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<h1 id="reader-title">Venezuela – A Last Warning</h1>
<div id="reader-credits" class="credits">By Jorge Martin – In
Defense of Marxism , May 20th 2016</div>
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<p>The assault against the Bolivarian revolution has
intensified in the recent days and weeks. Editorials and
front pages in US and Spanish newspapers are screaming
about hunger in Venezuela and demanding the removal of
the “dictatorial regime”. Ongoing scarcity problems have
led to instances of looting. The right-wing opposition
is attempting to trigger a presidential recall
referendum, but is also threatening violent action and
appealing to foreign powers, including in some case for
military intervention. What is really happening in
Venezuela and how can these threats be faced?</p>
<p>On Friday May 13th, Venezuelan president Maduro
extended the “Economic Emergency Decree” which had given
him special powers in January, and further decreed a
60-day State of Emergency which includes sweeping powers
to deal with foreign military threats and to deal with
problems of food production and distribution.</p>
<p>As was to be expected, the world’s capitalist media
joined in a chorus of denunciation, screaming about a
“dictatorship”, while one of the main right-wing
opposition leaders, Capriles Radonski made a public
appeal to disobey the decree. The threats, however, are
very real. It is worth giving a few examples. A month
ago,<a target="_blank"
href="https://www.washingtonpost.com/opinions/venezuela-is-in-desperate-need-of-a-political-intervention/2016/04/12/d7071d98-00c9-11e6-9203-7b8670959b88_story.html">an
editorial in the Washington Post</a> openly called for
“political intervention” by Venezuela’s neighbours. At
the weekend, former Colombian president Alvaro Uribe, at
a “Concordia Summit” in Miami,<a target="_blank"
href="http://www.telesurtv.net/english/news/Colombias-Uribe-Calls-for-Armed-Intervention-in-Venezuela-20160513-0034.html"> made
an open call</a> for the Venezuelan Armed Forces to
carry out a coup or, failing that, for foreign military
intervention against “the tyranny”.</p>
<p>The Venezuelan right-wing opposition has made <a
target="_blank"
href="http://venezuelanalysis.com/news/11964">repeated
appeals</a> for the Organisation of American States to
use its “Democratic Charter” to intervene against
president Maduro. They feel emboldened by the successful
removal of Dilma Rousseff in Brazil and want to go down
the same road as soon as possible, by any means
necessary, legal or illegal. Influential Venezuelan
right-wing journalist and blogger Francisco Toro (editor
of the Caracas Chronicles) has just <a target="_blank"
href="http://www.caracaschronicles.com/2016/05/16/coups-constitutional-order/">written
an article</a> openly discussing the pros and cons of
a coup, which he says would be within the constitution
and “The Opposite of a Crime”.</p>
<p>Today, the Venezuelan government reported violation of
the country’s airspace by US military aircraft.</p>
<p>In an attempt to capitalise on the severe economic
problems the country is facing, the reactionary
opposition has been busy trying to create a situation of
chaos and violence which would justify a coup or foreign
intervention to expedite the removal of president
Nicolás Maduro. There have been incidents of violence in
Zulia and Tachira. There are constant, mostly false,
rumours of looting and rioting.</p>
<h4>A very serious crisis</h4>
<p>I have been involved in the defence of the Bolivarian
revolution for more than 13 years now, visited the
country often and written about it on a regular basis.
None of what I have just described is really new. Since
the very beginning, when Chavez was elected in 1998, and
particularly since the enabling laws in December 2001,
the Venezuelan oligarchy and imperialism have been
engaged in a constant campaign of harassment, violence,
destabilisation, coups, lies and slanders, diplomatic
pressure, economic sabotage, you name it, they have done
it.</p>
<p>This time, however, something is different. On all the
previous occasions, the revolutionary will of the
Bolivarian masses of workers, peasants and the poor, has
defeated the counter-revolutionary attempts to put an
end to the revolution. This was the case even against
the coup in April 2002 and then the lockout and sabotage
of the oil industry in December of the same year, before
the revolution was able to grant any real improvements
in living standards. Those came mainly after the
government was able to get full control of the
state-owned oil company in 2003.</p>
<p>For ten years, the revolution was able to grant
widespread reforms and massively improve the living
standards of the masses. This was accompanied by a
process of political radicalisation in which the late
president Chávez and the revolutionary masses pushed
each other forward. Socialism was declared as the aim of
the Bolivarian revolution, there were wide ranging
experiences of workers’ control, factories were occupied
and expropriated, companies were re-nationalised.
Millions became active at all levels in an attempt to
take their future into their own hands. The motor force
of the revolution and its main source of strength which
allowed it to thwart all the attempts of the oligarchy
and imperialism were the revolutionary masses, active,
politically aware and engaged at all levels.</p>
<p>Of course, this period was helped by high oil prices
(which reached a peak of over $140 a barrel in 2008).
The government could use a massive amount of money from
oil revenues to fund social programs which benefited
millions (in education, healthcare, food, housing,
pensions, etc). The question of taking over the means of
production was not immediately posed.</p>
<h4>Capitalism cannot be regulated</h4>
<p>Measures were taken which limited the normal
functioning of the free market capitalist economy in
order to defend the revolution against the sabotage of
the ruling class. These included foreign exchange
controls (to prevent the flight of capital) and price
controls on basic food products (to defend the
purchasing power of the poor).</p>
<p>Soon, the capitalists found a way around this. Foreign
exchange controls became a swindle and resulted in a
massive transfer of hard currency from oil revenues
directly into the pockets of unscrupulous capitalists.
How did that happen? The government instituted a
subsidised foreign exchange rate which was to be used to
import basic products (food and medical supplies) as
well as parts for industry.</p>
<p>Instead, private capitalists applied for preferential
dollars which they then syphoned into the black market
(which developed as an inevitable side effect of
currency controls) or to offshore bank accounts. Thus we
witnessed the incredible situation where imports in
volume decreased, while imports in value (in dollars)
massively increased. Marxist economist Manuel Sutherland
has worked out the figures for imports of pharmaceutical
products:</p>
<p><img alt=""
src="cid:part6.9BF4AA9D.37C265AE@freedomarchives.org"
height="196" width="351"></p>
<p><em>The red column represents pharmaceutical imports in
millions of Kg, the blue column represents their value
in millions of US$. Source: <a target="_blank"
href="http://www.rebelion.org/noticia.php?id=202832">http://www.rebelion.org</a></em></p>
<p>In 2003, Venezuela was importing pharmaceutical
products at 1.96 US$ per Kg. By 2014 the price had
reached 86.80 US$ per Kg. Imports had collapsed by 87%
in volume, but increased nearly 6-fold in price! Similar
figures can be produced for almost every sector of the
economy in which private capitalists were receiving
subsidised dollars to import goods.</p>
<p>A similar situation developed with price controls. The
private sector, which still has almost monopoly control
of food processing and distribution of many basic items,
refused to produce anything covered by price controls.
Thus, in order to bypass regulated prices for rice, for
instance, they started producing flavoured or coloured
varieties, which were not regulated.</p>
<p>This blocking of production on the part of the private
capitalists forced the whole weight of producing and
distributing basic food products onto the state. The
state imported food from the world market, paid at world
market prices with oil dollars, then sold it at heavily
subsidised prices in state-run supermarket chains
(PDVAL, MERCAL, Bicentenario).</p>
<p>For a period, while oil prices were high, this
situation worked, more or less. Once oil prices went
into freefall and the economy entered into a deep
recession, the whole edifice came down like a house of
cards. In 2014 Venezuelan oil was still 88 US$ a barrel.
In 2015 it halved to $44. In January 2016 it had reached
its lowest level for over 10 years, at $24.</p>
<p><img moz-reader-center="true" alt=""
src="cid:part8.76D03C52.36AB42D1@freedomarchives.org"
height="249" width="534"></p>
<p><em>Venezuelan money supply. Credit: <a
title="www.tradingeconomics.com"
href="http://www.tradingeconomics.com"><a class="moz-txt-link-abbreviated" href="http://www.tradingeconomics.com">www.tradingeconomics.com</a></a></em></p>
<p>In order to continue to pay for the social programs
(including subsidised food products), the state started
to print massive amounts of money which was not backed
up by anything. Between 1999 and 2015, the M2 measure of
money supply increased by over 15,000%!</p>
<p>Inevitably, the combination of massive flight of
capital, the associated development of a huge dollar
black market, the massive expansion of the money supply
at a time of economic recession (2014 -3.9; 2015 -5.7%)
inevitably caused hyperinflation. In 2014 the annual
inflation rate reached a record 68%, but in 2015 it was
even higher at 180% <a target="_blank"
href="http://www.ine.gov.ve/documentos/NotasdePrensa/pdf/aviso180216.pdf">according
to the Venezuelan Central Bank</a>. It has to be
pointed out that inflation for food and non-alcoholic
beverages was even higher than the average.</p>
<p>The black market exchange rate for the dollar jumped
from 187 Bolivars per $ in January 2015 to over 1,000
Bolivars per dollar now (having reached a peak of 1,200
in February this year). This is the exchange rate at
which most prices of products are now calculated.</p>
<p>Another effect of this massive economic dislocation is
the rapid depletion of foreign reserves:</p>
<p><img moz-reader-center="true" alt=""
src="cid:part11.6E8602F6.C3244845@freedomarchives.org"
height="248" width="532"></p>
<p><em>Foreign exchange reserves. Credit: <a
title="www.tradingeconomics.com"
href="http://www.tradingeconomics.com"><a class="moz-txt-link-abbreviated" href="http://www.tradingeconomics.com">www.tradingeconomics.com</a></a></em></p>
<p>From US$24bn at the beginning of 2015, they have
collapsed down to US$12.7bn now, according to the
official figures of the Venezuelan Central Bank.</p>
<p>This dire situation has led to a sharp decrease in
government imports of food and other basic products.
Overall imports went down by 18.7% in 2015. This has
created permanent scarcity of basic products in the
state-owned supermarket chains selling them at regulated
prices. In turn this has created a huge black market for
these products. The root cause of the black market is
scarcity, which is then aggravated by the existence of
the black market itself. The massive difference created
between the regulated prices (ever more scarce) and the
black market, then acts as a huge magnet for products
towards the latter. This is a comparison of the prices
of some basic products as sold by <em>bachaqueros</em> (black
marketeers) in the working class and poor neighborhood
of Petare in Caracas in March:</p>
<p><img moz-reader-center="true" alt=""
src="cid:part13.7F40D917.CE81E03A@freedomarchives.org"
height="504" width="504"></p>
<p><em>Credit: <a href="http://www.telesurtv.net/">teleSUR </a></em></p>
<p>The government has decreed increases in the minimum
wage, several times, over the last two years, from
around 10,000 Bs in November 2015 to 15,000 now (to
which we have to add 18,000 Bs of the <em>cesta ticket </em>(food
supplement). Still, if you have to purchase most of your
weekly basket of products in the black market, this is
not enough. Since state imports of food have sharply
gone down, scarcity of regulated products has increased
and people are forced to get a bigger share of their
shopping basket on the free and black market.</p>
<p>Scarcity has led to massive corruption at all levels,
diverting products from the official state-run supply
chain onto the black market. From the family that queues
for hours and then re-sells some of what they’ve bought,
to the state supermarket manager who diverts whole
lorries full of products (in connivance with the
national guard officers guarding the establishment), to
criminal gangs who hire people to queue for hours and
buy whatever subsidised products are available
(threatening and paying off supermarket workers,
national guards, supermarket managers, etc), to the
nationwide director of the Bicentenario state
supermarket chain who diverts ship-loads of products.</p>
<p>To this we have to add a thousand and one different
ways in which the private sector breaks the price
regulation regime. Maize flour is permanently scarce,
but<em>areperas </em>are always well stocked. Chickens
are almost impossible to purchase at regulated prices,
but roast chicken joints never lack them. Wheat flour
can’t be bought at the official price, and bakeries use
lack of flour as an argument not to produce the normal
loaf of bread (the price of which is regulated), but
then they are mysteriously able to produce any other
variety of bread, cakes and biscuits, which we have to
assume are made with flour. What’s behind this mystery?
The fact that private wholesale producers do supply
these establishments, but of course not at regulated
prices.</p>
<p>Any attempt to clamp down on this situation by using
repressive measures against black marketeers, though
necessary, is bound to fail. The root cause is not the<em>bachaqueros</em> big
or small, but the actual inability of the government to
fund the supply of the necessary amount of products to
cover the whole demand combined with the unwillingness
of the private sector to produce and sell products at
the regulated prices fixed by the government.</p>
<p>One of the main reasons for this unsustainable economic
dislocation is therefore, the “natural” rebellion of the
capitalist producers against any attempt to regulate the
normal workings of the “free market”. This is the real
meaning of the “economic war” that the Bolivarian
government has denounced for many years. Yes, there is,
undoubtedly, an element of deliberate economic sabotage
aimed at hitting the working masses in order to
undermine their support for the revolution. But at the
same time it is easy to understand that from the point
of view of the capitalists, if they can get a profit
margin of 100%, 1000% or even higher in the black
market, they will not sell, nor produce regulated
products on which they can make only a very modest gain
or sometimes a loss.</p>
<p>What has failed in Venezuela is not “socialism” as the
capitalist media likes to highlight in their propaganda
campaign. It is precisely the opposite. What has clearly
failed is the attempt to introduce regulations in order
to make capitalism work, even if only partially, in the
interest of working people. The conclusion is clear:
capitalism cannot be regulated. The attempt has led to
economic dislocation on a massive scale.</p>
<h4>The government’s response: appeals to the private
sector</h4>
<p>The majority of Venezuelans are aware, to one degree or
another, of the despicable role played by private
companies, like Grupo Polar, in creating this situation
of hoarding, racketeering, black market, speculation,
etc. In my last visit to Venezuela I witnessed the
following argument at a supermarket queue: “- Mujer A:
“aquí tienen su patria bonita” - Mujer B: “a ver si
creen que es el gobierno que produce la Harina PAN””
[Woman A, scornfully: “here’s your beautiful fatherland”
(meaning: this is what <em>chavismo</em> has given you,
queues) Woman B, sharply: “do you think it is the
government that produces Harina PAN” (in fact it is
Grupo Polar which has a monopoly control over the
production of maize flour).] The problem is not that
people do not realise that the private sector is
sabotaging the economy. The problem is that they cannot
see the government as being able or willing to take the
necessary measures to solve this situation.</p>
<p>To the problems of food scarcity and crime we have to
add the severe drought affecting Venezuela as a
by-product of El Niño which has meant problems in energy
generation at the El Guiri hydroelectric dam. This has
led to regular power outages in recent months. In April,
the government decreed a 2-day working week in public
institutions as a measure to reduce electricity
consumption.</p>
<p>Even on this question we have to factor in a deliberate
campaign of sabotage of the country’s power grid. There
have been, for a number of years now, regular bomb
attacks against power generating plants, power stations
and substations in different parts of the country. They
usually coincide with election campaigns and moments of
heightened political tension and they have the aim of
provoking power outages in order to spread a feeling of
collapse, chaos, instability…</p>
<p>What has been the government’s response to these
extreme problems? Since at least 2014 there was an open
recognition of the failure of the previous model of
regulation of capitalism and the use of oil revenues to
fund social programs. You could say that the turning
point was the exit of the former finance minister
Giordani from the government in July 2014. Since then,
the dominant line in the economic policy of the
government has been one of making even more concessions
to the capitalists in the hope of winning back their
trust so that they can collaborate with the government
in order to turn the situation around. This has been
expressed in a whole series of concrete measures which
have been taken: the partial liberalisation of foreign
exchange, partial lifting of the subsidy on the price of
fuel, the establishment of Special Economic Zones in
order to attract foreign direct investment, as well as
the repatriation of capital held abroad by Venezuelan
capitalists, the opening up of the Arco Minero (111,000
Sq Km of land) for mining exploitation, etc.</p>
<p>None of this has worked. The government holds regular
talks with businessmen where concessions to their
interests are agreed and appeals are made for them to
invest. At the following round of talks, businesses
demand even more concessions, but the economy remains in
a state of deep crisis.</p>
<p>To be fair, the government’s concessions to the private
sector are from time to time accompanied by threats of
expropriation. These threats are never followed by
actions. Thus on Friday, May 13, when president Maduro
extended the Economic Emergency and decreed emergency
powers for 60 days, he specifically warned that “any
factory that a capitalist paralyses, we will take it
over and hand it to the communal power”. Less than 48
hours later, in an interview with Reuters, the
vice-president in charge of the whole economic area of
the government, Perez Abad, reassured international
capital by “ruling out the take over of plants which are
paralysed for lack of raw materials”. In the same
interview he stressed Venezuela’s intention to continue
to pay its foreign debt obligations, religiously, in
full and on time. He added that this would mean a
further reduction in imports for 2016.</p>
<p>In fact, although Maduro’s warning was highlighted by
the international media, in Venezuela people did not
take much notice. He has made the same threat of
expropriation, specifically aimed at Grupo Polar, on so
many times, that it is like the man who cried wolf.
Whenever workers in the recent period have taken over
factories which had been paralyzed by the bosses, they
have been met with either an endless string of
bureaucratic obstacles or direct repression on the part
of the Bolivarian police. In most of the cases, even
though laws introduced by Chavez are on the side of the
workers and allow for expropriations and workers’
control, in reality the majority of labour inspectors
are in the pockets of the bosses. Instead of expediting
expropriation, they keep giving the owners extensions in
order to pay wages and restart production, which results
in the demoralisation of the workers in struggle.</p>
<p>Perez Abad is a chief representative of this policy of
concessions to the capitalist class. He himself is a
businessman and former president of one of the country’s
employers’ federations. He became minister in charge of
economic affairs of the government in February when he
replaced Luis Salas, who was seen by the capitalists as
a “radical”. Just before Maduro decreed an extension of
economic emergency powers, Perez Abad had already
announced a further increase in the prices of regulated
products, after discussions with the capitalist
affected.</p>
<p>More recently, in an attempt to deal with the question
of scarcity, the government attempted to promote the
formation of Local Provisioning and Production
Committees. The idea is that the organised communities
themselves will deal directly with the distribution of
subsidised food products to the families. This is a step
in the right direction, which could strengthen the role
of rank and file organisations. However, the measure has
only had a partial impact, so far. Also, it only deals
with the question of final distribution, but not with
the more important question of production and
processing, which is where the crux of the problem lies.</p>
<h4>Impact on consciousness</h4>
<p>I said before that something is different this time.
What has changed from previous attempts of the
counter-revolution to defeat the Bolivarian movement?
The constant stress and strain of having to queue for
hours to get basic products, the uncertainty created by
scarcity and hyperinflation, the fact that this
situation has been going on for over a year now and
instead of getting better is getting worse, the
realisation that while the masses are suffering there
are those who call themselves “Bolivarian” in positions
of power who are benefitting massively from corruption,
the weariness brought on by having to battle against the
bureaucracy within your own movement, etc., all of this
has had an impact on the consciousness of an important
layer of the masses who previously supported the
revolution. This is the key reason for the defeat in the
December 6 National Assembly elections which were won by
the right-wing opposition for the first time in 18
years. At that time, the Bolivarian revolution lost
about 2 million votes, allowing the opposition to win an
overwhelming majority in the National Assembly.</p>
<p>That defeat created a situation of institutional
deadlock. The right-wing dominated National Assembly has
attempted to pass some reactionary laws (a scandalous
Amnesty Law, the privatisation of housing), but these
have been blocked either by the president or by the
Supreme Court. Meanwhile, initiatives taken by the
President are ruled out of order by the Assembly.</p>
<p>Currently, the opposition is attempting to trigger a
presidential recall referendum (a democratic guarantee
introduced by the Bolivarian revolution under Hugo
Chávez). They need to get a certain number of signatures
to trigger the process, and then, in an Electoral
Council-supervised process, get 20% of the electoral
census to sign for it (3.9 million). Then a referendum
would be called in which the opposition would have to
get more votes than Maduro received when he was elected
in order to force his removal. If he is removed within
this year, 2016, then the right-wing president of the
National Assembly takes over until new presidential
elections are held. But Maduro will attempt by all means
to delay any recall referendum until 2017, because if he
is removed at that time, the vice-president takes over
for the remainder of his term (until 2019). This also
shows how the leadership of the Bolivarian movement
seems to view the struggle from a purely
legal-institutional point of view.</p>
<p>The oligarchy also feel emboldened by the electoral
defeats in Argentina, Bolivia and the removal of Dilma
in Brazil. Their side “is winning” and now they want to
“overthrow the regime” in Venezuela. They cannot wait to
go through the whole process of a recall referendum, and
even less until the end of Maduro’s term.</p>
<p>The situation has reached its limits from the point of
view of the patience of the masses. A week ago a comrade
from Catia, a revolutionary stronghold in Caracas,
described the situation thus: “Up until a few weeks ago
you had to queue for 4, 6, 8 hours, but you could do
your shopping for two or three weeks. Now there’s
nothing. On Monday, me and my mum queued and could only
get rice and pasta. The rest you have to get it in the
black market at <em>bachaquero </em>prices. Wages are
not enough to get by. The national guard is now outside
the local supermarket with assault rifles manning the
queues and they pushed it back a few hundred meters to
dissuade people from looting.” There have already been
small scale incidents of looting in Aragua and Guarenas.</p>
<p>In these conditions, there is the danger that any
appeals made to the masses to mobilise against the
threat of counter-revolution could fall on deaf ears.
The masses have shown over and over again their
willingness to struggle and push the revolution forward.
But they are not at all convinced that their leaders
know where to go, nor how to get there.</p>
<h4>A military coup?</h4>
<p>The combination of an institutional stalemate, a deep
economic crisis, and a situation of violence in the
streets which the opposition wishes to create, could
also push a section of the army to intervene “in order
to restore law and order”. Over the last few weeks there
have been constant rumours of a coup in the making. On
Tuesday, May 17, reactionary opposition leader Capriles,
called on the army to rebel against the president “in
order to uphold the constitution”. Capriles, of course,
is no stranger to coups, having played a role in the
short-lived reactionary coup of April 2002. The top
command of the army has repeatedly stated publicly its
loyalty to Bolivarianism. But everything has its limits.</p>
<p>This is a very dangerous juncture for the Bolivarian
revolution. A military intervention, whatever form it
would take, would be the prelude for a “transition”
towards the oligarchy retaking control of state power. A
section of the Bolivarian leaders, some of the corrupt,
bureaucratic and reformist elements at the top, are
already preparing to jump ship and would be quite ready
to participate in some sort of transitional government
of “national unity”, as long as they are guaranteed some
sort of immunity.</p>
<p>At the same time as a layer of the masses is tired and
worn out, there is also a layer of the advanced
activists who are very angry and have been radicalised
as a result of the election defeat in December. There
was a movement from the bottom demanding the
radicalisation of the revolution.</p>
<p>If the Bolivarian leadership were to take firm and
decisive action to address the problem of scarcity, this
would rekindle a wave of revolutionary enthusiasm. Such
measures would be: a monopoly of foreign trade;
expropriation of the food production and distribution
chain under the democratic control of the workers,
communities and small peasant producers; a default on
the foreign debt; expropriation of the banks and big
businesses; a national democratic plan of production to
satisfy the needs of the majority. This program, if
implemented, would immediately provoke an even bigger
clash with the Venezuelan oligarchy and its imperialist
masters, but at least it would have the benefit of
solidifying and extending support for it amongst the
masses which would see their problems finally addressed
in a serious way.</p>
<p>Let us be under no illusion. If the right wing were to
achieve its aims of regaining full control of state
power (by whatever means), Venezuela would not go back
to “normal” capitalist democracy. No. The program of the
ruling class in a country riddled by a massive economic
and social crisis would be one of war on the working
people. They would go on the offensive against all the
social gains of the revolution. But they would also be
faced with fierce resistance on the part of the masses
and therefore they would attempt to crush the movement
by force. Under those conditions a new <em>Caracazo</em> uprising
would be on the cards.</p>
<p>Toby Valderrama and Antonio Aponte put it very sharply <a
target="_blank"
href="http://www.aporrea.org/actualidad/a227931.html">in
a recent article</a>: “The government must understand
that economic war, foreign invasion, attacks by foreign
spokespersons, be they [OAS secretary general] Almagro,
be they [former Colombian president] Uribe, they all
have the same name: capitalism! And they can only be
fought with one weapon: socialism. It is not possible to
fight them with capitalism, because that does not
convince anyone and you cannot achieve victory. These
are times of decisiveness, either you are revolutionary
or you are capitalist, the ability of social-democracy
of making fiery speeches and then acting as a
firefighter to put them down is coming to an end.”</p>
<p>This is correct. As we have explained, the attempt to
regulate capitalism has failed. There are only two ways
out: either to go back to “normal” capitalism (that is,
to make the workers pay the price for the crisis), or to
go forward to socialism (that is to make the capitalists
pay).</p>
<p>It it not too late. The hour is one of extreme danger.
This can only be overcome by extreme measures and
firmness. Enough with vacillations. Carry out the
revolution to the end!</p>
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