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<div class="entry-date">December 17, 2013<br>
<a class="moz-txt-link-freetext" href="http://www.counterpunch.org/2013/12/17/10-steps-to-dictatorship-in-haiti/">http://www.counterpunch.org/2013/12/17/10-steps-to-dictatorship-in-haiti/</a><br>
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<div class="subheadlinestyle"><b><big><big>Why The Grassroots Movement
Is Taking To the Streets Against President Michel Martelly</big></big></b></div>
<h1 class="article-title">10 Steps to Dictatorship in Haiti</h1>
<div class="mainauthorstyle">by CHARLIE HINTON</div>
<div class="main-text"><big> </big>
<p><big>At great personal risk Haitians demonstrated massively in
cities throughout the country on September 30 and October 17, calling
for President Michel Martelly to step down. Both dates commemorate
important coup d’etats in Haitian history.</big></p>
<big></big>
<p align="left"><big>By choosing these historically significant dates,
the Haitian grassroots majority is clearly saying they want an end to
the 10-year military occupation that has followed the coup that
overthrew elected president Jean-Bertrand Aristide on February 29,
2004. Martelly’s police force brutally broke up some demonstrations
with tear gas and beatings.</big></p>
<big></big>
<p><big>Demonstrators have reported the police used a very “powerful”
gas, which surprised them in its potency and aerial reach.</big></p>
<big></big>
<p><big>In late October, students in Cap Haitien, demonstrating to
support teachers demanding an increase in pay, were tear gassed so
viciously that 60 were injured, 4 seriously.</big></p>
<big></big>
<p><big>The next day, students in the State University of
Port-au-Prince, demonstrating in support of attorney Andre Michel (see
#7 below), were gassed for hours, even after they had been pushed back
to their campus. It went on so long that some legislators went on the
radio to demand that it be stopped.</big></p>
<big></big>
<p><big>On November 6<sup>th</sup>, lawyers marched in Port-au-Prince
demanding an end to threats and harassment for those willing to take on
cases involving Martelly’s corruption. They also called for the
resignation of the chief prosecutor.</big></p>
<big></big>
<p><big>And on November 7<sup>th, </sup>thousands marched, chanting
“Aba Martelly” (Down with Martelly). Haitian police attacked the
demonstration with tear gas and beatings. Three people were shot and
wounded.</big></p>
<big></big>
<p><big><strong>10 Steps to Dictatorship </strong></big></p>
<big></big>
<p><big><b>1. Who Is Michel Martelly? </b>Martelly grew up during the
27 year dictatorship of Francois “Papa Doc” Duvalier and his son, Jean
Claude “Baby Doc.”<b> </b> He reportedly joined the Duvalierist death
squad, the <i>Tonton Macoutes</i>, at the age of 15, and later
attended Haiti’s military academy. Under Baby Doc, Martelly, a popular
musician, ran the Garage, a nightclub patronized by army officers and
members of Haiti’s tiny ruling class.</big></p>
<big></big>
<p><big>After Baby Doc’s fall in February 1986, a mass democratic
movement, long repressed by the Duvaliers, burst forth and became known
as <i>Lavalas</i> (“flood”), from which emerged Jean-Bertrand
Aristide, a popular liberation theology Catholic priest, who was
elected president in 1990 with 67% of the vote in the first free and
fair election in Haiti’s history.</big></p>
<big></big>
<p><big>Martelly quickly became a bitter opponent of <i>Lavalas</i>,
attacking the popular movement in his songs played widely on Haitian
radio.</big></p>
<big></big>
<p><big> </big></p>
<big></big>
<p><big>Martelly “was closely identified with sympathizers of the 1991
military coup that ousted former President Jean-Bertrand Aristide,” the
Miami Herald observed in 1996, and ran with members of the vicious
FRAPH death squad from that period, infamous for gang rapes and killing
with impunity.</big></p>
<big></big>
<p><big> </big></p>
<big></big>
<p><big>On the day of Aristide’s return to Haiti in 2011, after 8 years
of forced exile in South Africa, and two days before the “run-off”
election, Martelly was caught in a video on YouTube insulting Aristide
and Lavalas: “The Lavalas are so ugly. They smell like s**t. F**k you,
Lavalas. F**k you, Jean-Bertrand Aristide.”</big></p>
<big></big>
<p><big> </big></p>
<big></big>
<p><big><b>2. The Fraudulent Presidential Election of 2010-2011: </b>In
the presidential election cycle of 2010-2011, Haiti’s Electoral Council
banned Aristide’s <i>Fanmi Lavalas</i> Party from participation, which
de-legitimized the whole corrupt process. Voter turnout was less than
25% in the primaries and less than 20% in the “run-off.” The top two
candidates announced after the sham primaries were the wife of a former
pro-Duvalier president and the son-in-law of Rene Preval, the president
at the time. Martelly was declared third, but his supporters
demonstrated violently. An OAS commission, with the full support of
Secretary of State Hilary Clinton, who flew to Port-au-Prince at the
height of the Egyptian revolution, ruled that Martelly had finished
second. He received $6 million from an anonymous donor in Florida to
hire a PR firm that had worked on the campaigns of Felipe Calderón in
Mexico and John McCain in the U.S.</big></p>
<big></big>
<p><big> </big></p>
<big></big>
<p><big><b>3. Corruption</b> – Corruption scandals have followed
Martelly since he refused to divulge who funded his campaign for
president.</big></p>
<big></big>
<p><big> </big></p>
<big></big>
<ul>
<li><big><b>Bribes </b>- Award-winning Dominican Republic journalist
Nuria Piera broke the story in April 2012 (later reported in <i>Time</i>)
that Martelly was alleged to have accepted $2.6 million in bribes
during and after the 2010 election to ensure that a Dominican
construction company would receive contracts under his Presidency.</big></li>
</ul>
<big></big>
<p><big> </big></p>
<big></big>
<p><big>In addition, the vote to make Laurent Lamothe the Prime
Minister is known in Haiti as the “<i>tout moun jwenn</i> vote”
(“everyone got their cut” vote).</big></p>
<big></big>
<p><big> </big></p>
<big></big>
<ul>
<li><big><b>Surcharge on international calls and money transfers for
“education” – </b>Questionable new taxes have also fed controversy. A
$1.50 tax on money transfers and a 5 cent per minute tax on phone calls
to Haiti are alleged by Martelly to support education, but the poor
majority continue to face unaffordable school fees, and critics say no
money from this tax has gone to schools. Moreover, Haitian teachers
have been marching to demand back pay. Martelly’s new taxes were not
ratified by or presented to Haiti’s Parliament, making them illegal. </big></li>
</ul>
<big></big>
<p><big><b> </b></big></p>
<big></big>
<ul>
<li><big><b>Travel Expenses – </b>When traveling, which he does
often, Martelly’s entourage receives an outrageous per diem from the
Haitian government. According to Senator Moise Jean-Charles, Martelly
gets $20,000 a day, his wife $10,000 a day, his children $7,500, and
others in his inner circle get $4,000 daily.</big></li>
</ul>
<big></big>
<p><big> </big></p>
<big></big>
<ul>
<li><big><b>A plan to establish an illegal parallel customs system to
circumvent legislative control – </b>This allegedly involved the
selling of a membership card and gun to anyone who wanted to be part of
the Martelly gang. The membership privileges included tax-exempt status
at customs. The program had to be scratched when US DEA complained
about members facilitating drug transport on the strength of their
membership.</big></li>
</ul>
<big></big>
<p><big><b> </b></big></p>
<big></big>
<p><big><b>4. Rewriting and Undermining Haiti’s Constitution: </b>The
overthrow of Baby Doc in 1986 led to the creation of a new democratic
Constitution in 1987, ratified in a referendum by an overwhelming
majority of Haitians. It recognized Haitian <i>Kreyol</i> as an
official language, along with French, and legalized <i>Vodun</i>, the
spiritual practice of the majority of Haitians. It provided for
grassroots participation in national decision-making, decentralized the
nation’s finances and political structure, and provided for protection
of human rights.</big></p>
<big></big>
<p><big>On June 12, 2012 Martelly announced new amendments, which
concentrate executive power and herald the return of Duvalier-style
dictatorship. The new illegally amended Constitution, written by
non-legislators, and never seen nor voted by the Parliament prior to
its publication creates a top down method of choosing a Permanent
Electoral Council to run elections, undermining grassroots
participation and centralizing control from above.</big></p>
<big></big>
<p><big>It allows the president to appoint the prime minister after
merely “consulting” the heads of the two chambers of Parliament instead
of requiring Parliamentary ratification. In cases of “presidential
vacancy,” the new amendments make the prime minister the provisional
president, so presidents can resign, appoint the prime minister to
succeed them, and thereby maintain perpetual control.</big></p>
<big></big>
<p><big>New amendments provide that a “general budget” and a “general
expenditures report” can replace line item annual budgets, thus
limiting parliamentary oversight of the budget.</big></p>
<big></big>
<p><big>New amendments return Duvalier era and other retrograde laws,
including:</big></p>
<big></big>
<ul>
<li style="display: inline ! important;"><big></big>
<blockquote>
<p><big>* A 1935 law on “superstitious beliefs,” which would ban <i>Vodun</i>
once again</big></p>
</blockquote>
<big></big></li>
</ul>
<big></big>
<blockquote><big></big>
<ul>
<li style="display: inline ! important;"><big>* A 1977 law
establishing the Court of State Security to increase state surveillance
and repression.</big></li>
</ul>
<big></big></blockquote>
<big></big>
<ul>
<li style="display: inline ! important;"><big></big>
<blockquote>
<p><big>* A 1969 law that condemns all “imported doctrines”,
thereby attacking freedom of thought and freedom of association.
Violation of this new law can result in the DEATH PENALTY. The 1987
Haitian Constitution had eliminated the death penalty.</big></p>
</blockquote>
<big></big></li>
</ul>
<big></big>
<p><big><b>5. Restoring The Army: </b>In one of the most popular
moves of his administration, President Aristide disbanded the hated
Haitian army in 1995. Since the coup that overthrew Aristide for the
second time in 2004, UN troops and police, currently numbering 8,754
uniformed personnel, have occupied Haiti. One of Martelly’s campaign
promises was to restore the Haitian Army, and now new Haitian troops
are being trained by Ecuador and Brazil. In addition, well-armed former
military and paramilitary personnel have occupied militia camps since
early 2012, supported by Martelly.</big></p>
<big></big>
<p><big><b>6. Return of the Death Squads: </b>Martelly has issued
pink identity cards with a photo for $30 to selected supporters,
promising many benefits to those who hold them, like jobs and impunity
from prosecution. During the Duvalier period, every <i>Tonton Macoute</i>
received a card that provided many privileges, like free merchandise
from any store entered, entitlement to coerced sex, and fear and
respect from people in general.</big></p>
<big></big>
<p><big>Senator John Joel Joseph has identified Senators that he claims
are marked for assassination. He identified the people who have been
paying the “hit squads” on behalf of Martelly. He denounced one of the
men as an escaped criminal who had been caught red handed with a “near
death” victim behind his vehicle. Said victim sent the police to a
house where two more victims could be found. Senator Joseph identified
the leader of the death squad and his vehicle, denouncing the group as
the one which recently assassinated a grassroots militant. He accused
the president and his wife of pressuring the chief of police to remove
the senators’ security detail, in order to facilitate their
assassinations. He denounced a previous instance when Martelly tried to
pressure former police chief Mario Andresol to integrate a hit-man into
the police, to assassinate Senator Moise Jean Charles.<b> </b></big></p>
<big></big>
<p><big><b>7. Death of a Judge:</b> Martelly set up his wife and son
as head of governmental projects, but with no parliamentary oversight.
A Haitian citizen, Enold Florestal, filed suit with attorney Andre
Michel before Judge Jean Serge Joseph, maintaining that the Martellys
were siphoning off large amounts of state monies, which the Haitian
Senate has no jurisdiction over. Judge Joseph moved the case to the
next judicial level, which required depositions from the Martellys and
various governmental ministers. Enraged, Martelly and Prime Minister
Lamothe called two meetings with the judge (which they deny took place)
to demand he kill the case, the second on July 11. The judge drank a
beverage offered him at that meeting.</big></p>
<big></big>
<p><big>On July 12 Judge Joseph became violently ill and died on July
13. Haitian police arrested Florestal on August 16 after viciously
beating him, and Haitian authorities have issued a warrant for the
arrest of Attorney Michel, who has gone into hiding. A commission of
the Haitian Parliament is now calling for the impeachment of Martelly
based on illegal meetings with the judge, interference in legal
matters, and threats to those involved in the case.</big></p>
<big></big>
<p><big>Since then Enold Florestal and his brother, who’s completely
uninvolved with the case, have been arrested and remain in jail. On
October 22, police stopped Attorney Andre Michel and demanded to search
his car. He refused without a judge present to prevent tampering or
planting of evidence. The action quickly turned into a standoff between
police forces and a large crowd that was gathered to defend Michel.
Michel was eventually summoned to appear in court the next day.</big></p>
<big></big>
<p><big>In court the prosecutor told the judge he did not have charges
to file, but for Michel to not leave the courtroom. Several Deputies
and Senators who were present whisked Michel out of the courtroom and
took him to an unknown location, where he remains at the time of this
report.</big></p>
<big></big>
<p><big><b>8. Corrupting the Judiciary and Parliament: </b>The
Martelly regime is working to establish executive control over the
judicial system through the use of “controlled” prosecutors and judges.
In violation of the constitution, he appointed as Supreme Court chief
justice, Anel Alexis Joseph, who is 72. Haitian law says a judge must
be 65 or under to be named to this position. The chief justice also
leads the commission that regulates the entire judicial system, so
Judge Anel Alexis Joseph is using his power to block an investigation
into the death of Judge Jean Serge Joseph and to protect Martelly and
his henchmen from all legal challenges, thereby granting impunity.</big></p>
<big></big>
<p><big>Martelly has also corrupted the legislative branch that could
bring charges against members of the executive. He ordered the arrest
of Deputy Arnel Belizaire in spite of parliamentary immunity and his
legal council’s advice. He has so far failed to call elections for 10
Senate seats in January, and is trying to force the 10 Senators whose
terms he says are up (they say in 2015, not 2014) to leave office.
Since elections have still not been held for 10 additional seats, if
these new 10 seats are vacated, it would leave the 30 member Senate
without a quorum, allowing Martelly to dissolve the Parliament and rule
by decree.</big></p>
<big></big>
<p><big><b>9. Reactionary Economic Policy: </b>Martelly enforces the
Clinton Bush plan for economic “development” of Haiti through
sweatshops, tourism, and the selling of oil and mining rights to
transnational corporations. Under this plan, money donated for
earthquake relief has been used to build a duty free export
manufacturing zone in the north of Haiti, which was not affected by the
earthquake, and several luxury hotels in Port-au-Prince. The Clinton
Bush Haiti Fund made a $2 million equity investment in a hotel called
the Royal Oasis, to give foreign tourists and investors an “oasis” to
escape the miserable conditions under which the majority of Haitians
live.</big></p>
<big></big>
<p><big>At the same time, the Martelly regime viciously represses the
economic activities of the poor super majority. The phone and money
transfer taxes cut into their incomes. Taxes have been arbitrarily
increased on imports, affecting small merchants. Thugs wearing masks
have burnt markets in different cities, causing merchants to lose
capital they had been accumulating for years, forcing them to raise new
capital through usury loans. Street vendors are harassed and removed
forcefully, then after hours, their stands are looted.</big></p>
<big></big>
<p><big><b>10. Duvalierism Returns to Haiti: </b>Martelly warmly
welcomed the January, 2011 return to Haiti of Jean Claude “Baby Doc”
Duvalier, one of the most brutal dictators of the 20<sup>th</sup>
century, after his decades of luxurious exile in France. Duvalier still
has many supporters in Haiti, some of whom are armed and have a history
of killing political opponents.</big></p>
<big></big>
<p><big>Martelly’s government is filled with Duvalierists: hardline
former Haitian army officer David Bazile is now Interior Minister.
Magalie Racine, daughter of notorious former <i>Tonton Macoute</i>
militia chief Madame Max Adolphe, is Martelly’s Youth and Sports
Minister. Public Works Secretary of State Philippe Cinéas is the son of
longtime Duvalierist figure Alix Cinéas, who was a member of the
original neo-Duvalierist National Council of Government (CNG) which
succeeded Duvalier after his fall in 1986. In addition, Duvalier’s son,
Francois Nicolas Jean Claude Duvalier, is a close advisor to Martelly.</big></p>
<big></big>
<p><big><b>Conclusion: </b>A major objective of the Duvalier dynasty
was to institutionalize dictatorship through death squad brutality,
supported by the United States and other powers. Martelly is an example
of their policies having come to fruition. He’s restoring a government
of impunity per the Duvalier era, building an administration of right
wing ideologues who believe in dictatorship, and who collaborate to
sidestep all legislative and judicial controls.</big></p>
<big></big>
<p><big>His goal is to implement extreme neo-liberal economic policies
on behalf of Haiti’s less than 1% with control over all natural
resources. The people will be at their mercy for factory work and other
“subservient” positions, under the boot of a UN occupation force of
8,754 army and police personnel, the beginnings of a restored army,
paramilitary training camps, death squads, gangs and mafias that use
the cover of the corrupted executive and judicial systems to operate.</big></p>
<big></big>
<p><big>The Haitian majority does not accept this return to the bad old
days, however, and has been actively and massively protesting this
repression for the past year. They deserve the support and solidarity
of freedom loving people everywhere.</big></p>
<big></big>
<p style="text-align: left;" align="center"><big><em><strong>Charlie
Hinton</strong> is a member of the Haiti Action Committee and works at
Inkworks Press, a worker-owned and collectively managed printing
company in Berkeley, Calif. He is the author of “From Jackboots to
Wingtips: The evolution of Nazi Economics from World War II to the
Present,” available upon request. You may reach him at <a
href="mailto:ch_lifewish@yahoo.com">ch_lifewish@yahoo.com</a>.</em></big></p>
<big></big></div>
</font></font>
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