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    <h1 class="title" id="page-title">Why the PA can be sued in the US
      for “terrorism” but Israel can’t</h1>
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      <span property="dc:date dc:created"
        content="2015-02-03T21:30:27+00:00" datatype="xsd:dateTime"
        rel="sioc:has_creator">Submitted by <span class="username"
          xml:lang="" about="/users/charlotte-silver"
          typeof="sioc:UserAccount" property="foaf:name" datatype="">Charlotte
          Silver</span> on Tue, 02/03/2015 <br>
        <b><small><small><a class="moz-txt-link-freetext" href="http://electronicintifada.net/blogs/charlotte-silver/why-pa-can-be-sued-us-terrorism-israel-cant">http://electronicintifada.net/blogs/charlotte-silver/why-pa-can-be-sued-us-terrorism-israel-cant</a></small></small></b><br>
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        <p>In January, a trial began in a Manhattan federal court
          against the Palestinian Authority and the Palestine Liberation
          Organization (PLO) on accusations of orchestrating
          “terrorism.” </p>
        <p>The civil suit, originally filed 11 years ago, alleges that
          the PA and the PLO are responsible for seven acts of “terror”
          carried out between 2001 and 2004 in present-day Israel, which
          collectively caused the deaths of 33 people and injuries to
          hundreds more, including many US citizens.</p>
        <p>In order to succeed, plaintiffs have to prove that the
          Palestinian Authority <a
href="http://blogs.reuters.com/alison-frankel/files/2014/11/sokolowevpa-sjopinion.pdf">enabled
            and caused the seven attacks</a> as part of its policy.
          Because “Palestine” is not recognized as a state by the US
          government, the PA and PLO do not enjoy immunity under the
          Foreign Sovereign Immunities Act (FSIA), which bars lawsuits
          against foreign states in US courts.</p>
        <p>However, regardless of its status under FSIA, the Obama
          administration could argue for the PA’s immunity if it were so
          inclined. As it is goes forward, the civil suit has potential
          to compromise the PA’s maneuvers in the International Criminal
          Court (ICC).</p>
        <h2><strong>Can a jury take decisions on international politics?</strong></h2>
        <p>The case is being brought under the Anti-Terrorism Act of
          1991, which allows US citizens to sue foreign organizations
          for damages resulting from “international terrorism.”</p>
        <p>There has been a spate of similar civil suits successfully
          brought against organizations or financial institutions. Most
          recently, a jury found the <a
href="http://electronicintifada.net/blogs/charlotte-silver/arab-bank-appeal-verdict-us-terror-financing-show-trial">Arab
            Bank liable</a> for material support for terrorism for
          providing financial services to the Palestinian political and
          military organization Hamas, which the US
          government designates as a ”<a
            href="http://www.state.gov/j/ct/rls/other/des/123085.htm">foreign
            terrorist organization</a>.”</p>
        <p>However, some legal experts object to the notion of a jury of
          twelve US citizens presiding over matters of international
          politics.</p>
        <p>“I’m not a great believer in using litigation to make public
          policy. I think public policy should be made publicly, through
          elected officials, not through 12 jurors,” attorney Eric Lewis
          told The Electronic Intifada. In the past, Lewis has
          represented The Arab Bank as well as detainees at the US
          prison at Guantanamo Bay, Cuba. </p>
        <p>Lewis said that there were thin grounds for turning “a
          political atmosphere into proximate causation in the law.”</p>
        <h2>Attempt to block ICC moves</h2>
        <p>Indeed, the current political atmosphere makes the timing of
          this civil suit particularly fraught. With the Palestinian
          Authority’s accession to the International Criminal Court,
          Israel and its supporters have threatened to retaliate against
          the PA in the event that the ICC prosecutes Israeli war
          crimes, including those committed last summer during the
          attack on Gaza that killed more than 2,200 people.</p>
        <p>While the plaintiffs are a number of American citizens who
          survived  the “terror” attacks or whose relatives were killed
          in them, the case has been propelled forward from its
          inception by <a
            href="http://electronicintifada.net/tags/shurat-hadin">Shurat
            HaDin</a>, an Israeli <a
            href="http://electronicintifada.net/tags/lawfare">lawfare</a>
          organization <a
href="http://electronicintifada.net/blogs/asa-winstanley/israeli-lawyers-group-shurat-hadin-unmasked-mossad-proxy">with
            ties to the spy and assassination agency Mossad</a>.</p>
        <p>Shurat HaDin works under the motto “Bankrupting terror, one
          lawsuit at a time,” but it is clear that <a
href="http://www.nytimes.com/2015/01/24/world/middleeast/crusading-for-israel-in-a-way-some-say-is-misguided.html?_r=0">monetary
            awards do not motivate</a> its countless lawsuits.</p>
        <p>Lewis sees the current case as functioning to discredit the
          PA as agents of terrorism — rather than to extract damages. He
          states that only a very small number of people have ever
          collected money awarded through Anti-Terrorism Act cases.</p>
        <p>In fact, Shurat HaDin has filed <a
            href="http://israellawcenter.org/legal-action/us-cases/">a
            number of complaints</a> with the International Criminal
          Court against various Palestinian Authority and Hamas
          officials with the sole purpose of intimidating Palestinian
          political bodies from pursuing prosecutions of Israeli
          officials or soldiers.</p>
        <p><em>The New York Times</em> <a
href="http://www.nytimes.com/glogin?URI=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.nytimes.com%2F2015%2F01%2F24%2Fworld%2Fmiddleeast%2Fcrusading-for-israel-in-a-way-some-say-is-misguided.html%3F_r%3D0">reports</a> that

          Shurat HaDin director Nitsana Darshan-Leitner does not
          actually expect to see these complaints pursued by the ICC,
          “but hopes [they] will deter the Palestinians from pursuing
          parallel claims against Israelis.”</p>
        <p>The current case against the PA may very well serve the same
          purpose. Jonathan Schanzer, vice president for research at the
          pro-Israel Foundation for Defense of Democracies, <a
href="http://www.investigativeproject.org/4731/terror-victims-take-palestinian-authority-to-court">told
            the Investigative Project on Terrorism</a> (a website
          founded by <a
href="http://electronicintifada.net/blogs/ali-abunimah/islamophobia-bankroller-behind-organizer-israel-junket-us-muslim-leaders">leading
            Islamophobe</a> <a
            href="http://electronicintifada.net/tags/steven-emerson">Steve
            Emerson</a>) that a judgment against the Palestinian
          Authority “could give the United States some leverage in
          getting PA President Mahmoud Abbas to back off the unilateral
          moves.”</p>
        <h2><strong>Many documents, little evidence</strong></h2>
        <p>Plaintiffs have submitted an abundance of documents claiming
          to show a direct financial connection between the PA and
          Palestinian activists and fighters.</p>
        <p>A significant portion of the evidence purporting to prove a
          direct relationship between the PA and the seven attacks are
          documents seized by Israeli occupation forces during <a
href="http://electronicintifada.net/content/ai-israeli-defence-forces-war-crimes-must-be-investigated/1145">Operation
            Defensive Shield</a>, a military assault into several
          occupied West Bank cities in 2002.</p>
        <p>None of the <a href="http://imra.org.il/story.php3?id=12969">hundreds
            of thousands of documents</a> that were seized during the
          Israeli raid on PA headquarters in Ramallah showed an
          authorization of an actual attack, but they do indicate that
          Yasser Arafat, then leader of the PA and the PLO, signed off
          on the transfer of funds to what Israeli intelligence
          characterized as armed militias.</p>
        <p>Israel and its vocal defenders, including <a
href="http://www.washingtoninstitute.org/policy-analysis/view/defensive-shield-counterterrorism-accomplishments">Matthew
            Levitt</a> of the Washington Institute for Near East
          Policy and <a
            href="http://electronicintifada.net/tags/caroline-glick">anti-Palestinian
            activist Caroline Glick</a>, made much of this discovery at
          the time. Glick <a
            href="http://carolineglick.com/the_baghdadramallah_axis/">depicted</a> Arafat

          as a monstrous villain who not only financed terror
          operations, but deprived Palestinian civilians of funds
          sorely needed to build up their “civil society” by callously
          diverting money to “terrorist cells.”</p>
        <p>However, outside committed Zionist circles there was no
          consensus on what the documents revealed. <a
            href="http://www.hrw.org/reports/2002/isrl-pa/ISRAELPA1002-07.htm">Human
            Rights Watch analyzed</a> the documents and the PA’s role in
          inciting or encouraging acts of “terror” between 2000 and 2002
          (the period during which all but one of the attacks referred
          to in the current trial took place), and found no evidence
          demonstrating that Arafat or any other senior PA officials
          played any role in planning attacks against Israeli civilians.</p>
        <p>Nor did Human Rights Watch find that “PA officials or
          institutions organized or assisted in preparing or carrying
          out attacks against civilians systematically or as a matter of
          policy.”</p>
        <h2><strong>When state terror is immune</strong></h2>
        <p>Successfully prosecuting the case against the PA and the PLO
          hinges on the ability to prove that the seven acts of violence
          were the result of “governmental” policy. Conversely, Israeli
          acts of mass killing are granted immunity for the very fact
          that they <em>are</em> state policy.</p>
        <p>Consider the case against then-director of Israel’s General
          Security Service (also known as <a
            href="http://electronicintifada.net/tags/shin-bet">Shin Bet</a>
          or Shabak), <a
            href="http://electronicintifada.net/tags/avi-dichter">Avi
            Dichter</a>, who helped the Israeli army decide to drop a
          one-ton bomb an on apartment building in Gaza City, killing 15
          Palestinians and injuring more than 150 others in 2002.</p>
        <p>The Center for Constitutional Rights <a
            href="http://ccrjustice.org/ourcases/current-cases/matar-v.-dichter">filed
            a case against Dichter</a> for orchestrating what they
          called targeted, extrajudicial killings. But in 2007, a US
          judge dismissed the lawsuit on the grounds that Dichter was
          operating in an official capacity.</p>
        <p>During the appeals process, Israeli ambassador <a
            href="http://electronicintifada.net/tags/danny-ayalon">Danny
            Ayalon</a> sent a <a
            href="http://ccrjustice.org/files/Israeli%20ambassador%27s%20letter.pdf">letter
            to the court</a> taking full responsibility for the
          bombing on behalf of the Israeli government while arguing for
          Dichter’s immunity.</p>
        <p>Ayalon went on to criticize the lawsuit as undermining the
          work of foreign diplomacy: “The attempts to draw US courts
          into the adjudication of these cases runs counter to the
          ongoing Israel-US dialogue and the key diplomatic role of the
          US in the region.”</p>
        <p>The Bush administration also <a
href="http://ccrjustice.org/files/Matar%20v%20%20Dichter,%20US%20for%20Defendants%20Amicus%20Brief%2012.19.07.pdf">opposed
            the prosecution of Dichter</a> and, similarly, the Obama
          Administration <a
href="http://www.reuters.com/article/2008/08/14/us-saudi-lawsuit-idUSN1448612320080814">opposed
            the prosecution of Saudi Arabia</a> for its alleged role in
          supporting the hijackers involved in the 11 September 2001
          attacks in the United States.</p>
        <p>Of note, in both cases the executive branch did not argue for
          the immunity of Israeli or Saudi officials on the basis of the
          Foreign Sovereign Immunities Act, but instead cited executive
          branch dominion over foreign affairs and the need to maintain
          respectful boundaries between US law and other states’
          policies.</p>
        <p>“Foreign official immunity serves as a vital protection
          against such interference by private litigants,” the <a
href="http://ccrjustice.org/files/Matar%20v%20%20Dichter,%20US%20for%20Defendants%20Amicus%20Brief%2012.19.07.pdf">State
            Department wrote in a friend of the court brief</a>. So
          though the PA is not eligible for immunity as a recognized
          state, its officials might still be granted protection.</p>
        <p>While the White House could still intervene as the case winds
          its way through US courts, <a
href="http://scholarship.law.berkeley.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1007&context=jmeil">there
            is no precedent</a> for a US administration intervening in
          legal proceedings to argue for Palestinians’ right to foreign
          immunity.</p>
        <p>If one needed any more evidence that the US is not concerned
          with respecting Palestinian sovereignty, one can find it in US
          courts.</p>
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