch Protests Across Brazil,” <em>NACLA
Report on the Americas</em>, March 12, 2009, <a
href="https://nacla.org/node/5611">https://nacla.org/node/5611</a>.</p>
<p><a
href="https://towardfreedom.org/archives/americas/occupy-resist-produce-the-strategy-and-political-vision-of-brazils-landless-workers-movement/#_ednref22"
name="_edn22">[22]</a> Quoted in Branford and Rocha, <em>Cutting
the Wire</em>, 119.</p>
<p><a
href="https://towardfreedom.org/archives/americas/occupy-resist-produce-the-strategy-and-political-vision-of-brazils-landless-workers-movement/#_ednref23"
name="_edn23">[23]</a> Quoted in Marc Saint-Upéry, <em>El
Sueño de Bolívar: El Desafío de Las Izquierdas
Sudamericanas</em>(Barcelona: Paidós, 2008), 65–67.</p>
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