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<p class="MsoNormal"
style="mso-margin-top-alt:auto;mso-margin-bottom-alt:auto;
line-height:normal;mso-outline-level:1"><span
style="font-size:8.0pt;
mso-fareast-font-family:"Times New
Roman";mso-bidi-font-family:Calibri;
mso-bidi-theme-font:minor-latin"><a
href="http://bostonreview.net/forum/after-trump/robin-d-g-kelley-trump-says-go-back-we-say-fight-back#.WCuggdG6I2o.facebook">http://bostonreview.net/forum/after-trump/robin-d-g-kelley-trump-says-go-back-we-say-fight-back#.WCuggdG6I2o.facebook</a></span><span
style="font-size:12.0pt;mso-fareast-font-family:"Times New
Roman";mso-bidi-font-family:
Calibri;mso-bidi-theme-font:minor-latin"><br>
</span><b><span
style="font-size:24.0pt;mso-fareast-font-family:"Times
New Roman";
mso-bidi-font-family:Calibri;mso-bidi-theme-font:minor-latin;mso-font-kerning:
18.0pt">Trump Says Go Back, We Say Fight Back<o:p></o:p></span></b></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"
style="margin-bottom:0in;margin-bottom:.0001pt;line-height:
normal"><span
style="font-size:10.0pt;mso-fareast-font-family:"Times New
Roman";
mso-bidi-font-family:Calibri;mso-bidi-theme-font:minor-latin">Robin
D. G.
Kelley<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"
style="mso-margin-top-alt:auto;mso-margin-bottom-alt:auto;
line-height:normal"><span
style="font-size:10.0pt;mso-fareast-font-family:"Times New
Roman";
mso-bidi-font-family:Calibri;mso-bidi-theme-font:minor-latin">Nov
15, 2016<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"
style="mso-margin-top-alt:auto;mso-margin-bottom-alt:auto;
line-height:normal"><span
style="font-size:10.0pt;mso-fareast-font-family:"Times New
Roman";
mso-bidi-font-family:Calibri;mso-bidi-theme-font:minor-latin">If
we are to keep
the enormity of the forces aligned against us from establishing
a false
hierarchy of oppression, we must school ourselves to recognize
that any attack
against Blacks, any attack against women, is an attack against
all of us who
recognize that our interests are not being served by the systems
we support.
Each one of us here is a link in the connection between antipoor
legislation,
gay shootings, the burning of synagogues, street harassment,
attacks against
women, and resurgent violence against Black people.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"
style="mso-margin-top-alt:auto;mso-margin-bottom-alt:auto;
line-height:normal"><span
style="font-size:10.0pt;mso-fareast-font-family:"Times New
Roman";
mso-bidi-font-family:Calibri;mso-bidi-theme-font:minor-latin">—Audre
Lorde,
“Learning from the 60s”<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"
style="mso-margin-top-alt:auto;mso-margin-bottom-alt:auto;
line-height:normal"><span
style="font-size:10.0pt;mso-fareast-font-family:"Times New
Roman";
mso-bidi-font-family:Calibri;mso-bidi-theme-font:minor-latin">Donald
J. Trump’s
election was a national trauma, an epic catastrophe that has
left millions in
the United States and around the world in a state of utter
shock, uncertainty,
deep depression, and genuine fear. The fear is palpable and
justified,
especially for those Trump and his acolytes targeted—the
undocumented, Muslims,
anyone who “looks” undocumented or Muslim, people of color,
Jews, the LGBTQ
community, the disabled, women, activists of all kinds
(especially Black Lives
Matter and allied movements resisting state-sanctioned
violence), trade unions.
. . . the list is long. And the attacks have begun; as I write
these words, <a
href="https://www.splcenter.org/hatewatch/2016/11/11/over-200-incidents-hateful-harassment-and-intimidation-election-day">reports
of hate crimes and racist violence</a> are flooding my inbox.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"
style="mso-margin-top-alt:auto;mso-margin-bottom-alt:auto;
line-height:normal"><span
style="font-size:10.0pt;mso-fareast-font-family:"Times New
Roman";
mso-bidi-font-family:Calibri;mso-bidi-theme-font:minor-latin">The
common
refrain is that no one expected this. (Of course, the truth is
that many people
did expect this, just not in the elite media.) At no point, this
refrain goes,
could “we” imagine Trump in the Oval office surrounded by a
cabinet made up of
some of the most idiotic, corrupt, and authoritarian characters
in modern day
politics—Rudolph Giuliani, Chris Christie, Newt Gingrich, Sarah
Palin, John
Bolton, Ben Carson, Jeff Sessions, David “Blue Lives Matter”
Clarke, Joe
Arpaio, to name a few. Meanwhile, paid professional pundits are
scrambling to
peddle their analyses and to normalize the results—on the same
broadcast media
that helped deliver Trump’s victory by making him their
ratings-boosting
spectacle rather than attending to issues, ideas, and other
candidates (e.g.,
Bernie Sanders or Jill Stein). They deliver the same old
platitudes:
disaffected voters, angry white men who have suffered
economically and feel
forgotten, Trump’s populist message represented the nation’s
deep-seated
distrust of Washington, ad infinitum. Some liberal pundits have
begun to speak
of President-Elect Trump as thoughtful and conciliatory, and
some even suggest
that his unpredictability may prove to be an asset. The protests
are premature
or misplaced. All of this from the same folks who predicted a
Clinton victory.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"
style="mso-margin-top-alt:auto;mso-margin-bottom-alt:auto;
line-height:normal"><span
style="font-size:10.0pt;mso-fareast-font-family:"Times New
Roman";
mso-bidi-font-family:Calibri;mso-bidi-theme-font:minor-latin">This
election was
a referendum on whether the United States will be a straight,
white nation reminiscent
of the mythic “old days” when armed white men ruled.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"
style="mso-margin-top-alt:auto;mso-margin-bottom-alt:auto;
line-height:normal"><span
style="font-size:10.0pt;mso-fareast-font-family:"Times New
Roman";
mso-bidi-font-family:Calibri;mso-bidi-theme-font:minor-latin">But
the outcome
should not have surprised us. This election was, among other
things, a
referendum on whether the United States will be a straight,
white nation
reminiscent of the mythic “old days” when armed white men ruled,
owned their
castle, boasted of unvanquished military power, and everyone
else knew their
place. Henry Giroux’s new book <a
href="http://www.citylights.com/book/?GCOI=87286100277470"><i>America
at War
With Itself</i></a> made this point with clarity and
foresight two months
before the election. The easy claim that Trump appeals to
legitimate
working-class populism driven by class anger, Giroux argues,
ignores both the
historical link between whiteness, citizenship, and humanity,
and the American
dream of wealth accumulation built on private property. Trump’s
followers are
not trying to redistribute the wealth, nor are they all
“working class”—their annual median income is about $72,000. On
the
contrary, they are attracted to Trump’s wealth as metonym of an
American dream
that they, too, can enjoy once America is “great” again—which is
to say, once
the country returns to being “a white MAN’s country.” What
Giroux identifies as
“civic illiteracy” keeps them convinced that the descendants of
unfree labor or
the colonized, or those who are currently unfree, are to blame
for America’s
decline and for blocking their path to Trump-style success.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"
style="mso-margin-top-alt:auto;mso-margin-bottom-alt:auto;
line-height:normal"><span
style="font-size:10.0pt;mso-fareast-font-family:"Times New
Roman";
mso-bidi-font-family:Calibri;mso-bidi-theme-font:minor-latin">For
the white
people who voted overwhelmingly for Trump, their candidate
embodied the
anti-Obama backlash. Pundits who say race was not a factor point
to rural,
predominantly white counties that went for Obama in 2008 and
2012, but now went
for Trump, and to the low black and Latinx voter turnout.
However, turnout
was down overall, not just among African Americans.
Post-election analysis
shows that as a percentage of total votes the black vote <a
href="http://www.phillytrib.com/news/black-voter-turnout-a-look-at-the-numbers/article_49d1aed9-76be-550e-b063-15ad7639dc97.html">dropped</a>
only 1 percent compared with the 2012 election, even while the
number of
black ballots counted decreased by nearly 11 percent. (Why this
happened is
beyond the scope of this essay, but one might begin with <a
href="http://www.gregpalast.com/election-stolen-heres/">Greg
Palast’s findings</a>
about voter suppression and the use of “crosscheck” to
invalidate ballots.)
Moreover, claims that nearly a third of Latinxs went for Trump
have been
disputed by the website <a
href="http://www.latinodecisions.com/blog/2016/11/09/the-rundown-on-latino-voter-election-eve-polling-and-latino-exit-polls/">Latino
Decision</a>, whose careful research puts the figure at 18
percent. The turnout
does not contradict the fact that Trump drew the clear majority
of white votes.
This is not startling news.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"
style="mso-margin-top-alt:auto;mso-margin-bottom-alt:auto;
line-height:normal"><span
style="font-size:10.0pt;mso-fareast-font-family:"Times New
Roman";
mso-bidi-font-family:Calibri;mso-bidi-theme-font:minor-latin">If
history is our
guide, “whitelash” usually follows periods of expanded racial
justice and
democratic rights. In the aftermath of Reconstruction, there
were many
instances in which southern white men switched from the
biracial, abolitionist
Republicans to the “redeemers,” whether it be the Democrats or,
in states like
Texas, the “White Man’s Party.” (No ambiguity there.) Or in the
1880s and ’90s,
when white Populists betrayed their Black Populist allies in a
united struggle
to redistribute railroad land grants to farmers, reduce debt by
inflating
currency, abolish private national banks, nationalize railroads
and telegraphs,
and impose a graduated income tax to shift the burden onto the
wealthy, among
other things. Many of these one-time white “allies” joined the
Ku Klux Klan,
defeated the Lodge Force Bill of 1890 which would have
authorized federal supervision of elections to protect black
voting
rights, and led the efforts to disfranchise black voters. Or the
late 1960s,
when vibrant struggles for black, brown, American Indian, Asian
American, gay
and lesbian, and women’s liberation, the anti-war movement, and
student demands
for a democratic revolution were followed by white backlash and
the election of
Richard Nixon—whose rhetoric of “law and order” and the “silent
majority” Trump
shamelessly plagiarized.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"
style="mso-margin-top-alt:auto;mso-margin-bottom-alt:auto;
line-height:normal"><span
style="font-size:10.0pt;mso-fareast-font-family:"Times New
Roman";
mso-bidi-font-family:Calibri;mso-bidi-theme-font:minor-latin">“Whitelash”
usually follows periods of expanded racial justice and
democratic rights.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"
style="mso-margin-top-alt:auto;mso-margin-bottom-alt:auto;
line-height:normal"><span
style="font-size:10.0pt;mso-fareast-font-family:"Times New
Roman";
mso-bidi-font-family:Calibri;mso-bidi-theme-font:minor-latin">Of
course, Hilary
Clinton did win the popular vote, and some are restoring to the
easy lament
that, were it not for the arcane Electoral College (<a
href="http://people.uncw.edu/lowery/pls101/wilson_chapter_outlines/The%20Proslavery%20Origins%20of%20the%20Electoral%20College.pdf">itself
a relic of slave power</a>), we would not be here. One might
add, too, that had
it not been for the gutting of the Voting Rights Act opening the
door for
expanded strategies of voter suppression, or the permanent
disfranchisement of
some or all convicted felons in ten states, or the fact that
virtually all
people currently in cages cannot vote at all, or the persistence
of misogyny in
our culture, we may have had a different outcome. This is all
true. But we
cannot ignore the fact that the vast majority of white men and a
<i>majority of
white women</i>, across class lines, voted for a platform and
a message of
white supremacy, Islamophobia, misogyny, xenophobia, homophobia,
anti-Semitism,
anti-science, anti-Earth, militarism, torture, and policies that
blatantly
maintain income inequality. The vast majority of people of color
voted against
Trump, with black women registering the highest voting
percentage for Clinton
of any other demographic (93 percent). It is an astounding
number when we
consider that her husband’s administration oversaw the virtual
destruction of
the social safety net by turning welfare into workfare, cutting
food stamps,
preventing undocumented workers from receiving benefits, and
denying former
drug felons and users access to public housing; a dramatic
expansion of the
border patrol, immigrant detention centers, and the fence on
Mexico’s border; a
crime bill that escalated the war on drugs and accelerated mass
incarceration;
as well as NAFTA and legislation deregulating financial
institutions.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"
style="mso-margin-top-alt:auto;mso-margin-bottom-alt:auto;
line-height:normal"><span
style="font-size:10.0pt;mso-fareast-font-family:"Times New
Roman";
mso-bidi-font-family:Calibri;mso-bidi-theme-font:minor-latin">Still,
had Trump
received only a third of the votes he did and been defeated, we
still would
have had ample reason to worry about our future.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"
style="mso-margin-top-alt:auto;mso-margin-bottom-alt:auto;
line-height:normal"><span
style="font-size:10.0pt;mso-fareast-font-family:"Times New
Roman";
mso-bidi-font-family:Calibri;mso-bidi-theme-font:minor-latin">I
am not
suggesting that white racism alone explains Trump’s victory. Nor
am I
dismissing the white working class’s very real economic
grievances. It is
not a matter of disaffection <i>versus</i> racism or sexism <i>versus</i>
fear.
Rather, racism, class anxieties, and prevailing gender
ideologies operate
together, inseparably, or as Kimberlé Crenshaw would say,
intersectionally. White working-class men understand their
plight through a
racial and gendered lens. For women and people of color to hold
positions of
privilege or power <i>over</i> them is simply unnatural and can
only be
explained by an act of unfairness—for example, affirmative
action. White
privilege is taken for granted to the point where it need not be
named and
can’t be named. So, as activist/scholar <a
href="http://billfletcherjr.com/2016/quick-reflections-november-2016-election/">Bill
Fletcher recently observed</a>, even though Trump’s call to
deport immigrants,
close the borders, and reject free trade policies appealed to
working-class
whites’ discontent with the effects of globalization, Trump’s
plans do not
amount to a rejection of neoliberalism. Fletcher writes, “Trump
focused on the
symptoms inherent in neoliberal globalization, such as job loss,
but his was
not a critique of neoliberalism. He continues to advance
deregulation, tax
cuts, anti-unionism, etc. He was making no systemic critique at
all, but the
examples that he pointed to from wreckage resulting from
economic and social
dislocation, resonated for many whites who felt, for various
reasons, that
their world was collapsing.” Yet Fletcher is quick not to reduce
white
working-class support for Trump to class fears alone, adding,
“This segment of
the white population was looking in terror at the erosion of the
American
Dream, but they were looking at it through the prism of race.”<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"
style="mso-margin-top-alt:auto;mso-margin-bottom-alt:auto;
line-height:normal"><span
style="font-size:10.0pt;mso-fareast-font-family:"Times New
Roman";
mso-bidi-font-family:Calibri;mso-bidi-theme-font:minor-latin">Racism,
class
anxieties, and prevailing gender ideologies operate together,
inseparably,
and intersectionally.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"
style="mso-margin-top-alt:auto;mso-margin-bottom-alt:auto;
line-height:normal"><span
style="font-size:10.0pt;mso-fareast-font-family:"Times New
Roman";
mso-bidi-font-family:Calibri;mso-bidi-theme-font:minor-latin">A
<a
href="http://www.nytimes.com/interactive/2016/11/08/us/politics/election-exit-polls.html"><i>New
York Times</i> poll</a> shows that Trump supporters
identified immigration and
terrorism, not the economy, as the two most important issues in
the campaign.
Immigration and terrorism are both about race—Mexicans and
Muslims. That there
are “illegal” immigrants from around the globe, including
Canada, Israel, and
all over Europe doesn’t matter: anti-immigrant movements target
those who can
be racially profiled. And while Trump’s America fears
“terrorism,” it does not
disavow homegrown terrorist organizations such as the Ku Klux
Klan, despite the
fact that white nationalist movements are responsible for the
majority of
violent terrorist attacks on U.S. soil. On the contrary, Trump
was not only
endorsed by white nationalists and U.S.-based fascists, but
during the campaign
he refused to renounce their support, and Trump’s leading
candidate for
attorney general, Rudy Giuliani, has openly <a
href="http://mediamatters.org/video/2016/07/11/fox-rudy-giuliani-doubles-down-claim-black-lives-matter-inherently-racist/211477">called</a>
Black Lives Matter “terrorists.”<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"
style="mso-margin-top-alt:auto;mso-margin-bottom-alt:auto;
line-height:normal"><span
style="font-size:10.0pt;mso-fareast-font-family:"Times New
Roman";
mso-bidi-font-family:Calibri;mso-bidi-theme-font:minor-latin">So
where do we go
from here? If we really care about the world, our country, and
our future, we
have no choice but to resist. We need to reject a thoroughly
bankrupt
Democratic Party leadership that is calling for conciliation
and, in Obama’s
words, “rooting for [Trump’s] success.” Pay attention: Trump’s
success means
mass deportation; massive military spending; the continuation
and
escalation of global war; a conservative Supreme Court poised to
roll back
<i>Roe v. Wade</i>, marriage equality, and too many rights to
name here; a
justice department and FBI dedicated to growing the
Bush/Obama-era surveillance
state and waging COINTELPRO-style war on activists; fiscal
policies that will
accelerate income inequality; massive cuts in social spending;
the weakening or
elimination of the Affordable Care Act; and<br>
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</v:shape><span style='mso-element:field-end'></span><![endif]--><span
style="font-size:10.0pt;mso-fareast-font-family:"Times New
Roman";mso-bidi-font-family:
Calibri;mso-bidi-theme-font:minor-latin"><o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"
style="mso-margin-top-alt:auto;mso-margin-bottom-alt:auto;
line-height:normal"><span
style="font-size:10.0pt;mso-fareast-font-family:"Times New
Roman";
mso-bidi-font-family:Calibri;mso-bidi-theme-font:minor-latin">What
must
resistance look like? There are at least five things we have to
do right now:<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"
style="mso-margin-top-alt:auto;mso-margin-bottom-alt:auto;
line-height:normal"><b><span
style="font-size:10.0pt;mso-fareast-font-family:
"Times New
Roman";mso-bidi-font-family:Calibri;mso-bidi-theme-font:minor-latin">1.
<i>Build up the sanctuary movement</i>.</span></b><span
style="font-size:10.0pt;
mso-fareast-font-family:"Times New
Roman";mso-bidi-font-family:Calibri;
mso-bidi-theme-font:minor-latin"><o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"
style="mso-margin-top-alt:auto;mso-margin-bottom-alt:auto;
line-height:normal"><span
style="font-size:10.0pt;mso-fareast-font-family:"Times New
Roman";
mso-bidi-font-family:Calibri;mso-bidi-theme-font:minor-latin">In
the 1980s,
when nearly one million refugees fled U.S.-backed dictatorships
in Guatemala
and El Salvador, churches offered shelter, sanctuary, and
assistance to those
seeking political asylum, and over thirty cities were
subsequently designated
“sanctuary cities” by their local governments. The Obama
administration’s
deportations of undocumented workers rebooted the sanctuary
movement, along
with a vibrant immigrant rights movement that pushed the
president to use
executive authority to launch the Deferred Action for Childhood
Arrivals (DACA)
program and the Deferred Action for Parents of Americans and
Lawful Permanent
Residents (DAPA). Trump has vowed to end both programs, leaving
some five
million immigrants vulnerable to deportation and identifiable
through their
applications, and he has promised to immediately cut all federal
funding for
sanctuary cities. To those who argue that millions of
undocumented people are
not “political refugees,” I counter that Trump’s war on
immigrants is driven
entirely by his quest to take power—they will become casualties
of his
political machinations. Some states have already outlawed the
longstanding
principle of sanctuary status, but this should not deter us from
strengthening
and expanding the sanctuary movement to other institutions. For
example, many
of us who work in the University of California system are
working to turn our
campuses into sanctuaries—preferably with legal and
administrative backing. But
even without the law behind us, we must act on moral principle.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"
style="mso-margin-top-alt:auto;mso-margin-bottom-alt:auto;
line-height:normal"><b><span
style="font-size:10.0pt;mso-fareast-font-family:
"Times New
Roman";mso-bidi-font-family:Calibri;mso-bidi-theme-font:minor-latin">2.
<i>Defend all of our targeted communities.</i></span></b><span
style="font-size:10.0pt;mso-fareast-font-family:"Times New
Roman";mso-bidi-font-family:
Calibri;mso-bidi-theme-font:minor-latin"><o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"
style="mso-margin-top-alt:auto;mso-margin-bottom-alt:auto;
line-height:normal"><span
style="font-size:10.0pt;mso-fareast-font-family:"Times New
Roman";
mso-bidi-font-family:Calibri;mso-bidi-theme-font:minor-latin">We
must defend
against hate crimes, Islamophobia, anti-black racism, attacks on
queer and
trans people, and the erosion of reproductive rights. There is
no need to
reinvent the wheel since there are already hundreds of
organizations
across the country dedicated to the fight, including <a
href="http://incite-national.org/">INCITE: Women of Color
Against Violence</a>,
<a href="http://www.radicalwomen.org/index.shtml">Radical Women</a>,
the <a href="http://www.immigrantsolidarity.org/">Immigrant
Solidarity Network</a>, <a
href="https://www.facebook.com/The-Praxis-Project-47086345822/">the
Praxis
Project</a>, <a href="http://www.kzoo.edu/praxis/">the Praxis
Center</a>, <a href="http://caaav.org/">CAAAV: Organizing
Asian Communities</a>, <a href="http://www.chirla.org/">the
Coalition for Humane Immigrant Rights of Los
Angeles (CHIRLA)</a>, <a href="http://www.aapf.org/">the
African American
Policy Forum</a>, the <a
href="https://jewishvoiceforpeace.org/topics/network-against-islamophobia/">Network
Against Islamophobia</a>, and <a href="http://cjjc.org/">Causa
Justa</a>, to
name only a few. One of the main targets of attack, of course,
is the <a href="http://action.movementforblacklives.org/">Movement
for Black Lives</a>,
along with the dozens of organizations upon which it was
built—Black Lives
Matter, the Dream Defenders, Million Hoodies, Black Youth
Project 100, Malcolm
X Grassroots Movement, We Charge Genocide, and Black Organizing
for Leadership
and Dignity (BOLD), among others. We need to support these
movements and
institutions, financially and by doing the work. And we must
defend the
political and cultural spaces that enable us to plot, plan,
build community and
sustain social movements. Here in Los Angeles this means spaces
such as the
L.A. Black Workers Center, the Labor/Community Strategy Center
and its new
community space, Strategy and Soul, the L.A. Community Action
Network, the
Southern California Library for Social Studies and Research, the
Community
Coalition, and Revolutionary Autonomous Communities, among many
others. In New
York we can point to Decolonize This Place; in Detroit, the
Boggs Center; in
St. Louis, Organization for Black Struggle, and so on. There are
literally
hundreds of centers around the country building for local power,
and while none
were immune to state surveillance in the past, we can expect
heightened
monitoring and outright attacks under this extreme right-wing
regime. Now is
not the time to retreat to our identity silos. We need
solidarity more than
ever, recognizing that all solidarities are imperfect, often
fragile, temporary,
and always forged in struggle and sustained through hard work.
In our state of
emergency, political disagreements, slights, misunderstandings,
and
microaggressions should not prohibit us from fighting for
peoples rights,
privileges, and lives.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"
style="mso-margin-top-alt:auto;mso-margin-bottom-alt:auto;
line-height:normal"><b><span
style="font-size:10.0pt;mso-fareast-font-family:
"Times New
Roman";mso-bidi-font-family:Calibri;mso-bidi-theme-font:minor-latin">3.
<i>Stop referring to the South as a political backwater, a
distinctive site of
racist right-wing reaction</i>.</span></b><span
style="font-size:10.0pt;
mso-fareast-font-family:"Times New
Roman";mso-bidi-font-family:Calibri;
mso-bidi-theme-font:minor-latin"><o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"
style="mso-margin-top-alt:auto;mso-margin-bottom-alt:auto;
line-height:normal"><span
style="font-size:10.0pt;mso-fareast-font-family:"Times New
Roman";
mso-bidi-font-family:Calibri;mso-bidi-theme-font:minor-latin">First,
white
supremacy, homophobia, and anti-union attitudes are national,
not regional,
problems. Second, black and multiracial groups in the South are
at the forefront
of resisting Trump’s authoritarian agenda and building power
outside the
mainstream Democratic Party. Among them are <a
href="http://projectsouth.org/">Project
South</a>, <a href="http://southernersonnewground.org/">Southerners
on New Ground
(SONG)</a>, the Moral Mondays Movement, <a
href="http://www.kindredhealingjustice.org/">Kindred: Southern
Healing
Justice Collective</a>, <a
href="http://www.cooperationjackson.org/announcementsblog/2016/8/9/jackson-rising-the-struggle-for-economic-democracy-and-self-determination-in-jackson-mississippi">Jackson
Rising</a> in Mississippi, Showing Up for Racial Justice
(SURJ) in Louisville,
Asian Americans Advancing Justice in Atlanta, and the Georgia
Latino Alliance
for Human Rights.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"
style="mso-margin-top-alt:auto;mso-margin-bottom-alt:auto;
line-height:normal"><span
style="font-size:10.0pt;mso-fareast-font-family:"Times New
Roman";
mso-bidi-font-family:Calibri;mso-bidi-theme-font:minor-latin">The
frontline
battles that preceded Trump’s election must not be abandoned. On
the contrary,
they need to be strengthened. We must redouble our fight against
the Dakota
Access Pipeline and support the Standing Rock Sioux Nation’s
historic
resistance. There is no question that Trump’s election has
further empowered
the corporation behind the pipeline—the Texas-based Fortune 500
company Energy
Transfer Partners—to continue the build no matter what the U.S.
Army Corps of
Engineers or the Obama Justice Department says. We need to
recognize Standing
Rock as not only a struggle for environmental justice but an
episode in Native
people’s five-hundred-year resistance to colonialism. And
speaking of
colonialism, the crisis in Puerto Rico has not abated—not in the
least. As I
write, Puerto Ricans on the island and in the U.S. mainland are
using every
means at their disposal to resist <a
href="https://pasquines.us/2016/09/20/as-promesa-is-implemented-protests-begin-in-puerto-rico/">PROMESA</a>,
the U.S. plan that empowers a seven-member, unelected board to
impose austerity
measures as a way of restructuring its debt—measures that
include wage
reductions, selling off public assets, altering retirement plans
for public
employees, and fast-tracking changes even if they violate
existing laws.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"
style="mso-margin-top-alt:auto;mso-margin-bottom-alt:auto;
line-height:normal"><b><span
style="font-size:10.0pt;mso-fareast-font-family:
"Times New
Roman";mso-bidi-font-family:Calibri;mso-bidi-theme-font:minor-latin">4<i>.
Support and deepen the anti-Klan and anti-fascist movement.</i></span></b><span
style="font-size:10.0pt;mso-fareast-font-family:"Times New
Roman";mso-bidi-font-family:
Calibri;mso-bidi-theme-font:minor-latin"><o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"
style="mso-margin-top-alt:auto;mso-margin-bottom-alt:auto;
line-height:normal"><span
style="font-size:10.0pt;mso-fareast-font-family:"Times New
Roman";
mso-bidi-font-family:Calibri;mso-bidi-theme-font:minor-latin">We
must
especially support groups such as <a
href="https://www.splcenter.org/">Southern
Poverty Law Center</a>, which has been on the frontlines of
this movement for
decades. Although the fight against white supremacist
organizations has been
continual since the 1860s, the federal government has never
successfully
outlawed the Klan and similar vigilante groups (although in the
1950s the state
of Alabama succeeded in outlawing the NAACP). With Trump’s
election we are
likely to see a surge in white nationalist and other right-wing
terrorism,
including attacks on black churches, synagogues, mosques,
abortion
clinics; and against non-white, queer, and trans people and
immigrants. Some on the left will argue that resisting the
so-called
“alt-right” is a secondary issue since these are fringe
movements and building
class unity across racial lines ought to be our priority. But
with the memory
of Colorado Springs and Charleston seared into our memory, this
argument rings
hollow. And while President Obama’s poignant rendition of
“Amazing Grace” at
Reverend Clementa Pinckney’s funeral moved much of the nation,
the truth is
that it is easier to pass laws criminalizing organizations that
support the boycott
of businesses and institutions complicit in Israel’s illegal
occupation of
Palestine than it is to outlaw the Ku Klux Klan.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"
style="mso-margin-top-alt:auto;mso-margin-bottom-alt:auto;
line-height:normal"><b><span
style="font-size:10.0pt;mso-fareast-font-family:
"Times New
Roman";mso-bidi-font-family:Calibri;mso-bidi-theme-font:minor-latin">5.
<i>Rebuild the labor movement</i>.</span></b><span
style="font-size:10.0pt;
mso-fareast-font-family:"Times New
Roman";mso-bidi-font-family:Calibri;
mso-bidi-theme-font:minor-latin"><o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"
style="mso-margin-top-alt:auto;mso-margin-bottom-alt:auto;
line-height:normal"><span
style="font-size:10.0pt;mso-fareast-font-family:"Times New
Roman";
mso-bidi-font-family:Calibri;mso-bidi-theme-font:minor-latin">As
obvious as
this may seem, the entire labor movement is under attack on a
global scale.
Today labor unions are portrayed as corrupt, bloated, a drain on
the economy,
and modern-day cartels that threaten workers’ “liberty.”
Corporations and the
CEOs who run them are portrayed as the most efficient and
effective mode of
organization. In our neoliberal age, emergency financial
managers are sent in
to replace elected government during real or imagined economic
crises; charter
schools organized along corporate lines are replacing public
schools;
universities are being restructured along corporate lines with
presidents
increasingly functioning like CEOs; and a businessman with a
checkered record,
a history of improprieties and legal violations and allegations
of sexual
assault, and no experience whatsoever in government is elected
president.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"
style="mso-margin-top-alt:auto;mso-margin-bottom-alt:auto;
line-height:normal"><span
style="font-size:10.0pt;mso-fareast-font-family:"Times New
Roman";
mso-bidi-font-family:Calibri;mso-bidi-theme-font:minor-latin">Today’s
economic
debates focus not on alternatives to capitalism but on what kind
of
capitalism—capitalism with a safety net for the poor or one
driven by extreme
free-market liberalization? A capitalism in which the state’s
role is to bail
out big banks and financial institutions, or one where the state
imposes (or
rather restores) greater regulation in order to avoid economic
crises? In both
of these scenarios, a weakened labor movement is a given. The
once-powerful
unions are doing little more than fighting to restore basic
collective
bargaining rights and deciding how much they are going to give
back. Union
leaders are struggling just to participate in crafting austerity
measures. In
the New Deal era, the state’s efforts to save capitalism
centered on Keynesian
strategies of massive state expenditures in infrastructure, job
creation, a
social safety net in the form of direct aid and social security,
and certain
protections for the right of unions to organize. All these
measures were made
possible by a strong labor movement. There was a level of
militant organization
that we did not see in our post-2008 collapse, in spite of
Occupy Wall Street.
While Occupy was massive, international, and built on
preexisting social
justice movements, it lacked the kind of institutional power
base and political
clout that organized labor had in the 1930s. Of course, labor
unions have also
been powerful engines of racial and gender exclusion, working
with capital to
impose glass ceilings and racially segmented wages, but the
twenty-first-century
labor movement has largely embraced principles of social
justice, antiracism,
immigrant rights, and cross-border strategies.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
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style="font-size:10.0pt;mso-fareast-font-family:"Times New
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style="mso-margin-top-alt:auto;mso-margin-bottom-alt:auto;
line-height:normal"><span
style="font-size:10.0pt;mso-fareast-font-family:"Times New
Roman";
mso-bidi-font-family:Calibri;mso-bidi-theme-font:minor-latin">Obviously there
is much missing here, like abolishing the Electoral College and
continuing to
wage a fight for local power in the legislative and electoral
arenas as well as
in the streets. Local campaigns to raise the minimum wage, for
example, have
not only produced key victories but served to mobilize people
around issues of injustice
and inequality. The sites of resistance will become clearer as
the political
situation becomes more concrete, especially after January 20.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"
style="mso-margin-top-alt:auto;mso-margin-bottom-alt:auto;
line-height:normal"><span
style="font-size:10.0pt;mso-fareast-font-family:"Times New
Roman";
mso-bidi-font-family:Calibri;mso-bidi-theme-font:minor-latin">Exposing
whiteness for what it is—a foundational myth for the birth and
consolidation of
capitalism—is fundamental if we are to build a genuine social
movement.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"
style="mso-margin-top-alt:auto;mso-margin-bottom-alt:auto;
line-height:normal"><span
style="font-size:10.0pt;mso-fareast-font-family:"Times New
Roman";
mso-bidi-font-family:Calibri;mso-bidi-theme-font:minor-latin">But
I want to
return to the white working class and how we might break the
cycle of
“whitelash.” First, we cannot change this country without
winning over some
portion of white working people, and I am not talking about
gaining votes for
the Democratic Party. I am talking about opening a path to
freeing white people
from the prison house of whiteness. True, with whiteness comes
privilege, but
many of the perceived privileges are inaccessible to most, which
then generates
resentment. Exposing whiteness for what it is—a foundational
myth for the birth
and consolidation of capitalism—is fundamental if we are to
build a genuine
social movement dedicated to dismantling the oppressive regimes
of racism,
heteropatriarchy, empire, and class exploitation that is at the
root of
inequality, precarity, materialism, and violence in many forms.
I am not
suggesting we ignore their grievances, but that we help white
working people
understand the source of their discontent—real and imagined.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"
style="mso-margin-top-alt:auto;mso-margin-bottom-alt:auto;
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style="font-size:10.0pt;mso-fareast-font-family:"Times New
Roman";
mso-bidi-font-family:Calibri;mso-bidi-theme-font:minor-latin">Is
this possible?
The struggle to recruit the white working class is an old story.
Black
movement leaders have been trying to free white working people
from the paltry
wages of whiteness since Reconstruction, at least, and it seems
to always end
badly. This history is not necessarily legible because we tend
to conflate
populism and fascism with what Henry Giroux astutely identifies
as
authoritarianism. Populism is the idea that ordinary people
ought to have the
power to control their government and their communities,
especially along lines
that benefit the collective. In the 1880s and ’90s, the black
populist movement
adopted a vision of a new society based on cooperative
economics. The great
writer and activist Timothy Thomas Fortune gave their unique
vision eloquent
voice and plans for action in his book <i>Black and White:
Land, Labor and
Politics in the South</i> (1884), which offered a path for the
emancipation of
the nation as a whole, not just black people. He attacked
America’s betrayal of
Reconstruction, identified monopoly and private ownership of
land as the
central source of inequality, and articulated a vision of a
democratic, caring
political economy based on equity and fairness. The National
Colored Alliance
members had advanced beyond printing more money or demanding
free silver,
adopting instead a more radical redistribution of wealth and
power. They wanted
more than a short-term alliance just to raise wages for picking
cotton or
reducing debt. But Fortune understood that a genuine cooperative
commonwealth
is not possible unless white workers and farmers join the
movement. “The hour
is approaching,” he wrote, “when the laboring classes of our
country, North,
East, West and South, will recognize that they have a <i>common
cause</i>, a <i>common
humanity</i> and a <i>common enemy</i>; and that, therefore,
if they would
triumph over wrong and place the laurel wreath upon triumphant
justice, without
distinction of race or of previous condition <i>they must unite</i>!”
Whatever
unity they managed to create proved ephemeral. As in so many
other scenarios,
most whites chose white supremacy over liberation.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
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style="font-size:10.0pt;mso-fareast-font-family:"Times New
Roman";
mso-bidi-font-family:Calibri;mso-bidi-theme-font:minor-latin">The
lessons here
are crucial. We cannot build a sustainable movement without a
paradigm shift.
Stopgap, utilitarian alliances to stop Trump aren’t enough. I
concur with
Giroux, who calls on all of us to wage “an anti-fascist struggle
that is not
simply about remaking economic structures, but also about
refashioning
identities, values, and social relations as part of a democratic
project that
reconfigures what it means to desire a better and more
democratic future.”<o:p></o:p></span></p>
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<div class="moz-signature">-- <br>
Freedom Archives
522 Valencia Street
San Francisco, CA 94110
415 863.9977
<a class="moz-txt-link-abbreviated" href="http://www.freedomarchives.org">www.freedomarchives.org</a>
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