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<div class="entry-date">September 05, 2013<br>
<a class="moz-txt-link-freetext" href="http://www.counterpunch.org/2013/09/05/syria-the-case-for-peace/">http://www.counterpunch.org/2013/09/05/syria-the-case-for-peace/</a><br>
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<div class="subheadlinestyle"><big><big><b>An Open Letter</b></big></big></div>
<h1 class="article-title">Syria: the Case for Peace</h1>
<div class="mainauthorstyle"><big><big>by Former UN Officials </big></big></div>
<div class="main-text"><big><big> </big></big>
<div><big><big></big></big>
<p><big><big><em>This appeal against precipitous military strikes
against the Syrian regime of Bashar al-Assad is signed by several
former high-ranking officials of the United Nations, UNESCO, UNICEF and
the International Labour Organsiation. “People who accuse the Security
Council of inaction should remember how Western powers abused a
Security Council resolution to stage a full-fledged attack on Libya in
order to perform ’regime change’ in that country – this is what
motivates Russia and China’s opposition to any Security Council motion
that may lead to intervention in Syria,” they argue.</em></big></big></p>
<big><big></big></big></div>
<big><big></big></big>
<p><big><big><b>THE CASE FOR PEACE</b></big></big></p>
<big><big></big></big>
<p><big><big>The drums of war are beating once more in the Middle East,
this time with the possibility of an imminent attack on Syria, after
the alleged use of chemical weapons by its government. It is precisely
in times of crisis such as now that the case for peace can be made in
the clearest and most obvious manner.</big></big></p>
<big><big></big></big>
<p><big><big>First of all, we have no proof that the Syrian government
has used chemical weapons. Even if proofs were provided by Western
governments, we have to remain skeptical, remembering the Tonkin Gulf
incident and the Vietnam war, the incubator baby massacre in Kuwait and
the first Gulf war, the Racak massacre and the Kosovo war, the Iraqi
weapons of mass destruction and the second Gulf war, the threat of
massacre in Benghazi and the Libyan war. All these justifications for
previous wars were fabricated or dubious. We may also notice that
evidence for the use of chemical weapons was provided to the U.S. by <a
href="http://www.theguardian.com/world/2013/aug/28/israeli-intelligence-intercepted-syria-chemical-talk"
onclick="javascript:_gaq.push(['_trackEvent','outbound-article','http://www.theguardian.com']);">Israeli
intelligence</a> which is not exactly a neutral actor.</big></big></p>
<big><big></big></big>
<p><big><big>Even if, this time, proofs were genuine, it would not
legitimate unilateral action from anyone. That still needs an
authorization of the Security Council. People who accuse the Security
Council of inaction should remember how Western powers abused a
Security Council resolution to stage a full-fledged attack on Libya in
order to perform “regime change” in that country — this is what
motivates Russiaand China’s opposition to any Security Council motion
that may lead to intervention in Syria.</big></big></p>
<big><big></big></big>
<p><big><big>What is called in the West the “international community”
willing to attack Syria is reduced to essentially<i>two</i> major
countries (US and France), out of almost two hundred in the world. No
respect for international law is possible without respect for the
decent opinions of the rest of mankind.</big></big></p>
<big><big></big></big>
<p><big><big>Even if a military action was allowed and carried on, what
could it accomplish? Nobody can seriously control chemical weapons
without putting “boots on the grounds”, which is not considered by
anyone a realistic option after the disasters of Iraq and Afghanistan.
The West has no real ally in Syria. The jihadists fighting the
government have no more love for the West than those who assassinated
the U.S. Ambassador in Libya. It is one thing to take money and weapons
from some country, but quite another to be its genuine ally.</big></big></p>
<big><big></big></big>
<p><big><big>There have been offers of negotiations coming from the
Syrian, Iranian and Russian governments, which have been treated with
contempt by the West. People who say “we cannot talk or negotiate with
Assad” forget that this has been said about the National Liberation
Front in Algeria, Ho Chi Minh, Mao, the Soviet Union, the PLO, the IRA,
the ETA, Mandela and the ANC, and many guerillas inLatin America. The
issue is not whether one talks to the other side, but after how many
unnecessary deaths one accepts to do so.</big></big></p>
<big><big></big></big>
<p><big><big>The time when the U.S. and its few remaining allies acted
as global policemen and national sovereignty was considered passé is
actually behind us. The world becomes more multipolar, not less, and
the people of the world want more sovereignty not less. The greatest
social transformation of the twentieth century has been decolonization
and the West should adapt itself to the fact that it has neither the
right, nor the competence, nor the means to rule the world.</big></big></p>
<big><big></big></big>
<p><big><big>There is no place where the strategy of permanent wars has
failed more miserably than the Middle East, starting with the creation
of Israel and the fateful decision to refuse the right of return to the
Palestinian refugees. Then came the overthrow of Mossadegh in Iran, the
Suez canal adventure, the many Israeli wars, the two Gulf wars,
combined with the murderous sanctions against Iraq, the constant
threats against Iran and now the war in Syria.</big></big></p>
<big><big></big></big>
<p><big><big>True courage does not consist in launching cruise missiles
once more but in breaking radically with that deadly logic:
force Israel to negotiate in good faith with the Palestinians, convene
the Geneva II conference on Syria and discuss with the Iranian their
nuclear program by taking honestly into account the legitimate security
and economic interests of that country.</big></big></p>
<big><big></big></big>
<p><big><big>The recent vote against the war in the British Parliament,
as well as reactions on social media, reflects a massive shift of
public opinion in the West. We are getting tired of wars, and ready to
join the real international community in demanding a world based on the
U.N. Charter, demilitarization, respect for national sovereignty and
equality of all nations.</big></big></p>
<big><big></big></big>
<p><big><big>The people of the West also demand to exercise their right
of self-determination: if wars have to be made, they have to be based
on open debates and direct concerns for our national security and not
on some ill-defined and easily manipulable notion of “right to
intervene”.</big></big></p>
<big><big></big></big>
<p><big><big>It remains to force our politicians to respect that right.</big></big></p>
<big><big></big></big>
<p><big><big><b>Dr. Hans Christof von Sponeck</b>, UN Assistant
Secretary General and United Nations Humanitarian Coordinator
for Iraq (1998 -2000)</big></big></p>
<big><big></big></big>
<p><big><big><b>Dr. Denis J. Halliday</b>, UN Assistant Secretary
General (1994-1998)</big></big></p>
<big><big>
</big></big>
<p><big><big><b>Dr. Saïd Zulficar</b>, UNESCO official (1967-1996).
Director of Operational Activities, Division of Cultural Heritage (1992
-1996)</big></big></p>
<big><big>
</big></big>
<p><big><big><b>Dr. Samir Radwan</b>, Adviser on Development Policies
to the Director-General of ILO (2001-2003). Egyptian Finance Minister
(January-July 2011).</big></big></p>
<big><big>
</big></big>
<p><big><big><b>Dr. Samir Basta,</b> Director of UNICEF’s Regional
Office for Europe (1990-1995). Director of UNICEF’s Evaluation Office
(1985-1990)</big></big></p>
<big><big>
</big></big>
<p><big><big><b>Miguel d´Escoto Brockmann</b>, President of the UN
General Assembly (2008-2009). Nicaraguan Foreign Minister (1979-1990).</big></big></p>
<p><big><big><b>José L. Gómez del Prado</b>, Former Senior Officer at
the Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights, Member of the UN
Working Group on the use of mercenaries (2005-2011).</big></big></p>
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