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<div class="header reader-header" style="display: block;"> <font
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href="https://al-shabaka.org/briefs/israels-relentless-land-grabs-how-palestinians-resist/">https://al-shabaka.org/briefs/israels-relentless-land-grabs-how-palestinians-resist/</a></font>
<h1 class="reader-title">Israel’s Relentless Land Grabs: How
Palestinians Resist</h1>
<div class="meta-data">
<div class="reader-estimated-time">by <a
href="https://al-shabaka.org/en/author/yara-hawari/">Yara
Hawari</a> <time>on April 9, 2018</time></div>
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<span>It has been 42 years since the Israeli
police shot and killed six Palestinian
citizens of Israel as they protested the
expropriation of thousands of dunums of
Palestinian land by the government. The
protests were a result of mass collective
action across the part of Mandate Palestine
that became Israel in 1948. This saw
Palestinian communities resisting not only
Israel’s seizure of land but also its overall
policies of erasing the very presence of
Palestinians. This day – March 30, 1976 – has
since been known as Yom el-Ard (Land Day), and
is a major event on the Palestinian political
calendar and in the collective narrative. The
fact that 2018 also marks 70 years since the
Nakba – the loss of the Palestinian homeland
and the creation of the state of Israel – adds
to the significance of Land Day this year.
Indeed, “The Great March of Return” organized
in Gaza last month was to commemorate this
date but also to link it with the right of
return of the Palestinian refugees. The fact
that triple the number of those killed on the
original Land Day, were killed this year also
highlights how Palestinian resistance is
deemed just as much as a threat as it was over
four decades ago. </span>
<div>
<div>
<p><span>Throughout this history,
Palestinians have challenged Israel’s
land theft – theft that, despite the
fact that it is a flagrant violation of
international law, continues unabated
and is even accelerating. Indeed, with
US President Donald Trump and his
administration signaling to Israel that
it can annex more land and build more
settlements, particularly through its
recent recognition of Jerusalem as
Israel’s capital, Palestinians are
increasing their resistance. </span></p>
<p><span>This policy brief examines how the
domination of space is integral to
settler colonialism through an
examination of Israel’s historic and
present-day appropriation of land, and
explores the methods of Palestinian
resistance to these practices. It
concludes with recommendations for how
Palestinians can collaborate across the
borders that divide them, as well as
with third parties, to resist the theft
of their land and further the quest for
Palestinian self-determination and
rights. </span></p>
<h2><b>Israel’s Land Acquisition Methods</b></h2>
<p><span>The main outcome of settler
colonial projects is a rearrangement of
physical spaces and indigenous people –
a rearrangement that is neither peaceful
nor passive, but constitutes a violent
restructuring to make way for a new
society with new social and spatial
organization. The Zionist settler
colonial project that established the
state of Israel in the place of
Palestine in 1948 is no different.
Zionists expelled 750,000 Palestinians
in order to make room for the settler
colonialists. <a title="This number is
an approximation based on oral
testimonies and various institutional
records and is cited by scholars
including Ilan Pappe in The Ethnic
Cleansing of Palestine."
id="return-note-8052-1"
href="#note-8052-1"><sup>1</sup></a></span></p>
<p><span>One hundred and fifty thousand
Palestinians remained on the land,
creating a demographic dilemma for the
Israeli state. These Palestinians had to
be incorporated as citizens but would </span><a
href="https://al-shabaka.org/briefs/apartheid-within-palestinian-citizens-israel/"><span>remain
excluded on the basis that they were
not Jewish</span></a><span>. In 1967,
the colonization of the West Bank and
Gaza Strip saw the absorption of more
Palestinians, yet rather than annex the
territories and grant them citizenship,
Israel placed them under military
control. </span></p>
<p><span>In the early years after 1948, the
Israeli state utilized various
mechanisms to appropriate land,
including legislative measures. Most
notable was the </span><a
href="https://www.adalah.org/en/law/view/538"><span>Absentees’
Property Law of 1950</span></a><span>,
followed by the </span><a
href="https://www.adalah.org/en/law/view/533"><span>Land
Acquisition Law of 1953</span></a><span>.
These laws allowed the state to
appropriate land and title deeds from
refugees on the basis of being absent
from the country after November 29,
1947. The legislation was also applied
to those who were displaced within the
borders of the new state: Rather than
recognize these Palestinians as
internally displaced persons, </span><a
href="http://www.badil.org/en/component/k2/item/1873-art6.html"><span>Israel
referred to them as “present
absentees.”</span></a><span> Israel’s
main justifications – then and now – for
seizing the land are the acquisition of
it for public use and the preservation
of the Jewish character of the state.</span></p>
<span><span><a
href="https://twitter.com/intent/tweet?url=http://ow.ly/Tf7v30jnkSN&text=Settler%20colonial%20projects%20%28are%29%20a%20rearrangement%20of%20physical%20spaces%20and%20indigenous%20people%20that%20is%20neither%20peaceful%20nor%20passive&via=AlShabaka&related=AlShabaka"
target="_blank">Settler colonial
projects (are) a rearrangement of
physical spaces and indigenous people
that is neither peaceful nor passive </a></span><a
href="https://twitter.com/intent/tweet?url=http://ow.ly/Tf7v30jnkSN&text=Settler%20colonial%20projects%20%28are%29%20a%20rearrangement%20of%20physical%20spaces%20and%20indigenous%20people%20that%20is%20neither%20peaceful%20nor%20passive&via=AlShabaka&related=AlShabaka"
target="_blank">Click To Tweet</a></span>
<p><span>This justification was used at the
beginning of March 1976, when the
Israeli government announced plans to
confiscate 20,000 dunums of land under
the Developing the Galilee Program for
the building of Jewish settlements and
military training camps. The Palestinian
mass strike and protests on March 30
mainly took place in six villages in the
Galilee that had been placed under
curfew – </span><span>Sakhnin, Arraba, </span><span>Deir
Hanna</span><span>, </span><span>Tur'an</span><span>, </span><span>Tamra</span><span>,</span><span>
and </span><span>Kabul</span><span> –
though they also occurred in the Naqab
(Negev) and Wadi Ara. <a title="The
protests were mobilized under the
leadership of the Committee for the
Defense of Arab Lands, which had been
established jointly by various student
bodies, Abnaa el Balad, and the
Communist Party."
id="return-note-8052-2"
href="#note-8052-2"><sup>2</sup></a> </span>Israeli
police met the demonstrations with serious
violence, shooting to death the six
protestors and injuring hundreds more.</p>
<p><span>Land Day has become a date in which
Palestinians throughout Mandate
Palestine as well as in the diaspora
organize land-based activities and
reiterate their existential relationship
with the land. The date also emphasizes
the concept of </span><i><span>sumud</span></i><span>
(steadfastness) as an important part of
resistance to Israeli settler
colonization.</span></p>
<p><span>Since the occupation of the West
Bank in 1967, various “legal” mechanisms
and military orders have similarly
facilitated the colonization of
Palestinian land. These include the
expropriation of land in the name of
security, in which Israel effectively
subverts the Geneva Convention, which
allows occupying states to temporarily
confiscate land for security reasons. In
this way Israel has seized land for at
least </span><a
href="https://interactive.aljazeera.com/aje/2017/50-years-illegal-settlements/index.html"><span>42
settlements, including the bypass
roads that connect them to settlements
across the Green Line</span></a><span>.
An equally devious mechanism is the use
of an </span><a
href="https://www.middleeastmonitor.com/20161201-dispossession-by-the-law-how-the-israeli-judicial-system-utilises-ottoman-land-law-to-expel-and-dispossess-the-palestinian-bedouin/"><span>Ottoman
and British Mandate law that allows
the state to confiscate land for a
“public purpose,”</span></a><span>
despite the fact that the areas seized
have habitually been used by
Palestinians for centuries for grazing
purposes. </span></p>
<p><span>The implementation of the Oslo
Accords in the early 1990s, which
divided the West Bank into Areas A, B
and C, furthered the expropriation of
Palestinian land. Area C, which makes up
61% of the West Bank, is under full
Israeli military control, including
control over security and civil affairs.
</span><a
href="https://www.btselem.org/planning_and_building"><span>Israeli
policy in Area C is particularly
aggressive</span></a><span>, serving
the needs of 325,000 Israeli settlers
while simultaneously disrupting and
restricting Palestinian communities. </span></p>
<p><span>In the Jordan Valley, which falls
under Area C, communities are
particularly vulnerable to displacement
and theft of ancestral lands. The valley
is a strategically important area for
Israel, predominantly because it acts as
both a buffer zone to Jordan and the
Occupied Syrian Golan Heights, but also
because of its agricultural richness
thanks to its abundant water supply and
fertile land. </span></p>
<p><span>The construction of the Separation
Wall in 2002 also enabled Israel to
acquire more West Bank land. Built to
separate the West Bank from Israel
proper under the guise of Israeli
“security,” the wall has laid the
foundation for the annexation of many
settlements. By placing the route inside
the West Bank and not along the Green
Line, Israel has de facto appropriated
territory. The wall has separated
Palestinians and cut off many
agricultural communities from their
land, and breaks the geographic
contiguity of the West Bank. </span></p>
<h2><b>Accelerating Land Theft</b></h2>
<p><span>Today, the expropriation of
Palestinian land is accelerating at an
astonishing speed. Political
maneuverings in Jerusalem have recently
highlighted this crisis as the Israeli
government capitalizes on the US
administration’s brazen disregard for
international law and the consensus with
regard to Jerusalem. Its decision to
move its embassy from Tel Aviv to
Jerusalem is a de facto and de jure
recognition of the city as Israel’s
capital. This move has emboldened Israel
to cement its complete control over the
city. </span></p>
<p><span>The postponed Greater Jerusalem
bill (which is still on the table)
revealed plans to expand the municipal
boundaries of Jerusalem to include four
major and many smaller illegal
settlements. The major settlements –
Ma'ale Adumim, Givat Ze'ev, Betar Illit,
and Efrat – are part of a bloc that
stretches from Jerusalem to Hebron. At
the same time, the bill would exclude
certain Palestinian neighborhoods from
the city’s jurisdiction, including that
of Kufr Aqab. This gerrymandering of
borders </span><a
href="https://al-shabaka.org/briefs/israels-annexation-crusade-in-jerusalem-the-role-of-maale-adumim-and-the-e1-corridor/"><span>attempts
to gain more land while at the same
time squeezing Palestinians</span></a><span>
into as little space as possible. In
addition to the physical conquering of
space, these maneuvers attempt to
control the narrative on Jerusalem so
that the entire city becomes
unquestionably part of Israel in
mainstream international discourse.</span></p>
<p><span>Meanwhile, in the Naqab, the
Israeli government is implementing the
Prawer Plan, developed in 2011, to
destroy 35 Palestinian Bedouin villages
and to appropriate the land to build new
Jewish Israeli settlements as part of
its Development of the Negev Program.
The Negev Program is the brainchild of
the Ministry for the Development of the
Negev and the Galilee, a successor to
the aforementioned Developing the
Galilee Program, whose land confiscation
led to the Land Day protests in 1976.
The ministry was founded in 2005 </span><a
href="http://www.galil.gov.il/EN/?p=1633"><span>to bring</span></a><span>
“growth and prosperity…as it is quite
clear that the future of Israel lies in
the development of these regions</span><span>.”</span></p>
<span><span><a
href="https://twitter.com/intent/tweet?url=http://ow.ly/Tf7v30jnkSN&text=The%20expropriation%20of%20Palestinian%20land%20is%20accelerating%20at%20an%20astonishing%20speed&via=AlShabaka&related=AlShabaka"
target="_blank">The expropriation of
Palestinian land is accelerating at an
astonishing speed </a></span><a
href="https://twitter.com/intent/tweet?url=http://ow.ly/Tf7v30jnkSN&text=The%20expropriation%20of%20Palestinian%20land%20is%20accelerating%20at%20an%20astonishing%20speed&via=AlShabaka&related=AlShabaka"
target="_blank">Click To Tweet</a></span>
<p><span>The Naqab and the Galilee are
particular areas of concern for the
Israeli government because of their
relatively high concentration of
Palestinians. According to some
estimates, the Galilee has a majority
Palestinian population</span><span>. <a
title="See Ben White’s report
‘Palestinians in Israel’s democracy:
Judaising the Galilee’;
https://www.middleeastmonitor.com/wp-content/uploads/downloads/briefing-paper/palestinians-in-israel-democracy.pdf"
id="return-note-8052-3"
href="#note-8052-3"><sup>3</sup></a> </span><span>The
ministry thus aims to consolidate a
contiguous Jewish presence while
minimizing the Palestinian Arab
presence; this is demonstrated by the
demolition of Bedouin villages on the
basis that they are “unrecognized” by
the state. </span></p>
<p><span>This appropriation of indigenous
space for the purpose of the settler
population through such mechanisms as
settlements, de jure annexation,
physical expulsion, and denial of land
claims is found in settler colonial
projects the world over. In Palestine,
it is occurring on both sides of the
Green Line, and is part and parcel of
what is dubbed the continuous Nakba, or
</span><i><span>al Nakba al mustimirrah</span></i><span>.</span></p>
<h2><b>Spaces of Palestinian Resistance</b></h2>
<p><span>In the face of this continuous
Nakba, Palestinians have long engaged in
acts of what some writers have termed </span><a
href="https://arenaofspeculation.org/research/publications/resisting-spaciocide/"><span>spatial
resistance</span></a><span> –
practices that affirm Palestinian
presence and continuity on the land and
challenge Israeli colonization. There
are various initiatives of such
resistance, both past and ongoing, that
incorporate land re-appropriation and
steadfastness: </span></p>
<h3><i><span>Bab al Shams and Ein Hijleh</span></i></h3>
<p><span>Approximately 250 Palestinian
activists from across historic Palestine
established the Palestinian “village” of
Bab al Shams, near the illegal Jewish
Israeli settlement of Ma’ale Adumim, in
January 2013. The location of the
village was on privately owned
Palestinian land, for which the
activists received permission from the
owner. The village was also within the
E1 corridor, the strip of land that
effectively cuts the West Bank in half.
</span></p>
<p><span>The activists erected some 25 tents
to establish the “village,” and despite
receiving an injunction from the High
Court of Justice, which blocked the
village’s eviction for six days, the
Israeli army forcibly removed the
activists after only two days. In spite
of its short life, the village was a
form of direct action that asserted
Palestinian ownership of the land and
challenged its ongoing confiscation. Bab
al Shams also highlighted Palestinian
presence in the Jerusalem area. </span></p>
<p><span>The following year, the Palestinian
Popular Struggle Coordination Committee
established a </span><a
href="https://972mag.com/photos-ein-hijleh-village-evicted-after-seven-days-of-protest/86871/"><span>protest
village similar to Bab el Shams at the
site of Ein Hijleh</span></a><span>, a
destroyed Palestinian village in the
Jordan Valley. During the week in which
the activists managed to stay in the
village, they installed solar panels,
cleared the land, and held various
political and cultural activities. After
seven days, the Israeli army forcibly
dismantled the encampment, arrested
dozens of activists, and injured many
more. </span></p>
<h3><i><span>Iqrith and the March of Return</span></i></h3>
<p><span>Since 2012, young activists have
maintained a continuous physical
presence on their land at the site of
Iqrith, a Palestinian village in the
Galilee destroyed in 1948. The
descendants of families from the village
are internally displaced Palestinians
(“present absentees”), meaning that
while they hold Israeli citizenship and
reside within Israel’s borders, they are
forbidden from returning to their
pre-1948 villages and land. Iqrith is an
unusual case because in 1948 Zionist
forces told its residents that they
could return after the fighting. While
this promise was not fulfilled, in 1951
Iqrith’s residents won a High Court
decision that allowed them to return. <a
title="The village of Kufr Birim is a
similar case; the village’s residents
were also forbidden from returning
despite a High Court decision to the
contrary." id="return-note-8052-4"
href="#note-8052-4"><sup>4</sup></a></span><span> </span></p>
<span><span><a
href="https://twitter.com/intent/tweet?url=http://ow.ly/Tf7v30jnkSN&text=In%20Palestine%20%28land%20theft%20occurs%29%20on%20both%20sides%20of%20the%20Green%20Line%E2%80%A6part%20and%20parcel%20of%20what%20is%20dubbed%20the%20continuous%20Nakba&via=AlShabaka&related=AlShabaka"
target="_blank">In Palestine (land
theft occurs) on both sides of the
Green Line…part and parcel of what is
dubbed the continuous Nakba </a></span><a
href="https://twitter.com/intent/tweet?url=http://ow.ly/Tf7v30jnkSN&text=In%20Palestine%20%28land%20theft%20occurs%29%20on%20both%20sides%20of%20the%20Green%20Line%E2%80%A6part%20and%20parcel%20of%20what%20is%20dubbed%20the%20continuous%20Nakba&via=AlShabaka&related=AlShabaka"
target="_blank">Click To Tweet</a></span>
<p><span>However, the decision was blocked
by the military court, which maintains
that the residents’ return would be a
risk to state security. The third and
fourth generation activists in Iqrith
keep a steadfast presence in the village
and have set up an encampment in an
annex of the village church. This
presence is maintained despite the
military ruling and attempts by the
Israeli authorities to disrupt them by
arresting activists, destroying
structures, and uprooting plants. The
activists’ presence asserts their
Palestinian identity and challenges the
notion that Palestinian land is limited
to the West Bank and Gaza Strip.</span></p>
<p><span>Another initiative organizes
Palestinians’ return to destroyed
villages. The March of Return has mainly
taken place in the Galilee, where most
of the internally displaced Palestinians
live. Two years ago, it was held in the
Naqab, and this year it will take place
at a destroyed village near Haifa. Since
the Association for the Rights of the
Internally Displaced and other groups
organized the first march 1999, it has
become a significant event inside
historic Palestine. It coincides with
Israeli Independence Day under the motto
of “Your independence is our Nakba.”
Similar to the Iqrith activism, the
March of Return is a symbolic reversing
of original displacement through the
physical act of returning, albeit
temporarily, to the site of destruction.
The march also challenges the Zionist
Independence Day narrative of “a land
without a people for a people without a
land” by reasserting Palestinian
presence prior to 1948. </span></p>
<h3><i><span>Al Araqib and Susiya</span></i></h3>
<p><span>Al Araqib is a Palestinian Bedouin
village located in the Naqab that has
existed for two centuries. Israeli
forces first displaced its residents in
1951 for “security” purposes, and Israel
appropriated the land under the Land
Acquisition Law. In the late 1990s, 45
families returned to the land in an
attempt to prevent the Jewish National
Fund from planting a forest on top of
it. </span></p>
<p><span>Using the claim that the village is
“unrecognized” and built on Israeli
state land, attempts to displace the
people of Al Araqib have intensified in
recent years. Since 2010, Israeli
authorities have destroyed the village
120 times, usually using bulldozers to
raze structures and riot police to
remove residents who try to protect
their homes with their bodies. As an
“unrecognized” village, it is also
denied the most basic of services. Many
of the residents have moved to
neighboring towns, yet there are some
who remain and rebuild their houses,
often using material salvaged from the
rubble. They frequently hold rallies and
protests to highlight their struggle
against displacement and land theft. </span></p>
<p><span>Just across the Green Line a
similar struggle is taking place in the
village of Susiya, located in Area C
south of Hebron. Shortly after
establishing an illegal settlement in
1983 on Susiya’s land, the Israeli
government demolished the homes of 60
families. The residents rebuilt nearby,
but in 2001 Israeli demolished the
entire village. Since 2011 Susiya has
faced a series of mass demolitions by
the authorities in an attempt to
establish Israel’s total control over
Area C. </span></p>
<p><span>As the Oslo Accords placed Area C
under Israeli military control, Israel
is able to </span><a
href="https://www.btselem.org/download/201306_area_c_report_eng.pdf"><span>deny
Palestinian planning and building
requests</span></a><span> on the
grounds of security. As such, each time
Susiya’s residents rebuild their homes,
they are served once again with
demolition orders. Yet Susiya’s
residents have thus far stayed on their
land, living in the most basic
conditions to do so. They have also
established a campaign that has
attracted the support of international
activists. </span><a
href="https://www.adalah.org/en/content/view/8121"><span>Both
Al Araqib and Susiya are demonstrating
steadfastness</span></a><span>, yet
their durability remains uncertain in
the context of accelerating Israeli
colonization and annexation. </span></p>
<h2><b>Shoring up Palestinian Rights to the
Land</b></h2>
<p><span>As discussed above, Palestinians
have used many ways to resist Israel’s
land theft. To stop further incursions
on Palestinian land and support and
build upon Palestinian spatial
resistance, efforts in three areas
deserve focus: </span></p>
<h3><i><span>Promote grassroots spatial
resistance</span></i></h3>
<p><span>With popular support, initiatives
that physically re-assert Palestinian
presence on land could challenge Israeli
domination of space. Yet Palestinians
face challenges of sustainability. To
tackle this, Palestinians engaged in
grassroots activities should continue to
link local struggles and call for
coordination across the Green Line. This
would not only highlight the greater
Israeli colonization project, but would
also challenge Israel’s definition</span>
<span>of what is considered Palestine and
who is considered Palestinian.</span></p>
<span><span><a
href="https://twitter.com/intent/tweet?url=http://ow.ly/Tf7v30jnkSN&text=%28Three%20areas%20are%20key%29%20to%20stop%20further%20incursions%20on%20Palestinian%20land%20and%20support%20and%20build%20upon%20Palestinian%20spatial%20resistance&via=AlShabaka&related=AlShabaka"
target="_blank">(Three areas are key)
to stop further incursions on
Palestinian land and support and build
upon Palestinian spatial resistance </a></span><a
href="https://twitter.com/intent/tweet?url=http://ow.ly/Tf7v30jnkSN&text=%28Three%20areas%20are%20key%29%20to%20stop%20further%20incursions%20on%20Palestinian%20land%20and%20support%20and%20build%20upon%20Palestinian%20spatial%20resistance&via=AlShabaka&related=AlShabaka"
target="_blank">Click To Tweet</a></span>
<p><span>Palestinians should also demand
international and third party support
and protection for these activities,
such as funding anti-bulldozer barriers
in vulnerable Palestinian communities.
International actors who have invested
in infrastructure in Palestinian
communities that Israel has destroyed
should also demand financial
compensation. Their investment in
communities and projects must be coupled
with such a condition to make
demolitions and displacement financially
taxing for Israel. </span></p>
<h3><i><span>Prevent further theft of
Palestinian land </span></i></h3>
<p><span>Third states are bound by
international humanitarian law to use
all possible measures to suppress
violations. The law is clear that the
displacement of an occupied population
and settlement building by the occupier
are violations. Thus, all international
mechanisms that can be used to prevent
further appropriation and annexation
must be mobilized. These include but are
not limited to:</span></p>
<ul>
<li><span>Support submissions of reported
war crimes to the International
Criminal Court, such as </span><a
href="https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2017/09/palestinians-submit-israel-war-crime-evidence-icc-170920115342560.html"><span>the
one submitted in 2017 by Palestinian
civil society organizations</span></a><span>.
</span></li>
<li><span>Demand an extensive and formal
probe into Israeli violations, such as
</span><a
href="https://www.hrw.org/news/2016/06/05/palestine-icc-should-open-formal-probe"><span>the
one called for by Human Rights Watch
in 2016</span></a><span>.</span></li>
<li><span>Institute and enforce sanctions
– a mechanism used against Russia for
its annexation of </span><a
href="https://www.aljazeera.com/indepth/opinion/2014/03/western-hypocrisy-crimea-israel-201432342946568123.html"><span>Crimea</span></a><span>.
</span></li>
</ul>
<h3><i><span>Build cases for property and
land restitution</span></i><span> </span></h3>
<p><span>Property and land restitution and
compensation are an essential part of
any future reconciliation process, as
seen </span><a
href="http://www.badil.org/phocadownloadpap/Badil_docs/Working_Papers/WP-E-06.pdf"><span>in
South Africa following the
dismantlement of the apartheid regime</span></a><span>.
Efforts must be made to retroactively
challenge Israeli property and land
theft that has occurred since 1948.
Palestinians should organize a</span> <span>mass
effort to research and formulate their
claims; </span><a
href="http://www.badil.org/en/publication/press-releases/16-2002/317-press255-02.html"><span>a
wealth of documentation already exists</span></a><span>
that would support them, including </span><span>the
UNCCP files, UNRWA records, official
Israeli state records, and oral
testimonies.</span></p>
<p><span>With such targeted and organized
efforts, Palestinians and their allies
could obstruct Israel’s relentless
seizure of Palestinian land and secure
policies in line with Palestinian rights
as enshrined in international law. </span></p>
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<div>
<h5><a
href="https://al-shabaka.org/en/author/yara-hawari/">Yara
Hawari</a></h5>
<p><span>Yara Hawari is the Palestine
Policy Fellow of Al-Shabaka: The
Palestinian Policy Network. She
completed her PhD in Middle East
Politics at the University of Exeter.
Her research focused on oral history
projects and memory politics, framed
more widely within Indigenous Studies.
Yara taught various undergraduate
courses at the University of Exeter
and continues to work as a freelance
journalist, publishing for various
media outlets, including Al Jazeera
English, Middle East Eye and the
Independent.</span></p>
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