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        dir="ltr"> <font size="-2"><a id="reader-domain" class="domain"
href="https://www.counterpunch.org/2018/02/23/us-and-allies-look-to-military-intervention-in-venezuela/">https://www.counterpunch.org/2018/02/23/us-and-allies-look-to-military-intervention-in-venezuela/</a></font>
        <h1 id="reader-title">US and Allies Look to Military
          Intervention in Venezuela</h1>
        <p class="post_meta"> <span class="post_author_intro">by</span>
          <span class="post_author" itemprop="author"><a
              href="https://www.counterpunch.org/author/gaguwe/"
              rel="nofollow">W. T. Whitney</a></span> - February 23,
          2018<br>
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              <p>The Bolivarian social and political movement first led
                by former Venezuelan President Hugo Chavez and holding
                state power since1999 has long faced U.S. assaults.
                 They’ve ranged from U. S. support for an unsuccessful
                military coup in 2002, backing for violent street
                disturbances, U.S. moneys assigned to political
                opponents, and U.S. economic sanctions against
                Venezuelan political leaders. Now the U.S. government
                may be on the verge of blocking Venezuelan oil sales in
                the United States.</p>
              <p>One avenue for altering Venezuela’s government seems to
                be closing. Political forces rooted in Venezuela’s
                business class and mobilized against Venezuelan
                President Nicolas Maduro are flailing. But another has
                yielded results. Years of shortages at the hands of
                bankers and commercial interests have led to suffering
                and distress such that serious destabilization, their
                goal, may be at hand. Terrible inflation and real
                hardship for most Venezuelans may be the cue for
                military intervention billed as humanitarian.</p>
              <p>It’s evident from Secretary of State Rex Tillerson’s
                visit February 1-8 to Mexico, Colombia, Peru, Argentina,
                and Jamaica that the United States sees action ahead,
                and soon. In Austin, Texas, en route, he noted that, “<u><a
href="https://www.state.gov/secretary/remarks/2018/02/277840.htm">The
                    corrupt and hostile</a></u> regime of Nicolas Maduro
                in Venezuela clings to a false dream and antiquated
                vision for the region that has already failed its
                citizens.” He noted that, “In the history of Venezuela
                and in fact the history in other Latin American and
                South American countries, oftentimes it’s the military
                that handles that, that when things are so bad that the
                military leadership realizes they just – they can’t
                serve the citizens anymore, they will manage a peaceful
                transition.”</p>
              <p>A day later in Mexico City he charitably mentioned
                that, “<u><a
                    href="https://www.state.gov/secretary/remarks/2018/02/277876.htm">If
                    President Maduro would</a></u> return to the
                Venezuelan constitution, restore the duly elected
                assembly, dismantle the illegitimate constituent
                assembly, and return to free, fair elections, then he’s
                happy to stay.”</p>
              <p>Florida Senator Marco Rubio, never shy about regime
                change in Venezuela, tweeted that, “<u><a
href="https://www.telesurtv.net/english/news/US-Republican-Senator-Calls-for-Coup-in-Venezuela-20180209-0015.html">The
                    world would support</a></u> the Armed Forces in
                Venezuela if they decide to protect the people &
                restore democracy by removing a dictator.”</p>
              <p>But as Tillerson arrived in Colombia on February 6
                there was a snag.  Having negotiated intermittently for
                two years, representatives of Venezuela’s government and
                of rightwing opposition parties, meeting in the
                Dominican Republic, had <u><a
href="https://www.hispantv.com/noticias/opinion/368553/venezuela-golpe-estado-oposicion-derecha-disturbios-eeuu">reached
                    an agreement</a>.</u> It called for “rejection of
                foreign intervention,” electoral guarantees, common
                defense against economic sanctions, and “end of economic
                warfare.”  <u><a
                    href="https://venezuelanalysis.com/News/13660">The
                    negotiators agreed</a></u> also on a date for
                upcoming presidential elections.</p>
              <p>Then Julio Borges, representing the opposition
                negotiators, took a telephone call from Tillerson in
                Bogota. He was ordered to <u><a
                    href="https://venezuelanalysis.com/news/13647">call
                    off the agreement</a></u>.</p>
              <p>On February 13, the Lima Group – Latin America and
                Caribbean nations supporting U.S. neo-liberal objectives
                – announced they <u><a
                    href="http://www.rebelion.org/noticia.php?id=237912">wouldn’t
                    recognize the</a></u> results of Venezuela’s
                presidential elections set for April 22.  Polling data
                gives President Maduro a <u><a
href="http://www.resumenlatinoamericano.org/2018/02/18/venezuela-encuesta-55-de-la-poblacion-ratifica-reeleccion-de-maduro/">55
                    percent</a></u> advantage.</p>
              <p>At that meeting the Peruvian foreign minister
                disinvited President Maduro from attending an
                Organization of American States summit meeting in April
                hosted by Peru.</p>
              <p>Admiral Kurt Tidd, head of the U.S. Southern Command,
                met with Colombian President Juan Manuel Santos and
                other officials in Bogota on February 8-9. Venezuela
                presumably was on the agenda. Testifying before the
                Senate Armed Forces Committee in 2017, Kidd opined that,
                “<u><a
href="http://misionverdad.com/COLUMNISTAS/los-planes-del-comando-sur-y-el-rompecabezas-de-la-guerra-contra-venezuela">The
                    growing crisis</a></u> in Venezuela could eventually
                require a regional response.”</p>
              <p>Colombia is taking the lead in publicizing humanitarian
                crisis in Venezuela. Officials point to thousands of
                hungry and destitute Venezuelans crossing into
                Colombia’s eastern cities and departments. In fact, many
                are Colombians who long ago had <u><a
href="http://www.resumenlatinoamericano.org/2018/02/11/colombia-nueve-preguntas-sobre-las-ultimas-medidas-tomadas-por-santos-en-la-frontera/">moved
                    to Venezuela</a></u> because of threats to their
                survival in Colombia.</p>
              <p>Santos is anathema to defenders of the Bolivarian
                process. <em>He “has opted to be the spokesperson for
                  the White House with its constant aggression,”
                  according to </em>former Venezuelan Vice President
                Jose Vincent Rangel, and “<em><u><a
href="http://www.panorama.com.ve/opinion/-El-vecino-artero-por-Jose-Vicente-Rangel-20180205-0052.html">He’s
                      mixed up in</a> </u></em><em>our internal
                  politics on a daily basis, and brazenly so.” </em></p>
              <p>In recent weeks Colombia’s government has sent 3000
                troops to Cúcuta and Catatumbo, regions on Colombia’s
                border with Venezuela. <u><a
href="http://www.resumenlatinoamericano.org/2018/02/13/venezuela-bolivariana-el-punto-maximo-de-la-confrontacion-antiimperialista-por-carlos-aznarez/">Extra
                    paramilitary</a></u> forces are moving in.  In
                January the United States sent <u><a
href="http://www.celag.org/ee-uu-venezuela-la-hipotesis-intervencion-militar/">415
                    marines to Panama</a></u>. They will be staying
                until June, 2018 as part of the military’s humanitarian
                intervention program called New Horizons. U.S. troops
                have long been in place in Aruba, Bonaire, and Curazao,
                Dutch-owned islands located off Venezuela’s northern
                coast. <u><a
href="http://www.resumenlatinoamericano.org/2018/02/14/igual-que-colombia-brasil-duplicara-presencia-militar-en-la-frontera-con-venezuela/">Brazil
                    is deploying </a></u>soldiers to its northern
                border with Venezuela. The United States has its own
                troops and military bases in Colombia.</p>
              <p>The U.S. Southern Command in November organized
                training exercises for U.S. Brazilian, Peruvian, and
                Colombian troops in Tabatinga, a Brazilian town on the
                Amazon River. They were <a
href="https://www.telesurtv.net/news/Maniobras-militares-de-Brasil-cual-es-la-intencion-de-EE.UU.-20171106-0019.html"><u>preparing
                    a base</u> </a>to be available for future
                humanitarian operations.</p>
              <p>The question remains: why is the United States focused
                on Venezuela? U.S. concerns have ranged from Venezuela
                as center for international drug trafficking, as safe
                harbor for Islamic terrorists, as owner of bountiful oil
                deposits no longer under U.S. control.  Surely power
                brokers in Washington are no fans of a government
                claiming socialism as one goal and continent-wide unity
                as another. They were never happy with Venezuela’s
                promotion of regional alliances for the sake of social
                programs and protection of sovereignty.</p>
              <p>The role of China in <u><a
href="https://oilprice.com/Geopolitics/International/Russia-China-And-Iran-Lose-Interest-In-Venezuela.html">propping
                    up Venezuela’s</a></u> problem – ridden oil industry
                may be especially galling to the U.S. government, in
                part due to concerns that China is displacing the United
                States as Latin America’s main trading partner. Indeed,
                “In seven Latin American countries, China has surpassed
                the United States as the main destination for exports,”
                <a
href="https://theglobalamericans.org/2017/07/shifting-trade-landscape-latin-america-favors-china-globalization/">according
                  to <u>one analyst</u></a>. And, “Eight Latin American
                countries now import more from China than they do from
                the United States.”</p>
              <p>Surveying the scene, <a
href="http://rebelion.org/mostrar.php?tipo=5&id=%C3%81ngel%20Guerra%20Cabrera&inicio=0">Ángel
                  Guerra Cabrera</a>, a Cuban political journalist
                living in Mexico, asserts that Venezuela “is the Spanish
                Republic of today.” As in the 1930s, “<u><a
                    href="http://www.rebelion.org/noticia.php?id=237941">a
                    decisive struggle is underway</a></u> in Venezuela
                for democracy and self determination of the peoples.”</p>
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            <p class="author_description"> <em><strong>W.T. Whitney Jr.</strong> is
                a retired pediatrician and political journalist living
                in Maine.</em> </p>
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