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<p class="TextAbstand" style="line-height: normal;"><span
style="font-weight: normal;" lang="EN-GB"><b><big><big>Venezuela With
and Beyond Chavez</big></big></b><o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="TextAbstand" style="line-height: normal;"><span
style="font-weight: normal;" lang="EN-GB">By Dario Azzellini<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="TextAbstand" style="line-height: normal;"><span
style="font-weight: normal;" lang="EN-GB"><o:p> </o:p></span></p>
<p class="TextAbstand" style="line-height: normal;"><span
style="font-weight: normal;" lang="EN-GB">“Chávez was one of us”, say
the poor from the
barrios in Caracas, the people throughout Latin America, and Bronx
residents
together with probably two million poor people in the US, who now have
free
heating thanks to the Chávez government. <span class="usercontent">Sean
Penn said
on Chávez: “Today the people of the United States lost a friend it
never knew
it had. And poor people around the world lost a champion.” These are
sad
days.<span style=""> </span></span><o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="TextAbstand" style="line-height: normal;"><span
style="font-weight: normal;" lang="EN-GB"><o:p> </o:p></span></p>
<p class="TextAbstand" style="line-height: normal;"><span
style="font-weight: normal;" lang="EN-GB">This article is not going to
delve into the many
accomplishments of the Bolivarian process with regard to healthcare,
life
expectancy and education – even if no country in the world has improved
living
standards as much over the past 14 years as Venezuela under Chávez. I
will not
write about how Chávez shifted hemispheric relations, helped to bring
the FTTA
to an end and built Latin American and Caribbean unity for the first
time
without the US or Canada. Many articles and writers focus on these
matters. <o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="TextAbstand" style="line-height: normal;"><span
style="font-weight: normal;" lang="EN-GB"><o:p> </o:p></span></p>
<p class="TextAbstand" style="line-height: normal;"><span
style="font-weight: normal;" lang="EN-GB">This article addresses the
different approach to
social transformation in Venezuela, the idea of revolution as a process
and the
primacy of the constituent power, which has been developed from below
in the
form of popular power throughout the country. Chávez was an ally in the
construction of people’s power and creative building of a new world.
This is
the reason that while I am so sad with the passing of Chavez, I am also
totally
confident about the future of Venezuela. As with the people of
Venezuela, I
know where the power is. In the neighbourhoods, in the towns, villages
and
cities, organized together.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="Standard1" style=""><span style="" lang="EN-GB"><o:p> </o:p></span></p>
<p class="Standard1" style=""><u><span style="" lang="EN-GB">The
Two-Track Approach – From Above
and Below</span></u><span style="" lang="EN-GB"><o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 6pt; text-align: justify;"><span
style="" lang="EN-GB">The particular nature of the
Bolivarian movement stems from the fact that social transformation and
the
redefining of the State have led to the creation of a “two-track
approach”: on
the one side, the State, institutions and traditional left
organizations, and
on the other, movements and organized society. It is a construction
process
both “from above” as well as “from below”. This entails the
participation of
antisystemic organizations and movements, along with individuals and
organizations which can be characterized as traditional and state
centred (for
instance, unions and political parties).<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 6pt; text-align: justify;"><span
style="" lang="EN-GB"><o:p> </o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 6pt; text-align: justify;"><span
style="" lang="EN-GB">Both from the government and from
the rank and file of the Bolivarian process, there is a declared
commitment to
redefine State and society on the basis of an interrelation between top
and
bottom, and thereby to move toward transcending capitalist relations.
The
State’s role is to accompany the organized population; it must be the
facilitator of bottom-up processes, so that the constituent power can
bring
forward the steps needed to transform society. The State has to
guarantee the
material content the realization of the common wealth requires. This
idea has
been stated on various occasions by Chávez, and is shared by sectors of
the
administration and by the majority of the organized movements.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="Standard1" style=""><span style="" lang="EN-GB"><o:p> </o:p></span></p>
<p class="Standard1" style=""><u><span style="">The Communal State</span></u><span
style=""><o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="Standard1" style=""><span style="">Since January 2007, Chávez
proposed going
beyond the bourgeois state by building the communal state. He applied
more
widely a concern originating with antisystemic forces, meaning the
movements
and political forces that assume that the state form has to be
overcome. The
basic idea is to form council structures of different kinds, especially
communal councils, communes and communal cities, which will gradually
supplant
the bourgeois state.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="Standard1" style=""><span style=""><o:p> </o:p></span></p>
<p class="Standard1" style=""><u><span style="">Communal Councils</span></u><span
style="" lang="EN-GB"><o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="Standard1" style=""><span style="" lang="EN-GB">The Communal
Councils are a non
representative structure of direct democracy and the most advanced
mechanism of
self-organization at the local level in Venezuela. The most active
agents of
change in Venezuela have been--and continue to be--the inhabitants of
the urban
barrios and the peasant communities. <o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="Standard1" style=""><span style="" lang="EN-GB"><o:p> </o:p></span></p>
<p class="TextAbstand" style="line-height: normal;"><span
style="font-weight: normal;" lang="EN-GB">Communal Councils began
forming in 2005 without any
law and as an initiative ‘from below’. In January 2006 Chávez adopted
this
initiative and began to spread it. In April 2006, the National Assembly
approved the Law of Communal Councils, which was reformed in 2009
following a
broad consulting process of councils’ spokespeople. The Communal
Councils in urban
areas encompass 150-400 families; in rural zones, a minimum of 20
families; and
in indigenous zones, at least 10 families. At the heart of the Communal
Council
and its decision-making body is the Assembly of Neighbours. The
councils build
a non-representative structure of direct participation which exists
parallel to
the elected representative bodies of constituted power. In 2013, more
than
40,000 Communal Councils had been established in Venezuela. <o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="TextAbstand" style="line-height: normal;"><span
style="font-weight: normal;" lang="EN-GB"><o:p> </o:p></span></p>
<p class="Textkrper1"><span lang="EN-GB">The Communal Councils are
financed
directly by national State institutions, thus avoiding interference
from
municipal organs. The law does not give any entity the authority to
accept or
reject proposals presented by Communal Councils. The relationship
between
Communal Councils and established institutions, however, is not exactly
harmonious; conflicts arise principally from the slowness of
constituted power
to respond to demands made by Communal Councils and from attempts at
interference. The Communal Councils tend to transcend the division
between
political and civil society (i.e., between those who govern and those
who are
governed). Hence, liberal analysts who support that division view the
Communal
Councils in a negative light, arguing that they are not an independent
civil-society organization, but linked to the State. In fact, however,
they
constitute a parallel structure through which power and control is
gradually
drawn away from the State in order to govern on its own. <o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="Textkrper1"><span lang="EN-GB"><o:p> </o:p></span></p>
<p class="Standard1" style=""><u><span style="" lang="EN-GB">Socialist
Communes<o:p></o:p></span></u></p>
<p class="Standard1" style=""><span style="" lang="EN-GB">At a higher
level of self government
there is the possibility of creating Socialist Communes, which can be
formed
from various Communal Councils in a specific territory. The Communal
Councils
decide themselves about the geography of the Commune<span style=""> </span>These
Communes can develop medium and
long-term projects of greater impact while decisions continue to be
made in
assemblies of the Communal Councils. As of 2013 there are more than 200
communes under construction. <span style=""> </span><o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="Standard1" style=""><span style="" lang="EN-GB"><o:p> </o:p></span></p>
<p class="Standard1" style=""><span style="" lang="EN-GB">The idea of
the Commune as a site
for building participation, self-government and socialism traces back
to the
communitarian socialist tradition of the Paris Commune, and also to
Venezuelan
Simón Rodríguez, who proposed local self government by the people,
calling it
‘Toparchy’ (from the Greek ‘Topos’, place) in the early 19<sup>th</sup>
century,<span style=""> </span>to traditional forms of indigenous
collectivism and communitarianism and the historical experiences of the
Maroons, former Afro-American slaves who escaped to remote regions and
built
self administrated communities and settlements<i>.</i><br style="">
<!--[if !supportLineBreakNewLine]--><br style="">
<!--[endif]--><o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="Standard1" style=""><span style="" lang="EN-GB">Various
Communes can form Communal
Cities, with administration and planning ‘from below’ if the entire
territory
is organized in Communal Councils and Communes. The mechanism of the
construction of Communes and Communal cities is flexible; they
themselves
define their tasks. Thus the construction of self-government begins
with what
the population itself considers most important, necessary or opportune.
The
Communal Cities that have begun to form so far, for example, are rural
and are
structured around agriculture, such as the ‘Ciudad Comunal Campesina
Socialista
Simón Bolívar’ in the southern state of Apure or the<i style=""> </i>‘<em><span
style="font-style: normal;">Ciudad
Comunal</span></em><span class="st"><i style=""> </i>Laberinto’
in the north-eastern state of Zulia</span>. <o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="Standard1" style=""><span style="" lang="EN-GB"><o:p> </o:p></span></p>
<p class="Standard1" style=""><u><span style="" lang="EN-GB">Challenges<o:p></o:p></span></u></p>
<p class="Standard1" style=""><span style="" lang="EN-GB">After 13
years of revolutionary
transformation, the biggest challenge for the process is the structural
contradiction between constituent and constituted power. </span><span
class="hps"><span style="font-size: 10pt;">Especially</span></span><span
style=""> </span><span class="hps"><span style="font-size: 10pt;">since
2007,</span></span><span style=""> </span><span class="hps"><span
style="font-size: 10pt;">the</span></span><span style=""> </span><span
class="hps"><span style="font-size: 10pt;">government’s</span></span><span
style=""> </span><span class="hps"><span style="font-size: 10pt;">ability
to reform</span></span><span style=""> has </span><span class="hps"><span
style="font-size: 10pt;">increasingly</span></span><span style="">
clashed</span><span class="hps"><span style="font-size: 10pt;"> with</span></span><span
style=""> </span><span class="hps"><span style="font-size: 10pt;">the
limitations inherent in</span></span><span style=""> </span><span
class="hps"><span style="font-size: 10pt;">the bourgeois state and</span></span><span
style=""> </span><span class="hps"><span style="font-size: 10pt;">the
capitalist system</span></span><span style="">. </span><span
class="hps"><span style="font-size: 10pt;">The movements and</span></span><span
style=""> initiatives for </span><span class="hps"><span
style="font-size: 10pt;">self-management</span></span><span style="">
and self-government</span><span class="hps"><span
style="font-size: 10pt;"> geared toward overcoming the bourgeois state</span></span><span
style=""> </span><span class="hps"><span style="font-size: 10pt;">and</span></span><span
style=""> </span><span class="hps"><span style="font-size: 10pt;">its
institutions, with the goal of</span></span><span style=""> replacing
it with a
communal state based on popular power</span><span class="hps"><span
style="font-size: 10pt;">
have grown</span></span><span style="">. But simultaneously, because of
the expansion of state institutions’
work, the consolidation of the Bolivarian process and growing
resources, state
institutions have been generally strengthened and have become more </span><span
class="hps"><span style="font-size: 10pt;">bureaucratized.</span></span><span
style=""> Institutions of constituted power aim at controlling
social processes and reproducing themselves. Since the institutions of
constituted power are at the same time strengthening and limiting
constituent
power, t</span><span class="hps"><span style="font-size: 10pt;">he
transformation process is very</span></span><span style=""> </span><span
class="hps"><span style="font-size: 10pt;">complex and contradictory</span></span><span
style="">. Nevertheless, the struggles liberated by c</span><span
class="hps"><span style="font-size: 10pt;">onstituent</span></span><span
style=""> </span><span class="hps"><span style="font-size: 10pt;">power</span></span><span
style=""> </span><span class="hps"><span style="font-size: 10pt;">in</span></span><span
style=""> </span><span class="hps"><span style="font-size: 10pt;">Venezuela
are often struggles for a different
system and not within the existing social, political and economic
system. </span></span><span style="" lang="EN-GB">The contradiction is
grounded in the
difference between institutional and social logic. <o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="Standard1" style=""><span class="hps"><span
style="font-size: 10pt;" lang="EN-GB"><o:p> </o:p></span></span></p>
<p class="Standard1" style=""><span style="" lang="EN-GB">For example,
if the job as community
promoter and the existence of a certain institution is guaranteed only
as long
as the Communal Councils still depend on them, then the interest of the
institution and its employees in having independent Communal Councils
will be
minimal. Conversely, the individual civil servant as well as the
institution as
a whole will be desperately presenting advances and positive results,
but
always proving that the Communal Councils, Communes and other instances
of
self-administration in whatever sector need the support of the
corresponding
institution. In fact the Ministry of Communes turned out to be one of
the
biggest obstacles to the construction of Communes and most of the
Communes
under construction complain about the Ministry. Only the growing
organization
‘from below’, especially the self organized Network of Commune
Activists (Red
de Comuneras y Comuneros), bringing together about 70 Communes could
bring
enough pressure on the Ministry of Communes to start changing its
politics at
the end of 2011. They forced the Ministry to register some 20 Communes.
<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="Standard1" style=""><u><span style="" lang="EN-GB"><o:p><span
style="text-decoration: none;"> </span></o:p></span></u></p>
<p class="Standard1" style=""><u><span style="" lang="EN-GB">Conclusion<o:p></o:p></span></u></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="" lang="EN-GB">While the
‘from above’ and ‘from below’ strategies have maintained themselves in
the same
process of transformation for 13 years and the conflictive relationship
between
constituent and constituted power has been the motor of the Bolivarian
process,
conflicts are increasing. The growing organization ‘from below’ and the
development of popular power inevitably clash with constituted power.
The
growing organization ‘from below’ and the development of popular power
limit
the constituted power and overwhelm it if it does not limit them. They
can only
expand over time if they get the upper hand, in which case constituent
power
would profoundly transform constituted power. <br style="">
<!--[if !supportLineBreakNewLine]--><br style="">
<!--[endif]--><o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="" lang="EN-GB">I have no
doubt that peoples power will expand. The most important experience
people have
had over the past 14 years in Venezuela was that they learned they can
overcome
their marginalization by participation and self organization, creating
their
own solutions. “We are all Chávez”.<br>
</span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><br>
******************************************<br>
<span style="" lang="EN-GB"><o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style=""><o:p> </o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="color: rgb(26, 26, 26);">Dario
Azzellini, Johannes Kepler University Linz, Austria, lived and worked
in
Venezuela between 4 and months a year from 2003 to 2011. He worked with
communal councils, communes, workers control, rural and urban
movements. He has
written extensively and directed documentaries on Venezuela. He
published the
internationally acclaimed documentaries “Venezuela from below” (2004),
“5
factories – workers control in Venezuela” (2006), and “Comuna under
construction” (2010). He also published the books: “Caracas: Bolivarian
city”
(Berlin: b books, 2013); “Partizipation, Arbeiterkontrolle und die
Commune”
(Hamburg: VSA, 2012); “Venezuela bolivariana. Revolution des 21.
Jahrhunderts?“; (Cologne: Neuer ISP Verlag) and “Il Venezuela di
Chávez”,
(Rome: DeriveApprodi, 2006); and several articles in journals in
English,
Spanish, Portuguese, German and Italian. <o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="color: rgb(26, 26, 26);"><o:p> </o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="color: rgb(26, 26, 26);"><a
href="http://www.azzellini.net/">www.azzellini.net</a><o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style=""><o:p> </o:p></span></p>
<div class="moz-signature">-- <br>
Freedom Archives
522 Valencia Street
San Francisco, CA 94110
415 863.9977
<a class="moz-txt-link-abbreviated" href="http://www.freedomarchives.org">www.freedomarchives.org</a>
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