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<o:p></o:p><b><big><big>In Jerusalem, “Religious War” Is Used to
Cloak Colonialism</big></big></b><br>
<p class="MsoNormal"><b><small><br>
</small></b></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><b><small><a class="moz-txt-link-freetext" href="http://www.maannews.com/Content.aspx?id=767688">http://www.maannews.com/Content.aspx?id=767688</a></small></b><br>
<br>
<o:p></o:p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><big><big>Sept. 18, 2015 <br>
</big></big></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><big><big><br>
<o:p></o:p></big></big></p>
<big><big>
</big></big>
<p class="MsoNormal"><big><big>By: Nur Arafeh<o:p></o:p></big></big></p>
<big><big>
</big></big>
<p class="MsoNormal"><big><big><o:p> </o:p></big></big></p>
<big><big>
</big></big>
<p class="MsoNormal"><big><big>Nur Arafeh is the Policy Fellow of
Al-Shabaka: The
Palestinian Policy Network, and is a consultant at the Ibrahim
Abu-Lughod
Institute of International Studies at Birzeit University.<o:p></o:p></big></big></p>
<big><big>
</big></big>
<p class="MsoNormal"><big><big><o:p> </o:p></big></big></p>
<big><big>
</big></big>
<p class="MsoNormal"><big><big>Al-Shabaka is an independent
non-profit organization whose
mission is to educate and foster public debate on Palestinian
human rights and
self-determination within the framework of international law.<o:p></o:p></big></big></p>
<big><big>
</big></big>
<p class="MsoNormal"><big><big><o:p> </o:p></big></big></p>
<big><big>
</big></big>
<p class="MsoNormal"><big><big>The escalating clashes between
Israeli settlers and
Jerusalemite Palestinians are the harbingers of a major
eruption with
incalculable consequences. Immediately billed as a “religious
war” by the media
and Israeli right wingers, they are in fact the outcome of
longstanding Israeli
plans to Judaize the city and empty it of its Palestinian
inhabitants.<o:p></o:p></big></big></p>
<big><big>
</big></big>
<p class="MsoNormal"><big><big><o:p> </o:p></big></big></p>
<big><big>
</big></big>
<p class="MsoNormal"><big><big>Nur Arafeh analyzes the major changes
that Israel has
illegally imposed on Jerusalem and addresses the Palestine
Liberation
Organization (PLO)/Palestinian Authority’s (PA) effective
abandonment of the
population to fend for itself. She concludes with policy
recommendations to the
PLO/PA, Palestinian academics and analysts, and the
international solidarity
movement.<o:p></o:p></big></big></p>
<big><big>
</big></big>
<p class="MsoNormal"><big><big><o:p> </o:p></big></big></p>
<big><big>
</big></big>
<p class="MsoNormal"><big><big>The Myth of Religious War<o:p></o:p></big></big></p>
<big><big>
</big></big>
<p class="MsoNormal"><big><big><o:p> </o:p></big></big></p>
<big><big>
</big></big>
<p class="MsoNormal"><big><big>Jerusalem has been thrust into the
spotlight due to the
recent clashes between Israeli settlers and Palestinians at
the Al-Aqsa Mosque.
Also referred to as Al-Haram al-Sharif or the Noble Sanctuary,
the compound
contains Al-Aqsa itself, Islam’s third holiest site, and the
Dome of the Rock,
where Prophet Muhammad is said to have ascended to heaven.
Jews revere the site
in the belief that it was once the location of two ancient
Jewish temples.<o:p></o:p></big></big></p>
<big><big>
</big></big>
<p class="MsoNormal"><big><big><o:p> </o:p></big></big></p>
<big><big>
</big></big>
<p class="MsoNormal"><big><big>A number of ultra-Orthodox Jews have
been repeatedly
violating the status quo that has been in place since 1967 by
making incursions
inside the Al-Aqsa compound and calling for Israel to build a
third temple on
what they term the Temple Mount. A video posted recently on
YouTube by the
Temple Institute, which is part of the so-called Temple Mount
and Land of
Israel Faithful Movement, depicts a third temple replacing
Al-Aqsa Mosque and
the Dome of the Rock.<o:p></o:p></big></big></p>
<big><big>
</big></big>
<p class="MsoNormal"><big><big><o:p> </o:p></big></big></p>
<big><big>
</big></big>
<p class="MsoNormal"><big><big>The recent clashes between
Palestinians and Israeli settlers
and police in Jerusalem were punctuated by horrific attacks
like the kidnapping
and murder of the Palestinian youth, Mohammed Abu-Khdeir in
July 2014. After
Yehuda Glick, a key figure in the Temple Institute and a
strong advocate of its
messianic scheme, was allegedly shot by a Palestinian, members
of the Temple
Mount Movement made further incursions into Al-Aqsa, and on 30
October 2014
Israel banned prayers in the compound for the first time since
1967. Tensions
in Jerusalem reached boiling point after an attack by two
Palestinians on an
ultra-Orthodox synagogue on 18 November 2014 left four Jews
and a Druze police
officer dead. The New Year began with a warning by the Mufti
of Jerusalem of an
Israeli organization’s plans to register Al-Aqsa Mosque as
Israeli property.<o:p></o:p></big></big></p>
<big><big>
</big></big>
<p class="MsoNormal"><big><big><o:p> </o:p></big></big></p>
<big><big>
</big></big>
<p class="MsoNormal"><big><big>But can this really be described as
the start of a religious
war? Has the political conflict indeed been transformed into a
war of beliefs?
According to The Guardian: “This is what a religious war looks
like.” A
Palestinian Al-Hiwar commentator agreed. Deputy Knesset Member
Moshe Feiglin
went even further and described it as a global fight “against
the evil forces
of the most extreme Islam.” Worse, the Temple Mount Movement
stands reality on
its head by proclaiming that one of its long-term objectives
is to “liberate
the Temple Mount from Arab [Islamic] occupation,” thus
portraying the
colonizers as the colonized.<o:p></o:p></big></big></p>
<big><big>
</big></big>
<p class="MsoNormal"><big><big><o:p> </o:p></big></big></p>
<big><big>
</big></big>
<p class="MsoNormal"><big><big>Yet the framing of these events as a
religious war not only
ignores the reality of the power imbalance between the
colonizer and the
colonized, but also fails to address the history and context
in which the
recent events have unfolded.<o:p></o:p></big></big></p>
<big><big>
</big></big>
<p class="MsoNormal"><big><big><o:p> </o:p></big></big></p>
<big><big>
</big></big>
<p class="MsoNormal"><big><big>Israel’s Longstanding Targeting of
Al-Aqsa Mosque<o:p></o:p></big></big></p>
<big><big>
</big></big>
<p class="MsoNormal"><big><big><o:p> </o:p></big></big></p>
<big><big>
</big></big>
<p class="MsoNormal"><big><big>Jewish religious law prohibits Jews
from praying in the
Al-Aqsa compound; Jews are only expected to revere the site,
but not to visit
or own it for fear of profaning the inner sanctum of the
alleged Temple, and
are to pray at Al-Buraq Wall (renamed the Western Wall).
Nevertheless,
extremists have early on targeted Al-Aqsa Mosque with a view
to rebuilding the
Temple. In 1982, Meir Kahane, leader of the far-right Kach
party, marched on
the compound holding plans of the Temple to be built on the
ruins of Al-Aqsa.
In 1990, 21 Palestinians were killed and 150 were injured in
clashes with
members of the Temple Mount Movement who attempted to enter
Al-Aqsa and place
the foundation stone for the Temple. In 1996, Israeli
excavations and the
digging of tunnels near Al-Aqsa sparked violence that resulted
in the killing
of 70 Palestinians and 15 Israeli soldiers.<o:p></o:p></big></big></p>
<big><big>
</big></big>
<p class="MsoNormal"><big><big><o:p> </o:p></big></big></p>
<big><big>
</big></big>
<p class="MsoNormal"><big><big>The Israeli government has also been
supporting efforts to
ensure Jewish control over the compound. Almost half of Likud
party members
support the Temple Mount Movement, which has recently won
funding from the
government. Between 2008 and 2011, the Temple Institute
received an annual
donation of $107,000 from the Ministry of Education and the
Ministry of
Culture, Science, and Sports. In 2012, an educational unit in
the Temple
Institute was offered an additional $50,000 from the Ministry
of Education.<o:p></o:p></big></big></p>
<big><big>
</big></big>
<p class="MsoNormal"><big><big><o:p> </o:p></big></big></p>
<big><big>
</big></big>
<p class="MsoNormal"><big><big>However, the actions of specific
groups to take control of
Al-Aqsa should not be seen as isolated incidents, but rather
as part of a
larger Zionist project to Judaize Jerusalem and ensure Jewish
supremacy over
the city.<o:p></o:p></big></big></p>
<big><big>
</big></big>
<p class="MsoNormal"><big><big><o:p> </o:p></big></big></p>
<big><big>
</big></big>
<p class="MsoNormal"><big><big>Creation of a New Reality in
Jerusalem<o:p></o:p></big></big></p>
<big><big>
</big></big>
<p class="MsoNormal"><big><big><o:p> </o:p></big></big></p>
<big><big>
</big></big>
<p class="MsoNormal"><big><big>Since the occupation began in 1967,
Israel has been
committed to transforming a multi-religious and multi-cultural
city into a
“reunified” Jewish city under the exclusive control and
sovereignty of Israel.
It has fast-tracked the Judaization of the city via policies
that impact on the
geographical and physical space and are designed to circumvent
the “demographic
threat” posed by Palestinians.<o:p></o:p></big></big></p>
<big><big>
</big></big>
<p class="MsoNormal"><big><big><o:p> </o:p></big></big></p>
<big><big>
</big></big>
<p class="MsoNormal"><big><big>From the outset in 1967, Israel
illegally annexed 70 square
kilometers of West Bank territory, including East Jerusalem
(6.5 square
kilometers), such that it maximized the area of land
expropriated while
minimizing the number of Palestinians. It also razed the Arab
neighborhoods of
Bab al-Magharbeh and Harat al-Sharaf to build the Jewish
Quarter, Al-Buraq Wall
plaza, houses for settlers, and Jewish synagogues. Israel also
reshaped the
physical landscape of Jerusalem by constructing a ring of
settlements around
the city, linked to bypass roads to ensure geographic
continuity with other
Israeli settlements in the West Bank.<o:p></o:p></big></big></p>
<big><big>
</big></big>
<p class="MsoNormal"><big><big><o:p> </o:p></big></big></p>
<big><big>
</big></big>
<p class="MsoNormal"><big><big>The ensuing physical and political
fragmentation of
Jerusalem went hand in hand with its economic isolation long
before Israel
embarked on the construction of the Apartheid Wall in 2002,
which redrew the
borders away from the pre-1967 armistice line. The
construction of the Wall was
deliberately designed to cut inside the city and exclude areas
populated by
Palestinians as a means to ensure a Jewish majority.<o:p></o:p></big></big></p>
<big><big>
</big></big>
<p class="MsoNormal"><big><big><o:p> </o:p></big></big></p>
<big><big>
</big></big>
<p class="MsoNormal"><big><big>To deal with the “demographic threat”
posed by Palestinians,
Israel designated Palestinians living in Jerusalem as
“permanent residents” – a
civil status usually reserved for foreign citizens and which
does not guarantee
residency rights. On this basis, resident IDs are often
revoked. Between 1967
and 2013, Israel revoked the ID cards of more than 14,309
Palestinian
residents. According to the 2003 Temporary Amendment to the
Citizenship and
Entry into Israel Law (amended in 2005 and 2007), West Bank
Palestinians
married to Jerusalem residents do not qualify for residency
status and are only
granted temporary permits in exceptional circumstances. In
contrast, Jews who
immigrate to live in Jerusalem are granted immediate
citizenship, reflecting
the apartheid nature of the Israeli regime.<o:p></o:p></big></big></p>
<big><big>
</big></big>
<p class="MsoNormal"><big><big><o:p> </o:p></big></big></p>
<big><big>
</big></big>
<p class="MsoNormal"><big><big>While strengthening the Jewish
presence in Jerusalem, Israel
has sought to contain the urban and demographic expansion of
Palestinians via
discriminatory urban and zoning policies consistent with
ethnic cleansing. More
than one third of land in Palestinian neighborhoods has been
classified as
“open landscape areas” where building is prohibited,
constricting Palestinian
building to only 14 percent of the land of East Jerusalem and
causing an acute
housing crisis. Moreover, since 1967, Israel has destroyed
1,673 housing units,
affecting around 8,000 people between 1967 and 2013. With the
implementation of
all these policies, Israel is aiming to achieve a ratio of 30
percent “Arabs”
and 70 percent Jews within the Jerusalem municipality.<o:p></o:p></big></big></p>
<big><big>
</big></big>
<p class="MsoNormal"><big><big><o:p> </o:p></big></big></p>
<big><big>
</big></big>
<p class="MsoNormal"><big><big>Discriminatory Israeli policies are
also apparent in the
discrepancies in service provision between Palestinian and
Jewish
neighborhoods. Less than 10 percent of the municipal budget is
allocated to
Palestinian districts despite Palestinians paying the same
amount of arnona
(property) tax as Jewish citizens.<o:p></o:p></big></big></p>
<big><big>
</big></big>
<p class="MsoNormal"><big><big><o:p> </o:p></big></big></p>
<big><big>
</big></big>
<p class="MsoNormal"><big><big>Judaization has been accompanied by
“de-Palestinianization”
to eradicate the Palestinian identity in Jerusalem. For
example, Sultan
Suleiman al-Qanuni Street (a sultan of the Ottoman Empire) was
renamed King
Solomon Street, and the Wadi Hilweh district of Silwan was
renamed “the city of
David.” Furthermore, unnamed streets in Palestinian areas were
recently given
Arabic names that are devoid of political and national
connotations. This
renaming process is linked to the re-writing of history in
line with Zionist
dicta, a process in which archaeology and excavations are
exploited to create a
fictitious Jewish history of the city, while the heritage of
other eras is
ignored.<o:p></o:p></big></big></p>
<big><big>
</big></big>
<p class="MsoNormal"><big><big><o:p> </o:p></big></big></p>
<big><big>
</big></big>
<p class="MsoNormal"><big><big>Israeli control over the historical
narrative extends to the
educational system. Since March 2011, Israel has attempted to
force Palestinian
schools that receive budget allocations from the Israeli
authorities to use
textbooks prepared by the Jerusalem Education Administration
(so far, five have
done so). These books present Palestinian students with a
one-sided history and
censor any topic related to Palestinian identity and heritage.<o:p></o:p></big></big></p>
<big><big>
</big></big>
<p class="MsoNormal"><big><big><o:p> </o:p></big></big></p>
<big><big>
</big></big>
<p class="MsoNormal"><big><big>Palestinian institutions in Jerusalem
have also been
targeted to erode Palestinian activism in the city. Since
2001, Israel has
closed at least 31 Palestinian institutions, including the
Orient House, the
former headquarters of the PLO, and the Chamber of Commerce
and Industry. This
climate of repression led many institutions to relocate from
Jerusalem and
caused a huge institutional vacuum, accompanied by an absence
of leadership.<o:p></o:p></big></big></p>
<big><big>
</big></big>
<p class="MsoNormal"><big><big><o:p> </o:p></big></big></p>
<big><big>
</big></big>
<p class="MsoNormal"><big><big>Other steps to de-Palestinianize
Jerusalem include the
latest five-year socio-economic “development” plan for
Palestinian areas
approved in June 2014 by the Israeli cabinet. This plan
focuses on gaps in
infrastructure, education, social welfare, and employment
between Palestinian
and Jewish neighborhoods in an apparent attempt to encourage
the integration of
Palestinians within Israel and bolster security by thwarting
“violence” and
“stone throwing.”<o:p></o:p></big></big></p>
<big><big>
</big></big>
<p class="MsoNormal"><big><big><o:p> </o:p></big></big></p>
<big><big>
</big></big>
<p class="MsoNormal"><big><big>In other words, development is a tool
to strengthen Israeli
control over Jerusalem and suppress Palestinian steadfastness
and resistance to
the Israeli occupation. Thus, the plan cannot be seen as an
initiative to
address the deteriorating socio-economic conditions of
Palestinians in
Jerusalem in terms of the extremely high poverty rate (75
percent of
Palestinian residents live below the Israeli definition of the
poverty line);
collapsing trade and tourism sectors; lack of investment;
depleted health and
educational services; high unemployment rates (16.7 percent in
2014); and high
costs of living.<o:p></o:p></big></big></p>
<big><big>
</big></big>
<p class="MsoNormal"><big><big><o:p> </o:p></big></big></p>
<big><big>
</big></big>
<p class="MsoNormal"><big><big>In this context, Palestinian clashes
with Israeli Jews
should be seen as acts of resistance and desperation within
the larger
historical struggle of Palestinians against occupation,
apartheid, ethnic
cleansing, land theft, dispossession, forced displacement, and
economic
marginalization. The recent intensification of incursions at
Al-Aqsa and calls
to build a third temple simply ignited the flames of these
smoldering emotions.
To focus on the religious dimensions of the recent unrest
while overlooking its
root causes would only lead to further violent clashes and
eruptions of
unprecedented magnitude. Religion is being exploited to serve
Israeli political
and national goals as it entrenches its colonial apartheid
policies.<o:p></o:p></big></big></p>
<big><big>
</big></big>
<p class="MsoNormal"><big><big><o:p> </o:p></big></big></p>
<big><big>
</big></big>
<p class="MsoNormal"><big><big>The Leadership Vacuum Leaves
Palestinians Powerless<o:p></o:p></big></big></p>
<big><big>
</big></big>
<p class="MsoNormal"><big><big><o:p> </o:p></big></big></p>
<big><big>
</big></big>
<p class="MsoNormal"><big><big>The recent unrest in Jerusalem, in
which Palestinians have
resorted to new forms of resistance such as using vehicles and
fireworks,
should be seen within the broader context of a city that lacks
political
leadership. The PA has demonstrated a lack of genuine
investment in Jerusalem
since signing the 1993 Oslo Declaration of Principles, of
which the PA was
itself a product. This was already evident when the PLO
accepted to defer the
issue of Jerusalem to the negotiations on the final status of
the Occupied
Palestinian Territory (OPT). While the PLO/PA clings tightly
to the farcical
peace process, Israel has entrenched its occupation and
control over Jerusalem.<o:p></o:p></big></big></p>
<big><big>
</big></big>
<p class="MsoNormal"><big><big><o:p> </o:p></big></big></p>
<big><big>
</big></big>
<p class="MsoNormal"><big><big>In a clear divergence from its
rhetoric of support, the PA
allocates a negligible budget to the city. The total budget
allocated to the
Ministry of Jerusalem Affairs and to the Jerusalem Governorate
was around $15
million in 2014, representing 0.4% of the total PA budget
expenditure for that
year. Compare this shameful and insignificant budget
allocation to the supposed
capital of the Palestinian state with 27 percent of the budget
allocated to the
security sector in the same year. Moreover, most of the budget
is disbursed in
the areas of Jerusalem that fall under Palestinian
administration and outside
the Wall. Locations such as Shu’fat and Beit Hanina that lie
within the Israeli
municipal boundaries of Jerusalem rarely receive any funds. 3<o:p></o:p></big></big></p>
<big><big>
</big></big>
<p class="MsoNormal"><big><big><o:p> </o:p></big></big></p>
<big><big>
</big></big>
<p class="MsoNormal"><big><big>This meager budget is the main reason
that prompted Hatem
Abdel-Qader to resign 40 days after his appointment as the
first minister for
Jerusalem Affairs in 2009. He noted that the Palestinian
“government fails to
uphold its commitments to the city, which is undergoing a
difficult period.”
Another Palestinian intellectual, who served as a PA
representative in
Jerusalem, also argued that, “The PA’s behavior was never in
line with its
stated goals. It has continuously failed to implement the
numerous studies and
plans made for the city.” 4<o:p></o:p></big></big></p>
<big><big>
</big></big>
<p class="MsoNormal"><big><big><o:p> </o:p></big></big></p>
<big><big>
</big></big>
<p class="MsoNormal"><big><big>While Israel is turning its vision
for Jerusalem into
reality via numerous policies and master plans (2020, 2030,
and 2050), a
coherent strategy for the future of the city by the
Palestinian leadership
remains absent. This was apparent in the omission of a
development plan for
Jerusalem in the National Development Plan 2014-2016. Although
it is true that
the document refers back to the Strategic Multi-Sector
Development Plan for
East Jerusalem (SMDP) 2011-2013 issued by the Jerusalem Unit
at the President’s
Office, the SMDP was published in 2010 and requires updating.
Moreover, the
Jerusalem Unit itself, which was previously allocated most of
the funds for
Jerusalem, was closed in 2010. 5<o:p></o:p></big></big></p>
<big><big>
</big></big>
<p class="MsoNormal"><big><big><o:p> </o:p></big></big></p>
<big><big>
</big></big>
<p class="MsoNormal"><big><big>More significantly, the development
approach used in the
SMDP disconnects development from political and colonial
realities; it reduces
Palestinian struggle to that of “survival” instead of freedom
and takes the
Israeli occupation as given rather than seeking to end it. As
the introductory
section of the SMDP put it: “How can the PLO assist
Jerusalemites to survive
and thrive within the existing context in order to have a
solid foundation for
the capital of the future Palestinian state?” (Emphasis
added).<o:p></o:p></big></big></p>
<big><big>
</big></big>
<p class="MsoNormal"><big><big><o:p> </o:p></big></big></p>
<big><big>
</big></big>
<p class="MsoNormal"><big><big>The lack of genuine official interest
in the city, the
emergence of Ramallah as the de facto capital, and the absence
of Palestinian
political leadership in Jerusalem leave Palestinians feeling
abandoned and
resentful towards the PLO/PA. PA President Mahmoud Abbas is
still paying lip
service to Palestinians in Jerusalem, while refusing to end
security
collaboration with Israel or to support non-violent means of
resistance, such
as the boycott of all Israeli goods.<o:p></o:p></big></big></p>
<big><big>
</big></big>
<p class="MsoNormal"><big><big><o:p> </o:p></big></big></p>
<big><big>
</big></big>
<p class="MsoNormal"><big><big>Meanwhile, Israel has responded to
leaderless Palestinian
protests and resistance with characteristic force that
includes land
confiscation, house demolitions, and collective punishment,
such as raids on
homes, spraying neighborhoods with putrid water, and mass
arrests. For example,
between June and September 2014, approximately 700
Palestinians were arrested
in Jerusalem, the majority of them children, according to
Al-Dameer Association
for Human Rights. 6 Israeli settlers who commit brutal crimes
against
Palestinians undergo no such punishment. In fact, the Israeli
government has eased
gun restrictions and increased funding to protect settlers in
Jerusalem –
additional evidence of the institutionalized discrimination to
which
Palestinians are subjected.<o:p></o:p></big></big></p>
<big><big>
</big></big>
<p class="MsoNormal"><big><big><o:p> </o:p></big></big></p>
<big><big>
</big></big>
<p class="MsoNormal"><big><big>Protecting Jerusalem and Its
Palestinians<o:p></o:p></big></big></p>
<big><big>
</big></big>
<p class="MsoNormal"><big><big><o:p> </o:p></big></big></p>
<big><big>
</big></big>
<p class="MsoNormal"><big><big>The current turmoil in Jerusalem is
the result of colonial
subjugation, institutionalized discrimination, dispossession,
and Israel’s
establishment of facts on the ground to ensure it maintains
Jewish supremacy
over the city. Israel’s plans should thus be resisted locally
and internationally,
primarily by increasing their cost to Israel. The apartheid
system in South
Africa only began to unravel once the costs of preserving
white supremacy
became too high to bear.<o:p></o:p></big></big></p>
<big><big>
</big></big>
<p class="MsoNormal"><big><big><o:p> </o:p></big></big></p>
<big><big>
</big></big>
<p class="MsoNormal"><big><big>First and foremost, Palestinians need
proactive leadership
that will propel the status of Jerusalem to the forefront of
government
commitment and to the heart of the national struggle as a
matter of urgency. It
is vital that Palestinians project a clear vision of Jerusalem
to counter the
prevailing Israeli vision. Information and communication are
key tools to
counter Israel’s re-writing of history and silencing of the
Palestinian
narrative.<o:p></o:p></big></big></p>
<big><big>
</big></big>
<p class="MsoNormal"><big><big><o:p> </o:p></big></big></p>
<big><big>
</big></big>
<p class="MsoNormal"><big><big>In particular, Palestinian leadership
should confront
Israeli attempts to frame its colonial policies in religious
terms and should
remind the world that the core issues are those of occupation,
dispossession,
and land theft. It is imperative to challenge the power of the
Israeli
discourse by exposing its shameful record of oppression in
Jerusalem and the
rest of the occupied territory. The PLO/PA should also further
capitalize on
the hard won status in international organizations such as
UNESCO to take legal
steps to protect Al-Aqsa and the Old City in Jerusalem.<o:p></o:p></big></big></p>
<big><big>
</big></big>
<p class="MsoNormal"><big><big><o:p> </o:p></big></big></p>
<big><big>
</big></big>
<p class="MsoNormal"><big><big>Secondly, academics and policy
analysts can play a crucial
role in putting Jerusalem in the vanguard. To date,
Palestinian intellectuals
have been biased towards the analysis of socio-economic
development in the West
Bank, and, to some extent, the Gaza Strip, to the detriment of
discussion about
Jerusalem. Palestinians must emphasize Jerusalem in their
discourse and move
beyond mere diagnosis of problems to devise solutions. The
concept of
development under occupation itself needs to be revised and
redefined as a form
of economic, political, and social resistance embedded in the
larger historical
struggle of Palestinians for self-determination, freedom, and
justice.<o:p></o:p></big></big></p>
<big><big>
</big></big>
<p class="MsoNormal"><big><big><o:p> </o:p></big></big></p>
<big><big>
</big></big>
<p class="MsoNormal"><big><big>Finally, the local boycott of Israeli
goods and services is
a vital means of resisting the Israeli occupation. Not only is
it a moral duty
for every Palestinian but also the boycott of Israeli products
increases the
cost of Israel’s apartheid system and enhances the productive
capacity of the
Palestinian economy. In parallel, thought must be given to
ways to develop a
Palestinian economy capable of resisting integration and
dependence on the
Israeli economy and that can pave the foundations for a solid
political base
from which an emancipated and self-determining society may
emerge.<o:p></o:p></big></big></p>
<big><big>
</big></big>
<p class="MsoNormal"><big><big><o:p> </o:p></big></big></p>
<big><big>
</big></big>
<p class="MsoNormal"><big><big>At the international level, the
Palestinian-led Boycott,
Divestment, and Sanctions (BDS) movement and the pressure this
imposes on
Israel worldwide should be maintained and intensified. Arab
countries need to
engage in a significant way to isolate Israel for its designs
on Jerusalem and
its multiple human rights violations.<o:p></o:p></big></big></p>
<big><big>
</big></big>
<p class="MsoNormal"><big><big><o:p> </o:p></big></big></p>
<big><big>
</big></big>
<p class="MsoNormal"><big><big>Without concerted efforts by
Palestinians with Arab and
international support to uphold Palestinian rights in
Jerusalem, the present
small fires in the city could turn into a conflagration with
permanent damage
to Palestinian and Arab heritage in the city and to the
Palestinian Jerusalemite
presence in the city of their ancestors.<o:p></o:p></big></big></p>
<big><big>
</big></big>
<p class="MsoNormal"><big><big><o:p> </o:p></big></big></p>
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<div class="moz-signature">-- <br>
Freedom Archives
522 Valencia Street
San Francisco, CA 94110
415 863.9977
<a class="moz-txt-link-abbreviated" href="http://www.freedomarchives.org">www.freedomarchives.org</a>
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