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<h1>Palestinian Youth Revolt: Any Role for Political Parties?</h1>
<p class="byline">by <a
href="https://al-shabaka.org/en/author/JamalJuma/">Jamal Juma'</a>,
<a href="https://al-shabaka.org/en/author/JamilH/">Jamil Hilal</a>,
<a href="https://al-shabaka.org/en/author/nijmehali/">Nijmeh Ali</a>,
<a href="https://al-shabaka.org/en/author/khalil-shaheen/">Khalil
Shaheen</a>, <a href="https://al-shabaka.org/en/author/JaberS/">Jaber
Suleiman</a>, <a
href="https://al-shabaka.org/en/author/mjriamabusamra/">Mjriam
Abu Samra</a>, <a
href="https://al-shabaka.org/en/author/belalshobaki/">Belal
Shobaki</a>, <a href="https://al-shabaka.org/en/author/alaat/">Alaa
Tartir</a> <time>on November 23, 2015<br>
</time></p>
<p class="byline"><time><b><small><small><small><a class="moz-txt-link-freetext" href="https://al-shabaka.org/roundtables/palestinian-youth-revolt-any-role-for-political-parties/">https://al-shabaka.org/roundtables/palestinian-youth-revolt-any-role-for-political-parties/</a></small></small></small></b><br>
</time></p>
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<h2>Overview</h2>
<p>The absence of authentic Palestinian national leadership is
particularly acute at this time of crisis. The current youth
uprising against Israel’s prolonged military occupation and denial
of human rights in the occupied Palestinian territory (OPT) and
within Israel is generally acknowledged to be largely leaderless.
What role is there for political parties to contribute to the
youth uprising given that they remain entrenched in the
Palestinian body politic despite their splits and weaknesses?
Assuming that Fatah-Hamas reconciliation remains stalled, what can
other political parties and forces do to provide a framework for
national leadership, whether within or outside the Palestine
Liberation Organization (PLO)? What other avenues could provide a
space for national – or local - leadership to emerge at such times
of crisis, and beyond?</p>
<p>There are some common strands in the Al-Shabaka policy analysts’
diagnosis of the situation, but their ideas for future action
divide into two broad clusters: Those who suggest alternatives
beyond the current political set-up and those who look for ways to
make the current structure work. <a
href="https://al-shabaka.org/en/author/JamalJuma/">Jamal Juma’</a>
calls for serious investment in rebuilding the political space in
order to support the uprising, including strengthened
homeland-Diaspora ties. <a
href="https://al-shabaka.org/en/author/JamilH/">Jamil Hilal</a>
argues that one way forward is by building on and linking local,
democratically constituted committees as the basis for a revived
national movement. <a
href="https://al-shabaka.org/en/author/nijmehali/">Nijmeh Ali</a>
does not see a new alternative framework but rather calls for a
change of behaviors within the existing system. <a
href="https://al-shabaka.org/en/author/khalil-shaheen/">Khalil
Shaheen</a> also believes there is still room in this
transitional phase for the traditional party system - as
compromised as it is.</p>
<p><a href="https://al-shabaka.org/en/author/JaberS/">Jaber Suleiman</a>
points out that the youth wave of anger is as much against the PA,
but that there is no option but to find ways to collaborate in
order to sustain the momentum. <a
href="https://al-shabaka.org/en/author/mjriamabusamra/">Mjiriam
Abu Samra</a> concludes that it is the youth themselves who will
ultimately radically reform Palestinian politics. <a
href="https://al-shabaka.org/en/author/belalshobaki/">Belal
Shobaki</a> notes that the fact that the Popular Front for the
Liberation of Palestine and Islamic Jihad can still bring out the
numbers could serve as a way to harness traditional parties to the
new wave. <a href="https://al-shabaka.org/en/author/alaat/">Alaa
Tartir</a> argues that confrontation at all levels and different
spheres needs to become a way of life until freedom is realized.</p>
<h2>Jamal Juma’: Vision, Clear Objectives, Multi-Level Relationships</h2>
<p>For nearly two months, Palestinians have waited for the political
parties to shoulder their role in leading and guiding the
uprising. Clearly, they are neither able nor willing to do so.
There are several reasons for their inaction. For one thing, party
leaders are reluctant to pay the price of leading and framing
popular resistance, whether this price is extracted by the Israeli
occupation authorities in the form of arrests, prosecution and
targeting of organizations - especially as the parties operate
openly and their organizational structures are weak. Nor do they
want to lose the privileges they enjoy as members of the PLO, both
in terms of financial benefits and political status.</p>
<p>Moreover, the various parties cannot act without the consent of
the Palestinian Authority (PA) security apparatus and that of its
leading faction, Fatah: They are currently too weak to change the
status quo. President Mahmoud Abbas, who holds all the power,
believes that the uprising accomplished its mission by refocusing
attention on the Palestinian cause and stimulating the
international community and is betting on new initiatives to
resume the negotiations with Israel. Indeed, Abbas has announced
in unequivocal terms that he does not want an uprising.</p>
<p>Given the weakness of their current composition and
organizational structures, these parties cannot provide a
political, organizational and economic framework capable of
leading a long-term uprising that would drain the Israeli
occupation’s resources and energies. A successful uprising would
require a comprehensive vision to achieve clear and attainable
objectives by mobilizing local, regional and international
opportunities and relationships.</p>
<p>As for the Islamic forces, Hamas and Islamic Jihad, they have
also taken the same position of inaction. They too do not want to
pay the price and give Israel an opportunity to launch an
offensive against the Gaza Strip. They also fear that the uprising
could be exploited to improve the terms of negotiations for the
Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO) and PA.</p>
<p>There are several factors in favor of creating a space for a new
national or local leadership. Even if it subsides, the current
uprising has raised the question the current leadership's
eligibility and has legitimized the search for alternatives. It
has also united the Palestinian people inside the Green Line, the
West Bank, Jerusalem and Gaza. Ironically, the political forces
are the ones who remain divided. The Palestinians in the Diaspora
have also acted albeit in a limited way, and have helped to
organize demonstrations. The actions on the ground are seeding an
emerging leadership that can be nurtured, although it is scattered
and localized.</p>
<p>On the negative side, however, it is clear that the PA will not
allow a new leadership to emerge, and will spare no effort to
thwart it, even if this requires coordination with the Israeli
occupation – with which it is coordinating anyway. In addition,
the existing grassroots movements are weak, while intellectuals
play a weak role in Palestinian political life and are unable to
support popular forces. As for the Palestinian diaspora, it has
little influence on decision-making.</p>
<p>The challenge is to build on the positive factors and minimize
the negative ones: Note that any serious movement to create an
alternative leadership would have to work below the radar to some
extent.</p>
<p>To begin with, it is important to provide a space safe from
political domination, a space in which it would be possible to
support those popular forces that have a political vision and
capacity to mobilize, such as trade unions, farmers’
organizations, women’s federations, and of course youth groups, so
that they can work alongside the uprising.</p>
<p>It is also important to tap the potential of the Palestinian
Diaspora, especially among the youth, and to organize working
groups that could communicate and coordinate with enlightened
national figures who believe in the important role the Diaspora
has to play in both Palestinian decision-making and in supporting
the resistance of the Palestinian people.</p>
<p>Indeed, it is vital to invest in meaningful coordination between
the homeland and the Diaspora. We must rebuild the trust between
us and revive our self-confidence and confidence in our ability to
affect change. In the final analysis, we must have absolute faith
in our people and in their ability to sacrifice and advance and we
must believe, beyond any doubt, that we will prevail.</p>
<h2>Jamil Hilal: Democratic Communities, Networked New Leadership</h2>
<p>Democratic and progressive political parties have historically
provided leadership in the struggle for freedom from oppression,
especially from settler-colonial pillage and terror.
Unfortunately this has not happened here since the first Intifada
in the late1980s. Not only have political parties and movements
failed to embrace their responsibility, they have also acted in
ways that have fragmented the Palestinian national liberation
movement. Instead, the parties should have critically reviewed
past progress and failings so as to rebuild a movement more
attuned to new national, regional and international conditions.
In short, political parties are in no position to provide a
unified leadership and a coherent strategy to the present youth
struggle against the colonial oppressors and to the youth’s bleak
future.</p>
<p>As for reconciliation between Fatah and Hamas, all indications
are that it is not forthcoming soon. The other political parties
have played the role of a mediator instead of forming an
alternative leadership with a program to address the intensified
fragmentation, colonization and subjugation imposed on
Palestinians. No historic bloc has been formed to pressure the two
main opposed movements (Fatah and Hamas) to come to their senses,
or, failing which, to take the responsibility of providing a new
vision and leadership. The majority of the Palestinian people are
disillusioned and frustrated by the continued bickering and
performance of Fatah and Hamas while more land is colonized and
homes destroyed, Palestinians arbitrarily arrested, Jerusalem
Israel-ized, Gazans subjected to a slow genocide, the 1948
Palestinians suffering discrimination and segregation, and
refugees condemned to exile. Now unarmed youth are being
assassinated in cold blood by the Israeli army and settlers while
security co-ordination is shamelessly maintained.</p>
<p>The answer may be for each Palestinian community to establish its
alternative democratic leadership and to think collectively
regarding how to construct a new national movement while
preserving the assets that the Palestinian struggle built in
previous decades. This will not be easy, but the 1948 Palestinians
seem to be on the right track and their example should be studied
and where possible followed.</p>
<p>Of course, this is not easily implemented. Yet there seems to be
a need, given the extremely vulnerable situation of most
Palestinian communities, to establish local committees in
villages, refugee camps, and town neighborhoods so that they can
articulate their needs according to the specifics of their
situation, and then to form larger associations. For example, in
the West Bank, the question for a large number of communities is
how to defend themselves, their land and property against the
murderous attacks of the settlers; in the Gaza Strip, how to
contend with the pressing problems caused by Israel’s siege and
repeated deadly wars; and in Lebanon, how to empower popular
committees in the refugee camps so that they form a “unified
framework” to deal with the broader problems across camps. The
role of such local committees could expand as the situation
demands, whether from municipalities, village councils, local
branches of political parties, and local civil societies and
institutions. The examples of the ongoing struggles of Higher
Follow Up Committee among the 1948 Palestinians and the struggles
of the Boycott, Divestment, and Sanctions (BDS) movement are
beacons for the rest of us.</p>
<p>But in the real world, people sit down and find concrete
solutions to the problems they face in a specific situation.
Luckily, they do not wait, for people like me to tell them what to
do.</p>
<h2>Nijmeh Ali: Change Must Come From Within the Parties</h2>
<p>The Palestinian youth that have taken to the streets are
initiating an important phase in responding to the Israeli
occupation and to injustice, indicating the significant role the
younger generations could play replacing the current leadership.</p>
<p>However, the question remains: is the new generation capable of
bringing the uprising or wave of anger from the street into
political or diplomatic spheres? The problem lies in the failure
to revolt against the traditional Palestinian leaderships of
Fatah, Hamas and the left: This is what is needed in order to
transform the spirit of revolution into diplomatic and political
results.</p>
<p>The Palestinian political parties are currently acting like
parties everywhere: They are weighing the political gains they can
reap from this wave of anger, such as resuming negotiations with
Israel. They are not acting like revolutionary parties fighting a
battle for liberation, and are out of line with the public mood.
Thus, the parties are likely to erect obstacles rather than to
support the youth uprising or any other action outside established
institutional frameworks such as the factions armed wings.
Uncontrolled actions do not benefit political parties because they
cannot steer them.</p>
<p>The issue is not about creating a new space within or outside the
PLO. It is also about changing the political behavior of
Palestinians as a people affiliated with existing political
bodies. It is imperative to transcend the narrow partisan
affiliations have entrenched the internal Palestinian division and
weakened the PLO. The popular wave of anger is an open rebellion
against such narrow affiliations and an expression of the need to
reinforce national as opposed to partisan attachments.</p>
<p>However, given this reality and the deepening partisan division,
it would have been more promising had the youth rebelled against
the current political leaderships and replaced them with younger
leaders with political energy, confidence and vigor.</p>
<p>Local leaders have never been isolated from their central
leaderships: Fatah and Hamas, for example, are mass political
movements rather than political parties in the traditional sense.
Therefore, one does not envisage a scenario in which an
independent popular movement could emerge, even though popular
committees could be established as was the case in the first
Intifada. It is worth noting that the unified national leadership
of that Intifada was formed by political actors who espoused
common political goals and a vision centered on ending the
occupation as a fundamental step towards liberation.</p>
<p>In short, we need a Palestinian spring within the Palestinian
parties rather than alternative political frameworks that would
reinforce the division and the narrow partisanship. Without
rebellion from the youth within the Palestinian political parties,
no uprising will effect real political change. The sacrifices of
the Palestinian people will go to waste, increasing the
frustration with their sense of helplessness. It would be truly
alarming if this frustration slowly kills the Palestinians' faith
in their power to become liberated.</p>
<h2>Khalil Shaheen: Activism that Sidesteps Traditional Politics</h2>
<p>The Palestinian political system is nearing its demise after
forsaking its identity as a national liberation movement by
recognizing the legitimacy of a racist settler colonial system in
the Oslo Accords. The current wave of anger is a rebellion against
this relationship and the ideology on which it was based. The wave
is also an extension of forms of expression and political action
that have evolved outside the traditional political and
organizational system established in the 1960s, which itself has
experienced a slow and terminal decline.</p>
<p>However, one must acknowledge the "coexistence" between the
traditional politics of the PLO, the PA and the Palestinian
factions on the one hand and the new forms of political action on
the other due to the transitional nature of the present stage. In
particular, the traditional national movement continues to have a
political role despite its inability to realize its historical
goal of achieving the national rights of the Palestinian people.</p>
<p>This realization should stimulate Palestinians to think
strategically about the repercussions of a failing ideology and
set of practices and what is needed to restore the Palestinian
national project and a national body capable of achieving its
objectives.</p>
<p>In the past few years, some have taken the position that there is
no need to rebuild the national movement as a prerequisite to
adopting programs of action. Rather they believe that recruiting a
broad range of actors into participatory programs of action is the
way to rebuild the national movement. This approach focuses on
creating a new path based on uniting Palestinians in the homeland
and the diaspora. The global BDS movement, the right of return
movement, and the popular resistance committees against the
Separation Wall are all expressions of new forms of action outside
the traditional framework of party political action.</p>
<p>Similarly, the current wave of anger is a new form of popular and
youth-based action. The traditional political party system failed
to predict the consequences of this action at a time of heightened
division and internal conflicts over power and influence. This
wave may falter or intensify but it is likely that it is one of a
series of waves that will continue to gain momentum until they
become a tsunami expressing the collective recognition of the
Palestinian cause as one of national liberation and the need to
rebuild the national and institutional structures capable of
creating a new path for struggle.</p>
<p>The current wave of anger shows that there is a new generation
redefining the people's relationship with the Israeli occupation
as one based on conflict rather than "understanding". It is doing
so by defying the monopoly of politics within the Bantustans run
by the PA, which Israel’s occupation been transforming into an
administrative, economic and security agent within a system of
colonial domination.</p>
<p>However, this does not mean the end of the political role of
factions, despite their state of internal division and lack of
popular legitimacy. The factions still govern the practice of
politics and forms of armed resistance, especially in the Gaza
Strip. They dominate the PLO, PA, trade unions, professional
associations and student bodies.</p>
<p>The current signs for emerging new forms of political action and
struggle may seem similar to those witnessed in the late 1950s and
early 1960s when a young generation used favorable Arab and
international conditions to set a new path for struggle that
overthrew the pre-Nakba and post-Nakba leadership in a relatively
short time. That generation developed political bodies and armed
groups that derived their legitimacy from the people, who
proclaimed their allegiance to the new leadership without
elections.</p>
<p>However, the conditions today are different and key elements of
this process are still missing. There is still space for the
traditional actors to play a role. Yet it will not be possible to
restore politics as an organized activity with broad popular
engagement unless the goals, work methods and rules change. At
some point, the traditional parties must deal with the new forms
of political activism that is redefining the relationship with the
colonizer.</p>
<p>This will require working with the younger generation to
establish the goals and demands of the current wave of anger
rather than attempting to monopolize or contain it. This could
help to transform the traditional parties’ forms of political
action into a proactive struggle led by the younger generation and
hasten the evolution of a comprehensive uprising capable of
creating a new path in the struggle for liberation.</p>
<h2>Jaber Suleiman: Overcoming a Paradox to Rebuild the Movement</h2>
<p>The youth movement underway in Palestine raises several questions
regarding its motives, causes, and nature. Is it an expression of
despair and frustration or a rekindled national spirit? Is it
triggered by Palestinian division, the tattered state of the PA,
the demise of the Oslo process and the two-state solution,
aggressive Israeli settlement expansion, the desecration of holy
places, or declining Arab interest in and international neglect of
the Palestinian cause? Will it evolve into a popular uprising like
the first intifada or will it remain an expression of anger that
will soon recede? What conditions need to be met in order for this
movement to evolve into an uprising guided by a unified national
leadership and national program? What role should the PLO factions
and the wider Palestinian leadership play to strengthen and
protect the uprising and develop a unified national leadership,
given the institutionalization of the Palestinian division? And
how?</p>
<p>This unprecedented youth movement, which is led by Palestinians
born around the time of the signing of the Oslo Accords, is
directed against the occupation. Yet it also includes anger and
protest against the PA and its political performance, which is
responsible for the current state of the Palestinian cause in
general and the conditions in the OPT in particular. This is the
paradox we face: How can the Palestinian factions, within and
outside the PLO, which helped to create the current state of
affairs contribute to developing the movement and creating a
unified leadership? In fact, the factions can neither be excluded
nor exempted from responsibility, especially given the lack of an
alternative national movement or a popular, non-factional bloc (a
historical bloc in Gramsci's sense) capable of formulating an
overarching national body inclusive of all Palestinians.</p>
<p>The importance of coordination between the political leadership
and the youth who are confronting the occupation on a daily basis
cannot be overstated. This does not mean that the factions are
free to hijack and exploit the movement to achieve other goals
that are not in line with fighting the occupation, ending the
division and finding a way out of the current Palestinian impasse,
especially as the Palestinian people continue to pay the price for
the way in which the first Intifada was exploited in order to sign
the Oslo Accords.</p>
<p>There are urgent national tasks for all to undertake. The
factions should not overburden the youth movement or push it
towards militarization or achievement of quick results such as an
immediate ending of the occupation that they themselves have
collectively failed to realize. Consequently, there needs to be
agreement on modest phased and tactical goals. The factions should
treat this wave as one step on the long and thorny path of
struggle, and must contribute to and support it on this basis. The
factions should listen to the younger generations and include them
in the field leadership and local committees that need to be
created.</p>
<p>The parties should focus on forming a unified political
leadership that represents all factions, even before ending the
division, so as to sustain the steadfastness of the Palestinian
people and prepare for a long battle with the occupation. This is
indispensable for developing the current youth movement into a
popular uprising and extensive civil disobedience along the lines
of the strike of 1936, together with diplomatic and legal battles
against the Israeli occupation on the international front. To
achieve these efforts, the security coordination with Israel must
cease immediately, as an essential step towards dismantling the
administrative and legal structure of Oslo. The PA's functions
should be reconsidered, and the division between Hamas and Fatah
should be overcome so that the PLO can be rebuilt on an inclusive
national foundation.</p>
<p>The anti-occupation forces, which include civil society
institutions, grassroots organizations, trade unions, professional
associations, universities and the BDS campaign must engage more
actively in the youth movement. They need to use their
international ties with solidarity groups and anti-discrimination
and anti-occupation movements around the globe to support the
youth and their drive to ending the occupation.</p>
<h2>Mjiriam Abu Samra: Palestinian Youth Will One Day Redefine
Palestinian Politics</h2>
<p>In order to address the overarching issue of <em>why</em> the
historical political parties have not been able to catalyze
current youth frustration so far we need to consider the way
Palestinian politics have been transformed, primarily the shift in
the PLO political discourse and strategy from a liberation
struggle to state-building. This deprived the struggle of its
foundational principles and slowly undermined its strategies: A
neo-colonial normalization with the occupier replaced the original
anti-colonial framework that shaped the struggle. As a result,
the national movement was paralyzed in terms of its capacity for
grassroots mobilization.</p>
<p>The neo-colonial relationship between the colonizer and the
colonized isolated the Palestinian leadership from its popular
constituencies and the struggle stalled. The crisis between Hamas
and Fatah is one demonstration of the complex colonial condition
imposed on Palestinians and the inability of Palestinian parties
to give priority to the will of their people over the neoliberal
interests. Although its most acute manifestation is the
Fatah-Hamas crisis, the neoliberal project ushered in by Oslo has
affected all Palestinian parties to varying degrees and has made
them unable to give expression to the popular will.</p>
<p>With this broader framework in mind, we are unlikely to see any
significant role for the historical parties in the current
uprising - unless they restore the anti-colonial political vision
and discourse of the Palestinian movement. However, such a radical
shift could mean the very extinction of the ruling class and the
dismantling of the apparatus of economic and political interests
in the OPT. This is a risk that the Palestinian leadership seems
unwilling to take at the moment.</p>
<p>Indeed, any other effort to provide a solid and long-lasting
leadership to the spontaneous movements on the ground needs to
reposition liberation and justice at the core of the struggle. It
is more likely that Palestinian youth will eventually play a role
in a radical re-definition of Palestinian politics than that the
historical parties will make a genuine contribution to the current
uprising.</p>
<p>In this regard, we should pay attention to the new efforts coming
from Palestinian youth in the Diaspora (<em>shatat</em>) and in
historical Palestine, who are providing a solid political
framework to the current uprising and, in general, to Palestinian
discontent. It is too early to assess the strategic potential of
these initiatives, yet it is important to highlight the radical
discourse they are endorsing. It is also important to recognize,
above all, the strenuous effort to re-unify – if only
symbolically, for now – the political message of all
constituencies of Palestinian society: those under occupation in
the West Bank and Gaza, those in “48 Palestine” and those in the
Diaspora. See, for example, the <a
href="https://www.facebook.com/palyouthmobilization/">transnational
mobilization</a> called by Palestinian youth from all over the
world on Nov 29, which the United Nations marks as the
international day of solidarity with the Palestinian people.</p>
<p>Such efforts are a new trajectory for Palestinian politics that
aim to unify Palestinian society around a shared vision of
justice, liberation and return. These nascent initiatives might
provide a new space for the emergence of a national leadership
able to elaborate –and sustain – a renovated strategy of
resistance for the Palestinian struggle.</p>
<h2>Belal Shobaki: Turn to the Political Parties Who Can Still
Mobilize</h2>
<p>The current popular movement makes it even more urgent for the
political parties to transcend partisan interests and contribute
to the expansion of civil and social activism. Fatah and Hamas
have a golden opportunity to move beyond their preoccupation with
the institutional concerns of managing the PA and to act in a way
that befits their identity as liberation movements under
occupation. All factions should join ranks in drafting a national
agenda that transcends Oslo and the institutional structure
incapacitating the Palestinian struggle. They can use their media
machines to rebuild a political, economic and social culture that
nurtures the uprising rather than polarization and partisan
mobilization. This would entail a behavioral change in the
Palestinians' comfortable consumption habits, especially in the
West Bank.</p>
<p>Fatah may find it difficult to take such actions, given that it
identifies with PA institutions. However, Fatah's loss will be
much greater if it fails to change. The general mood of the
Palestinian public, including Fatah's own constituency, differs
completely from the political leadership's belief that the current
events are just a "wave of anger" that can be controlled by the
security agencies and exploited to drive negotiations with Israel.
The Palestinian factions' failure to mobilize for an open
confrontation with the occupation while the youth uprising
continues will doubtless generate field leaders who will be more
capable of directing the scene than those sitting in their
offices. This would lead to a widening gap between field forces
free of regulatory and partisan restrictions and government
bureaucrats.</p>
<p>Such a movement should look beyond the Fatah and Hamas options.
The Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine and Islamic
Jihad could mobilize strong rallies and demonstrations against the
occupation. Both enjoy the respect of the Palestinian people and
have more freedom than Hamas, which has been the target of a
double security campaign in the West Bank by Israel and the PA.
Both movements could work with other factions to support open
confrontation with the Israeli occupation and lead a call for the
formation of coordinating committees to manage the uprising. These
committees should later evolve into a joint leadership that
subsequently becomes an integral part of the PLO as part of a
program to reform the organization.</p>
<p>However, creating a new space is contingent on overcoming past
experience and specifically the experience of the Oslo formula for
a two-state solution. The actors currently monopolizing
Palestinian political institutions are the ones who still back
this formula. If the public turns the uprising into a rejection of
Oslo, in addition to confronting the occupation, either new
leaders will emerge who will pursue new options or the current
leaders will feel compelled to change their rhetoric and political
behavior.</p>
<h2>Alaa Tartir: The Politics of Confrontation</h2>
<p>Who will protect and build on the Palestinian wave of anger
currently raging in the OPT, and how? The answer to this question
should concern us deeply: The continued sacrifices of the
Palestinian people should not be exploited by the traditional
Palestinian political elite - yet again - as a card in some new
round of ill-fated negotiations. It must also not become a way for
the authorities to use simply to release the youth’s anger.</p>
<p>The traditional Palestinian leadership’s protracted inability to
realize Palestinian aspirations has created an opportunity for
non-traditional leaders, including Palestinian civil society
actors and opponents of the PA. However, they have yet to make
fully use of this opportunity. A structural transformation of
Palestinian leadership is needed. It will need time, resources,
and political determination as well as mass mobilization at key
moments. The forms of struggle and the political objectives are
among the key questions to be answered. The alternative is taking
shape, but it is still young like the youth in revolt. It is
important to address these questions quickly: Without the
necessary support and mechanisms to coordinate efforts and
initiatives, the movement will quickly die out.</p>
<p>Non-traditional Palestinian leaders should act now to pool their
efforts into creating a strategy for struggle that generates
rather than draining the wave’s potential and energies. It is a
tall order, but it is the only way to avoid another disappointment
that increases the existing frustration and disorientation.
Moments of historic transformation are never easy.</p>
<p>The way ahead will involve cycles of confrontation on many
different fronts. In other words, the confrontation should not be
limited to physical standoffs at military checkpoints but extend
to the political, economic, media, and other spheres. Indeed,
confrontation in a situation of colonization is the only way to
change the balance of power equations, challenge the facts on the
ground and built a path to the future.</p>
<p>The current movements by the youth and by non-traditional leaders
in civil society embody the politics of confrontation: They use
collective action to challenge the authorities and their claims of
representation. However, we need to move from the current state of
anger to a movement that represents the Palestinian society as a
whole, transforming it into a society grounded in social movements
and horizontal networks that focus on political, economic, and
social issues. This can be done by building on existing social and
other networks in order to promote collective goals, working for
liberation from colonization and defying repressive authorities
and elites. This can transform the current wave of anger into a
permanent state of confrontation with the colonizer as well as a
sustainable social movement that brings the colonized closer to
freedom and self-determination.</p>
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<div class="moz-signature">-- <br>
Freedom Archives
522 Valencia Street
San Francisco, CA 94110
415 863.9977
<a class="moz-txt-link-abbreviated" href="http://www.freedomarchives.org">www.freedomarchives.org</a>
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