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<span class="credit">(Ismael Mohamad / United Press International)</span>
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<h1 class="title" id="page-title">Israeli attacks designed to
“terrorize” Gaza population, international law experts say</h1>
<div class="submitted">
<span property="dc:date dc:created"
content="2014-07-28T22:03:52+00:00" datatype="xsd:dateTime"
rel="sioc:has_creator">Submitted by <span class="username"
xml:lang="" about="/users/ali-abunimah"
typeof="sioc:UserAccount" property="foaf:name" datatype="">Ali
Abunimah</span> on Mon, 07/28/2014 - 22:03</span> </div>
<div class="field-body">
<div id="file-28174" class="file file-image file-image-jpeg
media-element file-full" style="width:618px;"><b><small><small><small><small><a class="moz-txt-link-freetext" href="http://electronicintifada.net/blogs/ali-abunimah/israeli-attacks-designed-terrorize-gaza-population-international-law-experts-say">http://electronicintifada.net/blogs/ali-abunimah/israeli-attacks-designed-terrorize-gaza-population-international-law-experts-say</a></small></small></small></small></b><br>
</div>
<p>“The civilian population in the Gaza Strip is under direct
attack,” dozens of international law experts have warned in a <a
href="http://electronicintifada.net/blogs/ali-abunimah/israeli-attacks-designed-terrorize-gaza-population-international-law-experts-say#statement">statement</a>
laying out numerous Israeli violations of the laws of war, some
amounting to war crimes.</p>
<p>The statement came as the death toll from Israel’s three weeks
of bombing <a
href="http://maannews.net/eng/ViewDetails.aspx?ID=716726">reached
1,088 today</a>, the first day of a somber Eid al-Fitr, the
holiday marking the end of the fasting month of Ramadan.</p>
<p>Ten Palestinians, including at least eight children, were
killed <a
href="http://maannews.net/eng/ViewDetails.aspx?ID=716699">when
missiles struck a park</a> in al-Shati refugee camp as
families gathered to mark the holiday.</p>
<p>Israel denied it was responsible for the attack and blamed
misfired Hamas rockets, but the Palestinian resistance group <a
href="http://www.nbcnews.com/storyline/middle-east-unrest/strikes-near-gazas-shifa-hospital-refugee-camp-kill-least-10-n166571">dismissed
the Israeli statement</a> as “a failed attempt to escape from
this crime and its fears that this crime will be exposed and
held judicially accountable.”</p>
<h2>Terrorizing civilians</h2>
<p>“Most of the recent heavy bombings in Gaza lack an acceptable
military justification and, instead, appear to be designed to
terrorize the civilian population,” says the statement, signed
by more than 140 international and criminal law scholars, human
rights defenders, legal and other experts.</p>
<p>Among them are <a
href="http://electronicintifada.net/tags/john-dugard">John
Dugard</a> and <a
href="http://electronicintifada.net/tags/richard-falk">Richard
Falk</a>, both former UN special rapporteurs on the human
rights situation in the occupied Palestinian territories.</p>
<p>Others include Daniel Feierstein, president of the
International Association of Genocide Scholars; Penny Green,
director of the State Crime Initiative, King’s College London;
and Karim Lahidji, president of the International Federation for
Human Rights (FIDH).</p>
<p>“Gaza’s civilian population has been victimized in the name of
a falsely construed right to self-defense,” the statement adds.</p>
<p>Israel’s illegal attacks include its assault on the Gaza City
neighborhood of [Shujaiya], which the statement says “was one of
the bloodiest and most aggressive operations ever conducted by
Israel in the Gaza Strip, a form of urban violence constituting
a total disrespect of civilian innocence.”</p>
<h2>“Pre-fabricated excuse”</h2>
<p>The statement also points to Israel’s deliberate destruction of
the homes of thousands of people and Israel’s practice of giving
“warnings” either in the form of smaller projectiles fired at a
building, or via text message or telephone.</p>
<p>Despite such warnings, “it remains illegal to willfully attack
a civilian home without a demonstration of military necessity as
it amounts to a violation of the principle of proportionality,”
the experts say.</p>
<p>“Not only are these ‘warnings’ generally ineffective, and can
even result in further fatalities,”the statement notes, “they
appear to be a pre-fabricated excuse by Israel to portray people
who remain in their homes as ‘human shields.’”</p>
<p>“Israel’s illegal policy of absolute closure imposed on the
Gaza Strip has relentlessly continued, under the complicit gaze
of the international community of States,” the statement says.</p>
<p>The statement also denounces “the launch of rockets from the
Gaza Strip, as every indiscriminate attack against civilians,
regardless of the identity of the perpetrators, is not only
illegal under international law but also morally intolerable.”</p>
<p>“However,” it adds, “the two parties to the conflict cannot be
considered equal, and their actions – once again – appear to be
of incomparable magnitude.”</p>
<h2>Accountability</h2>
<p>Calling for accountability, the statement blames “several UN
Member States and the UN” for pressuring <em>de facto</em>
Palestinian Authority leader Mahmoud Abbas not to seek “recourse
to the International Criminal Court (ICC).”</p>
<p>The statement calls on “the Governmental leaders of Palestine”
– presumably a reference to Abbas – to ratify the ICC treaty.</p>
<p>It also urges the UN Security Council to “exercise its
responsibilities in relation to peace and justice by referring
the situation in Palestine to the Prosecutor of the ICC” – an
action that would require the support of veto-wielding countries
such as the US, France and UK, all of which have defended
Israel’s assault on Gaza.</p>
<p>The full statement and list of signers follow.</p>
<h2 id="statement">The International Community Must End Israel’s
Collective Punishment of the Civilian Population in the Gaza
Strip</h2>
<p>As international and criminal law scholars, human rights
defenders, legal experts and individuals who firmly believe in
the rule of law and in the necessity for its respect in times of
peace and more so in times of war, we feel the intellectual and
moral duty to denounce the grave violations, mystification and
disrespect of the most basic principles of the laws of armed
conflict and of the fundamental human rights of the entire
Palestinian population committed during the ongoing Israeli
offensive on the Gaza Strip.</p>
<p>We also condemn the launch of rockets from the Gaza Strip, as
every indiscriminate attack against civilians, regardless of the
identity of the perpetrators, is not only illegal under
international law but also morally intolerable. However, as also
implicitly noted by the UN Human Rights Council in its
Resolution of the 23 July 2014, the two parties to the conflict
cannot be considered equal, and their actions – once again –
appear to be of incomparable magnitude.</p>
<p>Once again it is the unarmed civilian population, the
“protected persons” under International humanitarian law (IHL),
who is in the eye of the storm. Gaza’s civilian population has
been victimized in the name of a falsely construed right to
self-defence, in the midst of an escalation of violence provoked
in the face of the entire international community. The so-called
Operation Protective Edge erupted during an ongoing armed
conflict, in the context of a prolonged belligerent occupation
that commenced in 1967. In the course of this ongoing conflict
thousands of Palestinians have been killed and injured in the
Gaza Strip during recurrent and ostensible “ceasefire” periods
since 2005, after Israel’s unilateral “disengagement from the
Gaza Strip. The deaths caused by Israel’s provocative actions in
the Gaza Strip prior to the latest escalation of hostilities
must not be ignored as well.</p>
<p><a
href="http://www.ochaopt.org/documents/humanitarian_Snapshot_24July2014_oPt_V1.pdf">According
to UN sources</a>, over the last two weeks, nearly 800
Palestinians in Gaza have been killed and more than 4,000
injured, of whom the vast majority were civilians. Several
independent sources indicate that only 15 per cent of the
casualties were combatants. Entire families have been murdered.
Hospitals, clinics, as well as a rehabilitation center for
disabled persons have been targeted and severely damaged. During
one single day, on Sunday 20 July, more than 100 Palestinian
civilians were killed in Shujaiya, a residential neighborhood of
Gaza City. This was one of the bloodiest and most aggressive
operations ever conducted by Israel in the Gaza Strip, a form of
urban violence constituting a total disrespect of civilian
innocence. Sadly, this was followed only a couple of days later
by an equally destructive attack on Khuzaa, east of Khan Younis.</p>
<p>Additionally, the offensive has already caused widespread
destruction of buildings and infrastructure: according to the UN
Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs, over 3,300
houses have been targeted resulting in their destruction or
severe damage.
As denounced by the UN Fact-Finding Mission (FFM) on the Gaza
conflict in the aftermath of Israel’s “Operation Cast Lead” in
2008-2009: “While the Israeli Government has sought to portray
its operations as essentially a response to rocket attacks in
the exercise of its right to self defence, the Mission considers
the plan to have been directed, at least in part, at a different
target: The people of Gaza as a whole” (A/HRC/12/48, par. 1680).
The same can be said for the current Israeli offensive.</p>
<p>The civilian population in the Gaza Strip is under direct
attack and many are forced to leave their homes. What was
already a refugee and humanitarian crisis has worsened with a
new wave of mass displacement of civilians: the number of IDPs
[internally displaced persons] has reached nearly 150,000, many
of whom have obtained shelter in overcrowded UNRWA schools,
which unfortunately are no safe areas as demonstrated by the
repeated attacks on the UNRWA school in Beit Hanoun. Everyone in
Gaza is traumatized and living in a state of constant terror.</p>
<p>This result is intentional, as Israel is again relying on the “<a
href="http://www2.ohchr.org/english/bodies/hrcouncil/docs/12session/A-HRC-12-48.pdf">Dahiya
doctrine</a>,” which deliberately has recourse to
disproportionate force to inflict suffering on the civilian
population in order to achieve political (to exert pressure on
the Hamas Government) rather than military goals.</p>
<p>In so doing, Israel is repeatedly and flagrantly violating the
law of armed conflict, which establishes that combatants and
military objectives may be targeted, <em>i.e.</em> “those
objects which by their nature, location, purpose or use make an
effective contribution to military action and whose total or
partial destruction, capture or neutralization, in the
circumstances ruling at the time, offers a definite military
advantage.” Most of the recent heavy bombings in Gaza lack an
acceptable military justification and, instead, appear to be
designed to terrorize the civilian population. As the ICRC
clarifies, <a
href="http://www.icrc.org/customary-ihl/eng/docs/v1_rul_rule2">deliberately
causing terror</a> is unequivocally illegal under customary
international law.</p>
<p>In its Advisory Opinion in the Nuclear Weapons case, the ICJ
[International Court of Justice] stated that the principle of
distinction, which requires belligerent States to distinguish
between civilian and combatants, is one of the “cardinal
principles” of international humanitarian law and one of the
“intransgressible principles of international customary law.”</p>
<p>The principle of distinction is codified in Articles 48, 51(2)
and 52(2) of the Additional Protocol I of 1977 to the 1949
Geneva Conventions, to which no reservations have been made.
According to Additional Protocol I, “attacks” refer to “acts of
violence against the adversary, whether in offence or in
defence” (Article 49). Under both customary international law
and treaty law, the prohibition on directing attacks against the
civilian population or civilian objects is absolute. There is no
discretion available to invoke military necessity as a
justification.</p>
<p>Contrary to Israel’s claims, mistakes resulting in civilian
casualties cannot be justified: in case of doubt as to the
nature of the target, the law clearly establishes that an object
which is normally dedicated to civilian purposes (such as
schools, houses, places of worship and medical facilities), are
presumed as not being used for military purposes.</p>
<p>During these past weeks, UN officials and representatives have
repeatedly called on Israel to strictly abide by the principle
of precaution in carrying out attacks in the Gaza Strip, where
risks are greatly aggravated by the very high population
density, and maximum restraint must be exercised to avoid
civilian casualties. Human Rights Watch <a
href="http://www.hrw.org/news/2014/07/17/dispatches-explaining-four-dead-boys-gaza-beach">has
noted</a> that these rules exist to minimize mistakes “when
such mistakes are repeated, it raises the concern of whether the
rules are being disregarded.”</p>
<p>Moreover, even when targeting clear military objectives, Israel
consistently violates the principle of <a
href="http://www.icrc.org/customary-ihl/eng/docs/v1_rul_rule14">proportionality:</a>
this is particularly evident with regard to the hundreds of
civilian houses destroyed by the Israeli army during the current
military operation in Gaza. With the declared intention to
target a single member of Hamas, Israeli forces have bombed and
destroyed houses although occupied as residences by dozens of
civilians, including women, children, and entire families.</p>
<p>It is inherently illegal under customary international law to
intentionally target civilian objects, and the violation of such
a fundamental tenet of law can amount to a war crime. Issuing a
“warning” – such as Israel’s so-called roof knocking technique,
or sending an SMS five minutes before the attack – does not
mitigate this: it remains illegal to wilfully attack a civilian
home without a demonstration of military necessity as it amounts
to a violation of the principle of proportionality. Moreover,
not only are these “warnings” generally ineffective, and can
even result in further fatalities, they appear to be a
pre-fabricated excuse by Israel to portray people who remain in
their homes as “human shields.”</p>
<p>The indiscriminate and disproportionate attacks, the targeting
of objectives providing no effective military advantage, and the
intentional targeting of civilians and civilian houses have been
persistent features of Israel’s long-standing policy of
punishing the entire population of the Gaza Strip, which, for
over seven years, has been virtually imprisoned by Israeli
imposed closure.</p>
<p>Such a regime amounts to a form of <a
href="http://www.icrc.org/customary-ihl/eng/docs/v1_rul_rule103">collective
punishment, which</a> violates the unconditional prohibition
set forth in Article 33 of the Fourth Geneva Convention and has
been internationally condemned for its illegality. However, far
from being effectively opposed by international actors, Israel’s
illegal policy of absolute closure imposed on the Gaza Strip has
relentlessly continued, under the complicit gaze of the
international community of States.</p>
<p>As affirmed in 2009 by the UN Fact Finding Mission on the Gaza
Conflict: “Justice and respect for the rule of law are the
indispensable basis for peace. The prolonged situation has
created a justice crisis in the Occupied Palestinian Territory
that warrants action” (A/HRC/12/48, para. 1958) Indeed:
“long-standing impunity has been a key factor in the
perpetuation of violence in the region and in the reoccurrence
of violations, as well as in the erosion of confidence among
Palestinians and many Israelis concerning prospects for justice
and a peaceful solution to the conflict” (A/HRC/12/48, para.
1964).</p>
<p>Therefore,</p>
<ul>
<li>
<p>We welcome the <a
href="http://www.ohchr.org/EN/HRBodies/HRC/SpecialSessions/Session21/Pages/21stSpecialSession.aspx">Resolution</a>
adopted on 23 July 2014 by the UN Human Rights Council, in
which an independent, international commission of inquiry
was established to investigate all violations of
international humanitarian law and international human
rights law in the Occupied Palestinian Territory.</p>
</li>
<li>
<p>We call upon the United Nations, the Arab League, the
European Union, individual States, in particular the United
States of America, and the international community in its
entirety and with its collective power to take action in the
spirit of the utmost urgency to put an end to the escalation
of violence against the civilian population of the Gaza
Strip, and to activate procedures to hold accountable all
those responsible for violations of international law,
including political leaders and military commanders. In
particular:</p>
</li>
<li>
<p>All regional and international actors should support the
immediate conclusion of a durable, comprehensive, and
mutually agreed ceasefire agreement, which must secure the
rapid facilitation and access of humanitarian aid and the
opening of borders to and from Gaza;</p>
</li>
<li>
<p>All High Contracting Parties to the Geneva Conventions must
be urgently and unconditionally called upon to comply with
their fundamental obligations, binding at all times, and to
act under common Article 1, to take all measures necessary
for the suppression of grave breaches, as clearly imposed by
Article 146 and Article 147 of the Fourth Geneva Convention;
these rules are applicable by all interested parties as
well;</p>
</li>
<li>
<p>Moreover, we denounce the shameful political pressures
exerted by several UN Member States and the UN on President
Mahmoud Abbas, to discourage recourse to the International
Criminal Court (ICC), and we urge the Governmental leaders
of Palestine to invoke the jurisdiction of the ICC, by
ratifying the ICC treaty and in the interim by resubmitting
the declaration under Article 12(3) of the Rome Statute, in
order to investigate and prosecute the serious international
crimes committed on the Palestinian territory by all parties
to the conflict; and</p>
</li>
<li>
<p>The UN Security Council must finally exercise its
responsibilities in relation to peace and justice by
referring the situation in Palestine to the Prosecutor of
the ICC.</p>
</li>
</ul>
<p><strong>Signers:</strong></p>
<p>Please note that institutional affiliations are for
identification purposes only.</p>
<ol>
<li>John Dugard, Former UN Special Rapporteur on human rights
situation in the Occupied Palestinian Territory</li>
<li>Richard Falk, Former UN Special Rapporteur on human rights
situation in the Occupied Palestinian Territory </li>
<li>Alain Pellet, Professor of Public International Law,
University Paris Ouest, former Member of the United Nations
International Law Commission, France</li>
<li>Georges Abi-Saab, Emeritus Professor of International Law,
Graduate Institute of International and Development Studies,
Geneva, Former Judge on the ICTY </li>
<li>Vera Gowlland-Debbas, Emeritus Professor of International
Law, Graduate Institute of International and Development
Studies, Geneva, Switzerland</li>
<li>Chantal Meloni, Adjunct Professor of International Criminal
Law, University of Milan, Italy (Rapporteur)</li>
<li>Roy Abbott, Consultant in International Humanitarian Law and
International Human Rights Law, Australia</li>
<li>Lama Abu-Odeh, Law Professor, Georgetown University Law
Center, USA</li>
<li>Susan M. Akram, Clinical Professor and supervising attorney,
International Human rights Program, Boston University School
of Law, USA</li>
<li>Taris Ahmad, Solicitor at Jones Day, London, UK</li>
<li>Maria Anagnostaki, PhD candidate, Law School University of
Athens, Greece</li>
<li>Antony Anghie, Professor of Law, University of Utah, USA</li>
<li>Nizar Ayoub, Director, Al-Marsad, Arab Human Rights Centre
in Golan Heights</li>
<li>Valentina Azarov, Lecturer in Human Rights and International
Law, Al Quds Bard College, Palestine</li>
<li>Ammar Bajboj, Lecturer in Law, University of Damascus, Syria</li>
<li>Samia Bano, SOAS School of Law, London, UK</li>
<li>Asli Ü Bali, Professor of Law, UCLA School of Law, USA</li>
<li>Jakub Michał Baranowski, Phd Candidate, Universita’ degli
Studi Roma Tre, Italy</li>
<li>Frank Barat, Russell Tribunal on Palestine</li>
<li>Emma Bell, Coordinator of the European Group for the Study
of Deviance and Social Control, Université de Savoie, France</li>
<li>Barbara Giovanna Bello, Post-doc Fellow, University of
Milan, Italy</li>
<li>Brenna Bhandar, Senior lecturer in Law, SOAS School of Law,
London, UK </li>
<li>George Bisharat, Professor of Law, UC Hastings College of
Law, USA</li>
<li>Barbara Blok, LLM Candidate, University of Essex, UK</li>
<li>John Braithwaite, Professor of Criminology, Australian
National University, Australia</li>
<li>Michelle Burgis-Kasthala, lecturer in international law,
University of Edinburgh, UK</li>
<li>Eddie Bruce-Jones, Lecturer in Law, University of London,
Birkbeck College, UK</li>
<li>Sandy Camlann, LLM Candidate, Université Paris Ouest
Nanterre La Défense, France</li>
<li>Grazia Careccia, Human Rights Advocate, London, UK</li>
<li>Baris Cayli, Impact Fellow, University of Stirling, UK</li>
<li>Antonio Cavaliere, Professor of Criminal Law, University
Federico II, Naples, Italy</li>
<li>Kathleen Cavanaugh, Senior Lecturer, Irish Center for Human
Rights, National University of Ireland, Galway, Ireland</li>
<li>Elizabeth Chadwick, Reader in International Law, Nottingham,
UK</li>
<li>Donna R. Cline, Attorney at Law, USA</li>
<li>Karen Corteen, Senior Lecturer in Criminology, University of
Chester, UK</li>
<li>Andrew Dahdal, Lecturer, Faculty of Business and Economics,
Macquarie University, Sydney, Australia</li>
<li>Teresa Dagenhardt, Reader in Criminology, Queen’s University
Belfast, Northern Ireland</li>
<li>Luigi Daniele, PhD candidate in Law, Italy</li>
<li>Alessandro De Giorgi, Professor of Justice Studies, San Josè
State University, USA</li>
<li>Paul de Waart, Professor Emeritus of International Law, VU
University, Amsterdam, The Netherlands</li>
<li>Gabriele della Morte, Senior Lecturer in International Law,
University Cattolica, Milan, Italy</li>
<li>Max du Plessis, Professor of Law, University of
Kwazulu-Natal, and Barrister, South Africa and London, UK</li>
<li>Noura Erakat, Georgetown University, USA</li>
<li>Mohammad Fadel, Associate Professor of Law, University of
Toronto Faculty of Law, Canada</li>
<li>Mireille Fanon-Mendés France, Independent Expert UNO, Frantz
Fanon Foundation, France</li>
<li>Michelle Farrell, lecturer in law, School of Law and Social
Justice, University of Liverpool, UK</li>
<li>Daniel Feierstein, Professor and President International
Association of Genocide Scholars (IAGS), Argentina</li>
<li>Eleonor Fernández Muñoz, Costa Rica</li>
<li>J. Tenny Fernando, Attorney at Law, Sri Lanka</li>
<li>Amelia Festa, LLM Candidate, University of Naples Federico
II, Italy</li>
<li>Katherine Franke, Professor of Law, Columbia Law School, USA</li>
<li>Jacques Gaillot, Bishop in partibus of Patenia</li>
<li>Katherine Gallagher, Vice President FIDH, senior attorney,
Centre for Constitutional Rights (CCR), New York, USA</li>
<li>Avo Sevag Garabet, LLM, University of Groningen, the
Netherlands</li>
<li>Jose Garcia Anon, Professor of Law, Human Rights Institute,
University of Valencia, Valencia, Spain</li>
<li>Irene Gasparini, PhD candidate, Universitá Cattolica, Milan,
Italy</li>
<li>Stratos Georgoulas, Assistant Professor, University of the
Aegean, Greece</li>
<li>Haluk Gerger, Professor, Turkey</li>
<li>Hedda Giersten, Professor, Universitet I Oslo, Norway</li>
<li>Javier Giraldo, Director Banco de Datos CINEP, Colombia</li>
<li>Carmen G. Gonzales, Professor of Law, Seattle University
School of Law, USA</li>
<li>Penny Green, Professor of Law and Criminology, Director of
the State Crime Initiative, King’s College London, UK</li>
<li>Katy Hayward, Senior Lecturer in Sociology, Queen’s
University Belfast, Northern Ireland</li>
<li>Andrew Henley, PhD candidate, Keele University, UK</li>
<li>Christiane Hessel, Paris, France </li>
<li>Paddy Hillyard, Professor Emeritus, Queen’s University
Belfast, Northern Ireland</li>
<li>Ata Hindi, Institute of Law, Birzeit University, Palestine</li>
<li>Francois Houtart, Professor, National Institute of Higher
Studies, Quito, Ecuador</li>
<li>Deena R. Hurwitz, Professor, General Faculty, Director
International Human Rights Law Clinic, University of Virginia
School of Law, USA</li>
<li>Perfecto Andrés Ibánes, Magistrado Tribunal Supremo de
Espagna, Spain</li>
<li>Franco Ippolito, President of the Permanent People’s
Tribunal, Italy</li>
<li>Ruth Jamieson, Honorary Lecturer, School of Law, Queen’s
University, Belfast, Northern Ireland</li>
<li>Helen Jarvis, former member Extraordinary Chambers in the
Courts of Cambodia (ECCC), member of IAGS, Cambodia</li>
<li>Ioannis Kalpouzos, Lecturer in Law, City Law School, London,
UK</li>
<li>Victor Kattan, post-doctoral fellow, Law Faculty, National
University of Singapore</li>
<li>Michael Kearney, PhD, Lecturer in Law, University of Sussex,
UK</li>
<li>Yousuf Syed Khan, USA </li>
<li>Tarik Kochi, Senior Lecturer in Law, School of Law, Politics
and Sociology, University of Sussex, UK</li>
<li>Anna Koppel, MSt Candidate in International Human Rights
Law, University of Oxford, UK</li>
<li>Karim Lahidji, President of the International Federation for
Human Rights (FIDH) and lawyer</li>
<li>Giulia Lanza, PhD Candidate, Università degli Studi di
Verona, Italy</li>
<li>Daniel Machover, solicitor, Hickman & Rose, London, UK</li>
<li>Tayyab Mahmud, Professor of Law, Director of the Centre for
Global Justice, Seattle University School of Law, USA </li>
<li>Maria C. LaHood, Senior Staff Attorney, CCR, New York, USA </li>
<li>Louise Mallinder, Reader in Human Rights and International
Law, University of Ulster, UK</li>
<li>Triestino Mariniello, Lecturer in International Criminal
Law, Edge Hill University, UK</li>
<li>Mazen Masri, Lecturer in Law, The City Law School, City
University, London, UK</li>
<li>Siobhan McAlister, School of Sociology, Queen’s University
Belfast, Northern Ireland</li>
<li>Liam McCann, Principal Lecturer in Criminology, University
of Lincoln, UK</li>
<li>Jude McCulloch, Professor of Criminology, Monash University,
Melbourne, Australia</li>
<li>Yvonne McDermott Rees, Lecturer in Law, University of
Bangor, UK</li>
<li>Cahal McLaughlin, Professor, School of Creative Arts,
Queen’s University Belfast, Northern Ireland</li>
<li>Araks Melkonyan, LLM Candidate, University of Essex, UK</li>
<li>Antonio Menna, PhD Candidate, Second University of Naples,
Caserta, Italy </li>
<li>Naomi Mezey, Professor of Law, Georgetown University Law
Center, USA</li>
<li>Michele Miravalle, PhD candidate, University of Torino,
Italy </li>
<li>Sergio Moccia, Professor of Criminal Law, University
Federico II, Naples, Italy</li>
<li>Kerry Moore, Lecturer, Cardiff University</li>
<li>Giuseppe Mosconi, Professor of Sociology, University of
Padova, Italy</li>
<li>Usha Natarajan, Assistant Professor, Department of Law &
Centre for Migration and Refugee Studies, The American
University in Cairo, Egypt</li>
<li>Miren Odriozola Gurrutxaga, PhD Candidate, University of the
Basque Country, Donostia - San Sebastián, Spain</li>
<li>Georgios Papanicolaou, Reader in Criminology, Teesside
University, UK </li>
<li>Marco Pertile, Senior Lecturer in International Law,</li>
<li>Faculty of Law, University of Trento, Italy</li>
<li>Andreas Philippopoulos-Mihalopoulos, Professor of Law and
Theory, LLM, The Westminster Law and Theory Centre, UK</li>
<li>Antoni Pigrau Solé, Universitat Rovira i Virgili de
Tarragona, Spain</li>
<li>Joseph Powderly, Assistant Professor of Public International
Law, Leiden University, The Netherlands</li>
<li>Tony Platt, Visiting Professor of Justice Studies, San Jose
State University, USA</li>
<li>Scott Poynting, Professor in Criminology, University of
Auckland, New Zeeland</li>
<li>Chris Powell, Professor of Criminology, University S.Maine,
USA</li>
<li>Bill Quigley, Professor, Loyola University, New Orleans
College of Law, USA</li>
<li>John Quigley, Professor of Law, Ohio State University</li>
<li>Zouhair Racheha, PhD Candidate, University Jean Moulin Lyon
3, France</li>
<li>Laura Raymond, International Human Rights Advocacy Program
Manager, CCR, New York, USA</li>
<li>Véronique Rocheleau-Brosseau, LLM candidate, Laval
University, Canada</li>
<li>David Rodríguez Goyes, Lecturer, Antonio Nariño and Santo
Tomás Universities, Colombia</li>
<li>Alessandro Rosanò, PhD Candidate, Università degli Studi di
Padova, Italy</li>
<li>Jamil Salem, Director Institute of Law, Birzeit University,
Palestine</li>
<li>Mahmood Salimi, LLM Candidate, Moofid University, Iran </li>
<li>Nahed Samour, doctoral fellow, Humboldt University, Faculty
of Law, Berlin, Germany</li>
<li>Iain GM Scobbie, Professor of Public International Law,
University of Manchester, UK</li>
<li>David Scott, Senior Lecturer in Criminology, Liverpool John
Moores University, UK </li>
<li>Phil Scraton, Professor of Criminology, Belfast, Ireland</li>
<li>Rachel Seoighe, PhD Candidate, Legal Consultant, King’s
College London, UK</li>
<li>Tanya Serisier, School of Sociology, Queen’s University
Belfast, Northern Ireland</li>
<li>Mohammad Shahabuddin, PdD, Visiting researcher, Graduate
School of International Social Sciences, Yokohama National
University, Japan</li>
<li>Dean Spade, Seattle University School of Law, USA</li>
<li>Per Stadig, lawyer, Sweden</li>
<li>Chantal Thomas, Professor of Law, Cornell University, USA</li>
<li>Kendall Thomas, Nash Professor of Law, Columbia University,
USA</li>
<li>Gianni Tognoni, Lelio Basso Foundation, Rome, Italy</li>
<li>Steve Tombs, Professor of Criminology, The Open University,
UK</li>
<li>Paul Troop, Barrister, Garden Court Chambers, UK</li>
<li>Valeria Verdolini, Reader in Sociology, University of Milan,
Italy</li>
<li>Francesca Vianello, University of Padova, Italy</li>
<li>Aimilia Voulvouli, Assistant Professor of Sociology, Fatih
University, Turkey</li>
<li>Namita Wahi, Fellow, Centre for Policy Research, Dharma
Marg, Chanakyapuri, New Delhi, India</li>
<li>Sharon Weill, PhD, Science Po, Paris/ CERAH, Geneva,
Switzerland </li>
<li>Peter Weiss, Vice President of Centre for Constitutional
Rights (CCR), New York, USA</li>
<li>David Whyte, Reader in Sociology, University of Liverpool,
UK </li>
<li>Jeanne M. Woods, Henry F. Bonura, Jr. Distinguished
Professor of Law, Loyola University College of Law, New
Orleans, USA</li>
<li>William Thomas Worster, Lecturer, International Law, The
Hague University of Applied Sciences, The Netherlands</li>
<li>Maung Zarni, Judge, PPT on Sri Lanka and Visiting Fellow,
London School of Economics and Political Science</li>
</ol>
</div>
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