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        <h1 id="reader-title">Yankton Sioux Challenges ‘Plenary Power’
          Doctrine in DAPL Case <br>
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              <div class="postmeta-lefttop"> <span class="vcard author"><a
href="https://indiancountrymedianetwork.com/author/peter-d-errico/"
                    title="Posts by Peter d'Errico" rel="author">Peter
                    d'Errico</a></span> • <span class="date updated
                  published"> February 27, 2017</span><br>
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              <p>The <a
href="https://turtletalk.files.wordpress.com/2016/09/16-09-08-complaint.pdf"
                  target="_blank">Yankton Sioux and their Chairman,
                  Robert Flying Hawk, have broken new ground in
                  litigation against the U.S. Army Corps of Engineers </a>to
                protect the waters of the Missouri River from invasion
                and desecration by the Dakota Access Pipeline (DAPL):
                Their complaint challenges the federal Indian law
                concept of “plenary power,” by which the U.S. claims
                total authority over Indians and Indian lands.</p>
              <p>To my knowledge, <a
                  href="http://people.umass.edu/derrico/shoshone/index.html"
                  target="_blank">a litigation challenge to federal
                  Indian law basic concepts has only been done once
                  before, by the Western Shoshone National Council in
                  1995</a>. The Western Shoshone challenged the whole
                structure based on the so-called “right of Christian
                Discovery”—including the “trust doctrine” that the U.S.
                uses in conjunction with “plenary power.”</p>
              <p><a
href="https://indiancountrymedianetwork.com/news/opinions/yankton-sioux-challenges-plenary-power-doctrine-dapl-case/news/politics/standing-rock-sioux-tribe-files-motion-overturn-lake-oahe-easement/">Standing
                  Rock</a> and other parties <a
href="https://indiancountrymedianetwork.com/news/opinions/yankton-sioux-challenges-plenary-power-doctrine-dapl-case/news/politics/challenges-dakota-access-pipeline-shifting-new-shapes-new-fronts/">challenging
                  DAPL</a> have limited their arguments to conventional
                federal Indian law and U.S. statutes like the National
                Historic Preservation Act and the National Environmental
                Policy Act. These arguments presume the U.S. does have a
                “right” to dominate Indian country, but challenge the
                specifics of the domination—such as whether the U.S.
                followed proper procedures in its claim of domination.</p>
              <p>The Yankton Sioux complaint raises those issues, but
                goes beyond, stating, the “alleged [plenary] powers in
                fact violate Article VI of the United States
                Constitution which declares treaties to be the supreme
                law of the land. Federal approvals for a trespass to the
                Tribe’s treaty territory violate Article VI….”</p>
              <p>Yankton Sioux further states that the United Nations
                Declaration of the Rights of Indigenous Peoples requires
                “the Tribe’s free, prior and informed consent is
                required” for any action like DAPL that affects
                Indigenous Peoples and their lands.</p>
              <p>The <a
href="https://www.gpo.gov/fdsys/pkg/STATUTE-72/pdf/STATUTE-72-Pg1762.pdf"
                  target="_blank">1958 U.S. invasion of Standing Rock
                  through U.S. Public Law 85-915 to build the Oahe dam
                  illustrates the problem with the concept of “plenary
                  power”</a>: it was the claimed basis for the U.S.
                Congress authorization of the dam—”To provide for the
                acquisition of lands by the United States required for
                the reservoir created by the construction of Oahe Dam on
                the Missouri River.”</p>
              <p>Prior to that public law, <a
href="https://casetext.com/case/united-states-v-200532-acres-of-land-etc#%21"
                  target="_blank">the U.S. District Court for the
                  District of South Dakota said Treaties between the
                  U.S. and the Sioux Nation prevented any dam building
                  without the consent of the Sioux.</a> The court then
                set up the basis for invasion by saying Congress could
                “abrogate” the Sioux Treaty, even though the Treaty says
                the lands are “for the absolute and undisturbed use and
                occupation of the Indians” and that there can be no
                cession of land except with the consent of three-fourths
                of the adult male Indians.</p>
              <p>The U.S. says “plenary power” derives from the U.S.
                Constitution. Many scholars have criticized this
                argument and shown through historical evidence that the
                Constitution does not provide for “plenary power” over
                Indians.</p>
              <p>U.S. Supreme Court Justice Clarence Thomas has joined
                the scholarly critique. In a <a
href="https://supreme.justia.com/cases/federal/us/579/15-420/concur4.html"
                  target="_blank">concurring opinion in <em>U.S. v.
                    Bryant</em> (2016), Thomas said, “Congress’
                  purported plenary power over Indian tribes rests on
                  even shakier foundations. No enumerated power—not
                  Congress’ power to ‘regulate Commerce … with Indian
                  Tribes,’ not the Senate’s role in approving treaties,
                  nor anything else—gives Congress such sweeping
                  authority. </a>… [T]he Court has searched in vain for
                any valid constitutional justification for this
                unfettered power.”</p>
              <p>Critiques showing “plenary power” has no basis in the
                U.S. Constitution are important, but they beg a
                fundamental question: How does anyone—even the critics—
                presume the U.S. Constitution <em>could</em> govern
                Native Nations? Even when the U.S. Congress enacted the
                Northwest Ordinance to propose new colonial territories,
                it acknowledged Native Nations’ lands, which “shall
                never be taken from them without their consent.”</p>
              <p>Native Nations have been in existence far longer than
                the United States. The Constitution of the United States
                sets up a government for the United States. Native
                Nations are not a party to that constitution. How could
                it govern them, let alone provide “plenary power”
                against them?</p>
              <p>The U.S. Supreme Court has admitted that Native Nations
                are not party to the constitution: In <em>Blatchford v.
                  Native Village of Noatak and Circle Village</em>
                (1991), Justice Scalia dismissed an argument about
                tribal sovereign immunity by saying,<a
                  href="https://supreme.justia.com/cases/federal/us/501/775/case.html"
                  target="_blank"> “it would be absurd to suggest that
                  the tribes surrendered immunity in a convention to
                  which they were not even parties.”</a></p>
              <p>What does provide the basis for “plenary power”? The
                answer: the so-called “right of <a
href="https://indiancountrymedianetwork.com/news/opinions/yankton-sioux-challenges-plenary-power-doctrine-dapl-case/news/opinions/christian-discovery-as-source-of-reservation-crime/">Christian
                  Discovery</a>,” by which the U.S. claims it has a
                right of domination over Indigenous Peoples.</p>
              <p>Why does the “plenary power” doctrine continue to exist
                in federal Indian law, with so much evidence it has no
                basis in the U.S. constitution and the admission that
                the constitution in any event does not include Native
                Nations?</p>
              <p>One part of the answer stems from the U.S. government’s
                insistence—no matter what the scholars and Justice
                Thomas say—that it has sovereignty over Native Nations.</p>
              <p>The Supreme Court approved that insistence in 1903, in
                <em>Lone Wolf v. Hitchcock</em>, where it stated that
                “Plenary authority…has been exercised by Congress from
                the beginning, and the power has always been deemed a
                political one, not subject to be controlled by the
                judicial department of the Government.”</p>
              <p>In other words, the U.S. government claims that
                Congress does not have to justify its “plenary power”
                based on its “right of discovery”!</p>
              <p>But Native Nations have also played a part in
                perpetuating the dangerous doctrine of “plenary power.”
                They often rely on the doctrine when they see it as
                protection against the states. This happens frequently.
                But for every Indian “win” under that doctrine, they dig
                themselves deeper into a hole under the domination of
                the federal government.</p>
              <p>The Yankton Sioux challenge to the doctrine suggests
                another question: Do Native Nations need to rely on the
                dangerous, two-edged concept of “plenary power”?</p>
              <p>By asserting treaty rights and the U.N. Declaration,
                Yankton Sioux begins to stand on their own in an
                international relations context. Yankton Sioux puts this
                position forward as their first “claim for relief,”
                followed by conventional claims based on historic
                preservation and environmental laws. Unfortunately, the
                Yankton Sioux critique of “plenary power” does not
                extend to a critique of the “trust” doctrine, which
                results in an element of confusion in their position.</p>
              <p>Nevertheless, the move by Yankton Sioux deserves strong
                support from other Native Nations. My research so far
                shows only one other Native Nation moving in that
                direction: The Confederated Tribes and Bands of the
                Yakama Nation.</p>
              <p>In an Appendix to an <em>amici curiae</em> brief filed
                by the National Congress of American Indians, Yakama
                Nation characterizes <a
href="https://turtletalk.files.wordpress.com/2017/02/130-2-ncai-amicus.pdf">DAPL
                  as “a continuation of the domination exercised by the
                  non-Native governments first supported by the Inter
                  Caetera Papal Bull of 1493 and continuing into modern
                  American government practices. The Papal Bull and
                  so-called ‘Doctrine of Discovery’ that has dehumanized
                  Original Nations</a> have continuing and extraordinary
                influence in Indian country beginning with <em>Johnson
                  v. M’Intosh</em>, and continuing to modern times in <em>Tee-Hit-Ton
                  v. US</em> in 1955, and the Oneida line of cases,
                culminating in <em>City of Sherrill</em> in 2005.”</p>
              <p>The “plenary power” doctrine—based on “Christian
                Discovery”—has two faces, and one of them cuts sharply
                against Native Nations. Every time the U.S. wants to
                invade Native lands or interfere with Native
                governments, it relies on its claim of “plenary power.”
                It did this against Standing Rock in 1958 and wants to
                do it again with DAPL.</p>
              <p><em>Peter d’Errico graduated from Yale Law School in
                  1968. He was Staff attorney in Dinébe’iiná Náhiiłna be
                  Agha’diit’ahii Navajo Legal Services, 1968-1970, in
                  Shiprock. He taught Legal Studies at the University of
                  Massachusetts, Amherst, 1970-2002. He is a consulting
                  attorney on Indigenous issues.</em></p>
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