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href="https://www.counterpunch.org/2017/08/16/the-tragedy-of-the-missing-c-the-colonial-fiscal-control-board-in-puerto-rico/">https://www.counterpunch.org/2017/08/16/the-tragedy-of-the-missing-c-the-colonial-fiscal-control-board-in-puerto-rico/</a></font>
<h1 id="reader-title">The Tragedy of the Missing C: The
(Colonial) Fiscal Control Board in Puerto Rico</h1>
<div id="reader-credits" class="credits">by <span
class="post_author" itemprop="author"><a
href="https://www.counterpunch.org/author/ana-portnoy/"
rel="nofollow">Ana Portnoy</a> - August 16, 2017<br>
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<p>There have been quite a few names for it, pseudonyms
protecting its top secret identity, barely revealing, if
not completely concealing, the truth behind its
seemingly impenetrable Armani fortress. Financial
Oversight and Management Board, a deceptive title
feeding the gullible fantasies of hands-off supervision
and horizontal guidance. <em>La Junta de Cobro, </em>or
The Collection Board, a somewhat more critical epithet,
highlighting the greedy and profit-filthy fingers of the
committee under discussion. Fiscal Control Board, the
top hit single, in Spanish widely used in acronym-form:
<em>JCF</em><a href="#_ftn1" name="_ftnref1"><sup>[1]</sup></a>,
counteracting the first name, underscoring the authority
and domination hiding under the covers.</p>
<p>But these titles, and the others in circulation, are
missing a vital component, are devoid of their basic
kernel, deprived of their fundamental constituent,
bereft of their cardinal component. The <em>JCF</em> is
short a “C.” <em>JCF<strong>C</strong></em>, <em>Junta
de Control Fiscal <strong>C</strong>olonial</em>, <strong>C</strong>olonial
Fiscal Control Board. And this synchronic “C” is part of
a larger, older, more complex diachronic “C,” one that
spans the length of 524 years, a “C” so ancient its
amnesia has grown contagious, a “C” that only the sea
has lived long enough to watch it become the monster of
a letter, of a force, of a power it’s today. And so the
sea was witness, and perhaps a forced contributor, to a
third wave of colonialism in Puerto Rico.</p>
<p>Puerto Rico is currently facing one of the most
detrimental financial and socio-political crises of its
contemporary history. Faced with an unaudited $74
billion debt, and $49 billion in pension obligations,
the likes of which are the result of decades of
corruption, illegal bond issuances and trades, and an
overly-advertised tax haven, the United States Congress,
endlessly infantilizing the Archipelago and the agency
of its people<a href="#_ftn2" name="_ftnref2"><sup>[2]</sup></a>,
forced upon Puerto Rico an unelected and undemocratic
(Colonial) Fiscal Control Board. Whether they deemed us
incapable of cleaning up this mess; felt entitled to
intervene (take a look at the US’s history of
international intervention, it usually ends up in
devastation and drones blowing up everything in sight);
or prioritized the creditors and hedge funds that went
bargain shopping for bonds; the (Colonial) Fiscal
Control Board landed on the shores (an airport runway)
of Puerto Rico with a very specific and overlooked
purpose: to (re)colonize the Archipelago, to put on a
show of colonial force.</p>
<p>Like every “-ism” throughout the course of history,
Puerto Rico has seen the rise and fall, the evolving and
changing waves of colonialism. First-wave colonialism in
Puerto Rico was a period of Spanish rule; of indigenous
genocide; of the Trans-Atlantic “Slave” Trade; of
ecological demolition and plunder; of religious
impositions; of gold mining, the sugarcane industry and
<em>Hacienda</em> socio-economic hierarchies; of extreme
poverty, starvation and disease; of political exiles; of
400 years of Europeanization and exploitation. But of
course, there were also resistances: Taíno rebellions
(The Taíno Rebellion of 1511), slave revolts (which were
happening since 1812, like the revolt lead by enslaved
Marcos Xiorro in 1821<a href="#_ftn3" name="_ftnref3"><sup>[3]</sup></a>),
marronage and <em>jíbaro</em> culture, anticolonial
uprisings (the <em>Grito de Lares</em> and the <em>Intentona
de Yauco</em>), among other forms and traditions of
resistance.</p>
<p>Second-wave colonialism in Puerto Rico consisted of a
war between empires, resulting in the transaction and
transference of “colonial property”; of U.S. military
invasion; of the sugarcane (enough already), military
and tourist industry; of forced upon American
Citizenship; of The Cabotage Laws; of WW1, WW2, the
Vietnam War and the Korean War; of linguistic terrorism;
of the Gag Law; of the Great Depression colonial style
and Operation Bootstrap; of mass migrations; of
sterilizations and lab-rat experimentations; of extreme
political repression and political prisoners by the
dozens; of racism hiding behind myths of racial
democracy; of market dependency; of endless ping-pong
games between commonwealth-ers and statehood-ers. But,
once again, there were also resistances: the Jayuya
Uprising, the Puerto Rican Nationalist Party, the Puerto
Rico Independence Party, the Armed Forces of Liberation
(CAL), the Armed Forces of National Liberation (FALN),
the poetry collective <em>El Atalaya de los Dioses</em>
or <em>Atalayismo</em>, the Student Movement of the
University of Puerto Rico, The Young Lords, the
Nuyorican School of Poetry (we must not forget our
diaspora), among a great number of other movements and
collectives.</p>
<p>And now, still under the imperialist thumb of the
United States, Puerto Rico is riding third-wave
colonialism, riding it all the way to the shore, the
(Colonial) Fiscal Control Board arising, in god-like
fashion, from the fizzling sea foam.</p>
<p>The show of colonial force particular to this latest
wave of colonialism in Puerto Rico has been strategic
and carefully concerted, timed and placed with utter
preciseness. I mean, what a better way to celebrate 100
years of having been granted American citizenship
(ownership) than by bestowing upon us a commemorative
reminder of our dependant, agency-less and subservient
state, a four-letter gift, a century year-old present,
an eternally returning <strong>C</strong><a
href="#_ftn4" name="_ftnref4"><sup>[4]</sup></a>.</p>
<p>But the colonial curtain didn’t fall there, the show
had (has) only begun. In a symbolic performance of
power, the (Colonial) Fiscal Control Board’s first
meeting in Puerto Rico, their first formal gathering as
a super power, was held at the gated after gate after
gate after gate <em>El Conquistador, A Waldorf Astoria
Resort </em>(the tourist industry itself another
colonizing entity, slowly transforming the Island into
an Island-resort, a “paradise” for the colonizer). And
very much <em>(re)conquistando<a href="#_ftn5"
name="_ftnref5"><sup><strong>[5]</strong></sup></a></em>
the landscape, the people and the already colonial
government itself, the (C)FCB, under the ordinances of
PROMESA<a href="#_ftn6" name="_ftnref6"><sup>[6]</sup></a>,
is basically granted full and ultimate authority,
command and jurisdiction over Puerto Rico, which it has
had no trouble in exerting or reminding us of, the
governor and his <em>batatas<a href="#_ftn7"
name="_ftnref7"><sup><strong>[7]</strong></sup></a>
</em>made puppets of (once again).</p>
<p>To continue twisting the plot even further, the last
two years haven’t been smooth sailing for Puerto Rico,
what with the debt being declared un-payable by former
governor and avid advocate for Commonwealth status,
Alejandro García Padilla; the constant and uninterrupted
closing of schools; the concerning number of
health-workers migrating; the eviction of individuals
and families from their homes and the foreclosure of
these properties by the same banks that got us into this
mess of a debt; the continued bureaucratic and partisan
scandals and corruption the University of Puerto Rico
has had to withstand; the environmental injustices and
racism plaguing the island; the rising rates of poverty,
unemployment and suicides; the ever-increasing exodus of
blue collar workers and professionals to the United
States; the list goes on.</p>
<p>All of the aforementioned have taken a toll, a
devastating toll, on the people of Puerto Rico, and a
considerable number of sectors of the society were and
have been pushed to the very limits of their
colonially-induced endurance. Protests, demonstrations,
acts of civil disobedience and full-fledged outrage have
experienced an escalation and seen a historic rise,
socio-political mobilizations gaining considerable
strength; therefore, the arrival of this
third-time-is-the-charm colonial venture, of the (C)FCB
and the politically repressive measures that were (are)
a part of the package deal are no surprise. One of the
most prominent acts of this show of colonial force has
been the recent amendments to the penal code
orchestrated by our colonial government (now under the
control of the (C)FCB; the constitutionality of these
amendments heavily questioned by the ACLU and other
legal associations), and this act has played an
important role throughout the (re)colonizing venture in
operation by continuing to engender and instigate
colonial numbness, fear and obedience.</p>
<p><a href="#_ftn8" name="_ftnref8"><sup>[8]</sup></a>And
the driving feature of this third wave of colonialism in
PR and of its particular show of colonial force is the
direct and powerful involvement of corporations and the
financial sector. The involvement of corporations in
colonial ventures is not a new phenomenon; corporations,
such as the West India Company, were involved in the
colonial enterprise since the 17th century. However, the
role of many was restricted to issuing loans for the
purchase of enslaved Africans, for travel, and other
nitty-gritty details. However, what we have come to know
as the financial sector, Wall Street and the sort, is a
fairly recent phenomenon, a 70s baby nurtured and raised
by the mother of all contemporary maladies:
neoliberalism. And so, this third wave of colonialism in
Puerto Rico, rather than being financed by the banks and
corporations that have for too long managed to
camouflage seamlessly into our lives (Banco Santander,
Wells Fargo, UBS, Banco Popular, etc.), is being <em>led</em>
by them. These banks and corporations <em>are</em> the
colonizers, which is why we have a FISCAL Control Board,
not an Industrial Control Board, not a Political Control
Board, not a Trade Control Board, not an <em>Arroz-con-habichuelas<a
href="#_ftn9" name="_ftnref9"><sup><strong>[9]</strong></sup></a></em>
Control Board, but a (Colonial) FISCAL Control Board.
And like the good (Colonial) Fiscal Control Board that
it is, it has conquered Puerto Rico, and is in the
process of pillaging and plundering it by doing what it
does best: financially hijacking and destroying
everything in sight; members of the audience, a round of
applause for the cast and crew: austerity measures,
neoliberal politics, draconian budget cuts, creditors
over essential services, profit over people, bondholders
over barely-have-anything-to-hold-onto-holders.</p>
<p>The (C)FCB, in third-wave fashion, has come to Puerto
Rico carrying the financial white man’s burden,
entranced and consumed by an economic savior-complex,
(re)claiming the Archipelago as its property, sinking
its flag into our bruised landscape for all colonized
eyes to see, a green Benjamin-Franklin-faced bill, $100
dollars, 100 years<a href="#_ftn10" name="_ftnref10"><sup>[10]</sup></a>,
waving in the wind.</p>
<p><em><strong>Notes.</strong></em></p>
<p><a href="#_ftnref1" name="_ftn1"><sup>[1]</sup></a><em>
Junta de Control Fiscal</em></p>
<p><a href="#_ftnref2" name="_ftn2"><sup>[2]</sup></a>
Well, those outside of the corrupt and colonial
government and partisan circles that condemned Puerto
Rico to its decades-long fall into indebtedness.</p>
<p><a href="#_ftnref3" name="_ftn3"><sup>[3]</sup></a>“Slave
revolts in Puerto Rico: conspiracies and uprisings,
1795–1873”; by: Guillermo A. Baralt; Publisher Markus
Wiener Publishers</p>
<p><a href="#_ftnref4" name="_ftn4"><sup>[4]</sup></a> <a
href="http://lapupila.net/manufacturing-paradise/">http://lapupila.net/manufacturing-paradise/</a></p>
<p><a href="#_ftnref5" name="_ftn5"><sup>[5]</sup></a>
(re)conquering</p>
<p><a href="#_ftnref6" name="_ftn6"><sup>[6]</sup></a> The
Puerto Rico Oversight, Management, and Economic
Stability Act (PROMESA) —designated as S. 2328 — 114th
Congress (2015-2016)— is a <a
href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Law_of_the_United_States">federal
law</a> enacted by the <a
href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/United_States_Congress">United
States Congress</a> that establishes an oversight
board, a process for restructuring debt, and expedited
procedures for approving critical infrastructure
projects in order to combat the <a
href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Puerto_Rican_government-debt_crisis">Puerto
Rican government-debt crisis</a>, particularly relying
on austerity policies, undemocratic impositions, and
neoliberal politics to achieve this.</p>
<p><a href="#_ftnref7" name="_ftn7"><sup>[7]</sup></a>
Yams; a colloquial term used to refer to the followers
of the political party in office granted positions of
privilege and trust.</p>
<p><a href="#_ftnref8" name="_ftn8"><sup>[8]</sup></a> A
special acknowledgement to Dr. Jose Atiles-Osoria; this
entire paragraph/segment was written thanks to his
specialized knowledge in the fields of: Crimes of the
Powerful, Colonial State Corporate Crimes, and Colonial
and Post-Colonial Studies. For more on his work, visit <a
href="http://uprm.academia.edu/Jos%C3%A9MAtilesOsoria">http://uprm.academia.edu/Jos%C3%A9MAtilesOsoria</a></p>
<p><a href="#_ftnref9" name="_ftn9"><sup>[9]</sup></a>
Rice with beans.</p>
<p><a href="#_ftnref10" name="_ftn10"><sup>[10]</sup></a>
This year, 2017, marks the 100th anniversary of Puerto
Ricans being granted American Citizenship. However,
Puerto Rico has been a colony of the US for 119 years.</p>
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