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<p class="MsoNormal"><b><big><big><big><a
href="http://jacobinmag.com/2013/09/black-brown-and-invisible/">Black,
Brown,
and Invisible</a></big></big></big> <o:p></o:p></b></p>
<p class="MsoNormal">9.10.13<o:p></o:p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal">by <a
href="http://jacobinmag.com/author/rafia-zakaria/"
title="Posts by Rafia Zakaria">Rafia Zakaria</a><o:p></o:p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><b>Just as mass incarceration uses the gloss of
rehabilitation to hide the realities of social control, military
intervention
has appropriated the language of humanitarianism to disguise
imperialist
motives.<o:p></o:p></b></p>
<p class="MsoNormal">On September 4, 2013, as the war drums beat loud
in
Washington and the crowds that had come to the city for the 50<sup>th</sup>
anniversary of the march on Washington had become a memory, <i>Nation</i>
columnist Michelle Alexander published an essay, “<a
href="http://www.thenation.com/article/176030/breaking-my-silence">Breaking
my
Silence</a>.” The piece owned up to the culpability of quiet that
pervades the
American Left when it comes to recognizing the connections between
insidious
racism at home and martial imperialism abroad. In the piece, Alexander,
noted
author of “<a href="http://newjimcrow.com/">The New Jim Crow: Mass
Incarceration
in the Age of Colorblindness,”</a> takes personal ownership for
“staying in her
lane”; for <a
href="http://www.thenation.com/article/176030/breaking-my-silence">failing
to
speak out on “the use of drones abroad in a “war on terror</a>” and to
“connect
the dots” between NSA spying on millions of Americans; for the labeling
of
mosques as “terrorist organizations”; and for the FBI and COINTELPRO
programs
of the 60s and 70s, which placed the Civil Rights Movement under
constant
surveillance, infiltrated their organizations, and assassinated their
leaders.<o:p></o:p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal">As a Pakistani American writer and human rights
activist,
inhabiting the intersection between American remote-controlled wars and
uncounted Pakistani casualties, I am grateful for Michelle Alexander’s
words.
The common connections between the dehumanization that allows for the
incarceration of millions of African-American men and the new
vocabulary of
precision and humanitarianism that has been attached to imperial war
are indeed
many. Both use the weight of moral righteousness to create two-pronged
chains
of justification: the first insists that the practice is necessary, and
the
second pronounces it good for those on whom it is being inflicted. As
per this
recipe, the imprisonment of African-American men — the lurking, drug
peddling
demons of peaceful American neighborhoods, it says — is crucial to the
safety
of all but is also ultimately rehabilitative for these wayward men who
have
fallen into lives of crime.<o:p></o:p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal">Just as mass incarceration uses the gloss of
rehabilitation
to hide the realities of social control, military intervention has
appropriated
the language of humanitarianism to disguise imperialist motives. In <a
href="http://www.nytimes.com/2001/11/18/us/a-nation-challenged-the-first-lady-mrs-bush-cites-women-s-plight-under-taliban.html">Afghanistan
it
was the women being so sordidly oppressed by the Taliban,</a>; in Iraq
it
was a the unstoppable bullying of a dictator; and now in Syria it is
the rows
of children so cruelly gassed by their own President. Just as an
African-American man convicted by a crime and condemned to a sentence
becomes
invisible, so do the populations of these countries once interventions
have
actually happened and occupations are underway. The individuality of
the African-American
man ceases to exist post conviction, as does the plight of the Iraqi
and the
Afghani once their countries are occupied and attentions drift
elsewhere. The
cruelties that are perpetrated <i>before</i> American interventions
exist loud
and blaring and demanding of moral outrage; the ones inflicted by
American
forces <i>after</i> intervention do not exist at all.<o:p></o:p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal">In the case of mass incarceration, the moral
imperative of
“justice” stands as a foil against any critique pointing to the racist
undertones of American criminal law. The pliant public, watching the
system put
away millions of young African-American men and boys, believes that
they
“deserve” their punishments. In recent cases of American intervention,
the
rhetoric of “precision” utilizes a similar mechanism. American drones
in
Pakistan and Yemen can pinpoint targets with tremendous exactitude,
American
military officials and war hawks purport from their pulpits. Figures
are
produced enumerating the “terrorist’ leaders killed, the alleged firsts
and
seconds and fifths of Al-Qaeda and Taliban leadership, all decimated
with the
remote-controlled accuracy.<o:p></o:p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal">Never mentioned is that no independent casualty
counts are
permitted or that the <a
href="http://www.nytimes.com/2012/05/29/world/obamas-leadership-in-war-on-al-qaeda.html?pagewanted=all&_r=0">self-styled
rules
that govern the CIA drone program label most killed by drones to be
combatants</a>. Nor is the fact that after nearly five years of
aggressive
drone bombing and the supposed killing off of terrorist leaderships,
Pakistan
still experienced <a
href="http://www.satp.org/satporgtp/countries/pakistan/database/bombblast2012.htm">652
terrorist
attacks in 2012 and 426 so far in 2013</a>. Hence juxtaposed, just as
the imprisonment of every black man convicted is imagined just, all
those
killed by drones are terrorists. As Alexander has pointed out in her
book, the point of the “War on Drugs” is not to end drug crimes but to
create a
thriving industry of enforcement around them. Similarly, the “War on
Terror,” aims
not to eliminate terrorism but merely to posit it as a loose category
for
“enemy” in which a changing number of targets can be interposed and
then
righteously eliminated.<o:p></o:p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal">Incarceration and interventionist wars impose
their own
regimes of who can and who cannot be considered victimized. In the
equation of
visibility and invisibility coined by modern American imperialism, the
faces of
children gassed by the Syrian military draw tears from Congressional
leaders,
but the faces of the <a href="http://www.livingunderdrones.org/">nearly
200
children</a> killed by American drone strikes in Pakistan do not exist
at all.
Unsurprisingly, then, this selection of the seen and unseen, the
long-term radiation poisoning and varied cancers <a
href="http://users.physics.harvard.edu/%7Ewilson/soundscience/Al-Azzawi.pdf">inflicted
on
Iraqis by American bombing of Tomahawk missiles, whose depleted uranium
tips
have poisoned groundwater</a>, are erased from collective memory or
never
discussed at all.<o:p></o:p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal">The industrial prison complex takes in millions of
African-American men. When they emerge they face severe limitations of
their
rights — to vote, to work, to participate in society. Maimed by a
combination
of denied opportunities and the reframed architecture of exclusion so
astutely
described by Michelle Alexander, they remain forever outsiders. The
condition
of post-conflict societies that have faced the brunt of American
interventions
is the same.<o:p></o:p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal">As the United States mulls war over Syria, the war
weary
citizens of <a
href="http://stream.aljazeera.com/story/201308132107-0022975">Iraq,
a few years into the American withdrawal, have seen nearly 4,000 deaths
</a>from
terrorist attacks this year. In Afghanistan, as the months before
President
Obama’s announced withdrawal next year roll by, the country remains
wracked by
violence, massive corruption, and decrepit institutions. Just like
systems of
mass incarceration sentence African-American men to be perpetual
misfits,
unwanted and discriminated against, America’s millennial imperialism
keeps the
countries it invades and leaves forever debilitated and aid-dependent,
unable
to rise to self-sufficiency, condemned to a marginal existence based on
begging
rents from former invaders.<o:p></o:p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal">Undergirding Michelle Alexander’s thesis and
unifying the
slew of wars unleashed by the United States in the past decade is the
issue of
race. The millions of men duly incarcerated with such methodical
diligence by a
criminal justice system functioning as a proxy for perpetuating
prejudice can
be ignored away because they are black. The millions cowering in fear
as
American drones watch from the sky, as American missiles rain into
cities and
American tanks roll into towns, are all brown. So successful is the
cumulative
propaganda of “justice” and “precision,” of “redemption” and
“humanitarianism,”
that the misery of their bodies, the colors of their faces, the
particularities
of their perspectives are all erased before the power of whiteness to
define
what is worthy, right, just, and deserved.<o:p></o:p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal">Brown and black then are the American colors for
the
unwanted, the prisoners at home and the targets abroad.<o:p></o:p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal">- See more at: <a
href="http://jacobinmag.com/2013/09/black-brown-and-invisible/#sthash.PPUKn8De.kjqSkYQh.dpuf">http://jacobinmag.com/2013/09/black-brown-and-invisible/#sthash.PPUKn8De.kjqSkYQh.dpuf</a><o:p></o:p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal">Rafia Zakaria is a columnist for DAWN, Pakistan’s
largest
English newspaper. She is the author of The Upstairs Wife: An Intimate
History
of Pakistan, forthcoming from Beacon Press. - See more at:
<a class="moz-txt-link-freetext" href="http://jacobinmag.com/2013/09/black-brown-and-invisible/#sthash.PPUKn8De.kjqSkYQh.dpuf">http://jacobinmag.com/2013/09/black-brown-and-invisible/#sthash.PPUKn8De.kjqSkYQh.dpuf</a><o:p></o:p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><o:p> </o:p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><o:p> </o:p></p>
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