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<h1><font size=4><b>"Text" of Hamas-Fatah deal emerges and it
doesn’t look good</b></font></h1><font size=3>Submitted by Ali Abunimah
on Tue, 05/03/2011 - 16:59 <br>
</font><font size=1>
<a href="http://www.freep.com/article/20110504/NEWS02/110504017/Feds-local-Arab-American-leaders-meet-discuss-bin-Laden-s-death" eudora="autourl">
http://www.freep.com/article/20110504/NEWS02/110504017/Feds-local-Arab-American-leaders-meet-discuss-bin-Laden-s-death<br>
<br>
</a></font><font size=3>Palestine Monitor, the website affiliated with
the Al Mubadara movement of Dr. Mustafa Barghouti, has published what it
says is the
“<a href="http://www.palestinemonitor.org/spip/spip.php?article1787">Text
Of The Agreement Between Fatah And Hamas</a>” to be officially signed in
Cairo this week. If this text is genuine – and while the source is
trustworthy there is no way to verify that it is genuine – then it shows
the <a href="http://electronicintifada.net/node/9879">questions</a> I
raised about the agreement when it was first announced last week are no
closer to being answered. Here is the reported text (<i>in italics</i>),
with my commentary in between:<br><br>
</font>
<dl>
<dd>Text Of The Agreement Between Fatah And Hamas<br><br>
<dd>3 May 2011<br><br>
<dd>Translated by Al Mubadara, the Palestinian National Initiative, this
document is currently in the process of being signed by all of
Palestine’s factions and parties.<br><br>
<dd>Under the auspices of Egypt, delegations from the Fatah and Hamas
movements met in Cairo on April 27, 2011 to discuss the issues concerning
ending the political division and the achievement of national unity. On
top of the issues were some reservations related to the Palestinian
National Unity Accord made in 2009.<br><br>
<dd>Both political parties mutually agreed that the basis of
understanding made during the meeting are committing to both parties in
the implementation of the Palestinian National Reconciliation Agreement.
The basis of understanding agreed upon by Fatah and Hamas are as
follows:<br><br>
<dd><h1><b>1. Elections<br><br>
<br>
</b></h1>
<dd><h2><b>A. Election Committee:</b></h2>
<dd><font size=3>Both Fatah and Hamas agree to identify the names of the
members of the Central Election Commission in agreement with the
Palestinian factions. This list will then be submitted to the Palestinian
President who will issue a decree of the reformation of the
committee.<br><br>
</font>
<dd><h2><b>B. Electoral Court:</b></h2>
<dd><font size=3>Both Fatah and Hamas agree on the nomination of no more
than twelve judges to be members of the Electoral Court. This list will
then be submitted to the Palestinian President in order to take the
necessary legal actions to form the Electoral Court in agreement with the
Palestinian factions.<br><br>
</font>
<dd><h2><b>C. Timing of Elections:</b></h2>
<dd><font size=3>The Legislative, Presidential, and the Palestinian
National Council elections will be conducted at the same time exactly one
year after the signing of the Palestinian National Reconciliation
Agreement.<br><br>
</dl>The section on elections deals only with limited technicalities
about holding elections within the framework of the Oslo Accords for
elections restricted to the West Bank and Gaza Strip. It seems explicitly
to recognize the existence of “the Palestinian president” (presumably
Mahmoud Abbas), thus reversing Hamas’ long-standing insistence that
Abbas’ term of office had expired and that he was without
legitimacy.<br><br>
It does not explain how free and fair elections can be held while Hamas
is considered a “terrorist” organisation by Israel and will presumably
not be able to operate or campaign freely in the West Bank. Both Fatah
and Hamas have engaged in severe political repression of their opponents.
Yet, this reported agreement offers no guarantee that, notwithstanding
the brutal Israeli military tyranny both also operate under, all
Palestinian authorities commit themselves to political freedoms for all
Palestinians.<br><br>
</font>
<dl>
<dd><h1><b>2. Palestine Liberation Organization</b></h1>
<dd><font size=3>The political parties of both Fatah and Hamas agree that
the tasks and decisions of the provisional interim leadership cannot be
hindered or obstructed, but in a manner that is not conflicting with the
authorities of the Executive Committee of the Palestine Liberation
Organization.<br><br>
</dl>This clause is mysterious. What it seems to be saying is that the
Fatah-controlled PLO as currently constituted can carry on with its
activities “representing” the Palestinians even without any sort of
mandate or accountability. In other words, it gives authority to the
Abbas-controlled PLO to continue recognizing Israel and engaging in the
peace process charade which Hamas formally rejects. There is nothing here
about reforming the PLO or democratizing it to restore its legitimacy. A
key demand heard from more and more Palestinians, especially youth who
staged demonstrations on March 15, is for elections to the Palestine
National Council in which all Palestinians would take part, not just
those in the West Bank and Gaza.<br><br>
</font>
<dl>
<dd><h1><b>3. Security</b></h1>
<dd><font size=3>It was emphasized that the formation of the Higher
Security Committee which will be formed by a decree of the Palestinian
President and will consist of professional officers in
consensus.<br><br>
</dl>Another vague clause. Again, it seems to restore the legitimacy of
Abbas as “president” in the eyes of Hamas (a remarkable achievement for
Abbas). Nothing here about ending “security coordination” (collaboration)
between the forces of the Fatah-controlled West Bank Palestinian
Authority and the Israeli occupation. Hamas it seems is ready to join a
“unity” government which openly cooperates with the very Israeli
occupation army which is besieging and routinely bombarding Gaza, and
assassinating Hamas’ cadres. A bizarre arrangement to say the least. It
certainly implies that there will be no true integration of Palestinian
armed groups, but each faction will continue to control its own, under
the umbrella of a superficial “Higher Security Committee.” This is very
unpersuasive.<br><br>
</font>
<dl>
<dd><h1><b>4. Government<br><br>
</b></h1>
<dd><h2><b>A. Formation of the Government:</b></h2>
<dd><font size=3>Both Fatah and Hamas agree to form a Palestinian
government and to appoint the Prime Minister and Ministers in consensus
between them.<br><br>
</dl>There have been
<a href="http://www.guardian.co.uk/world/2011/apr/28/palestinian-prime-minister-hamas-fatah">
press reports</a> that such a “consensus” would mean getting rid of Salam
Fayyad, the darling of the “international community” (the Western donors
to the PA), and the likes of Thomas Friedman who have been talking up
Fayyad’s
<a href="http://articles.latimes.com/2010/aug/31/opinion/la-oew-abunimah-palestine-20100831">
fantasy state building initiative</a>. It would be interesting to see if
the “state-building” initiative survives the departure of Fayyad. The
same reports suggest that a “consensus” candidate to replace Fayyad would
be billionaire Munib al-Masri. If this happens it would confirm the
neoliberalization of Palestinian political elites and the move further
and further from any sort of genuine democracy and popular accountability
– a process that has been mirrored in many other countries and former
colonies (Palestine though being somewhat unique in undergoing this
process of while still a colony).<br><br>
</font>
<dl>
<dd><h2><b>B. Functions of the Government:</b></h2>
<dd><font size=3>Preparation of necessary condition for the conduction of
Presidential, Legislative and the Palestinian National Council elections.
<dd>Supervising and addressing the prevalent issues regarding the
internal Palestinian reconciliation resulting from the state of division.
<dd>Follow-up of the reconstruction operations in the Gaza Strip and the
efforts to end the siege and blockade that is imposed on it.
<dd>Continuation of the implementation of the provisions of the
Palestinian National Accord.
<dd>To resolve the civil and administrative problems that resulted from
the division.
<dd>Unification of the Palestinian National Authority institutions in the
West Bank, Gaza Strip and Jerusalem.
<dd>To fix the status of the associations, Non-Governmental Organizations
and charities. <br>
</font>
<dd><h1><b>5. Legislative Council:</b></h1>
<dd><font size=3>Both Fatah and Hamas agree to reactivate the Palestinian
Legislative Council in accordance to the Basic Law.<br><br>
</dl>Straightforward enough, but again, hard to see how a “government”
can “govern” when Hamas ministers would be vulnerable to arrest or
assassination by Israel and cannot move about freely. Fatah and Hamas may
simply agree to keep running their respective West Bank and Gaza Strip
fiefdoms as they are, while claiming to do it under one umbrella. The
Palestinian Legislative Council if it meets now (though it would have to
do so by video conference as West Bank and Gaza members cannot meet in
one place), would have to meet presumably with the members that were
elected in 2006, when Hamas won a huge majority. Does this mean that
Fatah is now agreeing to respect the result of the election and abide by
majority decisions?<br><br>
It must not be forgotten that as of April 15 this year, Israel still held
<a href="http://addameer.info/wp-content/images/addameer-quarterly-update-15-january-15-april-2011.pdf">
13 members of the legislative council in its jails</a>. Israel continues
to detain and harass Palestinian elected officials.<br><br>
What is also noticeably absent here are specifics. There are a lot of
commitments to solve problems, but very few actual solutions. My main
criticism stands. Hamas and Fatah seem concerned about running the Oslo
Authority and offer absolutely nothing – in this agreement or beyond it –
as a program or vision for Palestinian liberation that united, includes
and mobilizes all Palestinians. There is no mention of Palestinian
rights, especially refugees, no mention of supporting popular struggle on
the ground or BDS internationally, no mention of the situation of the
Palestinian people as an occupied people struggling for freedom. For a
long time Fatah has pretended it is running an actual state while in
reality Israel dominates every aspect of Palestinian life. It now seems
that Hamas are ready to join Fatah in that pretense. “Reconciliation”
indeed! Fatah and Hamas may aspire to run the West Bank and Gaza
“municipality” together, but we should not confuse that with deep
reconciliation around a vision for the Palestinian people as a whole, and
a strategy to reach it. That vision, alas, can’t be left up to
them.<br><br>
Note, Agence France Presse has also published an
<a href="http://www.addustour.com/ViewTopic.aspx?ac=%5CArabicAndInter%5C2011%5C05%5CArabicAndInter_issue1298_day03_id323329.htm">
Arabic summary</a> of the reported agreement.<br>
***************************************************************************<br>
</font><h2><b>PFLP greets reconciliation and emphasizes that unity means
confrontation of the
occupier</b></h2><font size=3>
<a href="http://www.pflp.ps/english/?q=pflp-greets-reconciliation-and-emphasizes-unity-me" eudora="autourl">
http://www.pflp.ps/english/?q=pflp-greets-reconciliation-and-emphasizes-unity-me<br>
<br>
</a>The Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine said on May 3,
2011, as the Cairo agreements to end division and restore national unity
are signed, that breaking the siege on the heroic Gaza Strip, opening its
crossings, and reconstruction after years of blockade and aggression by
the occupation, must be national priorities. <br><br>
In a press statement, the Front said that the Palestinian leaders and
representatives who have gathered in Cairo have come together under the
auspices of the revolution of January 25. It noted that the threats of
the occupation and financial and material pressure and foreign
intervention will not dissuade the Palestinian movement from meeting the
aspirations and goals of our people at home and in exile to return to a
serious national solidarity and mutual struggle to confront the
occupation, aggression, and siege.<br><br>
The Front also said that the Palestinian people and the broader Arab
nation are looking today toward events in Egypt to not only sign an
agreement, but to embody Palestinian national unity with all political,
militant, social and cultural rights under the banner of an inclusive
Palestine Liberation Organization, to carry on the national, democratic
and human struggle on the path to liberate our land and our people, to
democracy, unity and justice.<br><br>
The event was attended by a delegation from the Front, led by Comrade
Maher al-Taher, leader of the PFLP's branch in exile. Other members of
the delegation are Comrades Abu Ahmad Fuad, Rabah Muhanna and Jamil
Majdalawi. Comrade Abdel Rahim Mallouh, Deputy General Secretary of the
PFLP, was blocked from leaving the West Bank by an Israeli prohibition on
his exit and denied the ability to participate. Comrade Ahmad Sa'adat,
General Secretary of the PFLP, is imprisoned in Israeli jails - having
spent over 775 days in isolation at present - and thus unable to lead the
delegation.<br><br>
Comrade Khalida Jarrar, member of the Political Bureau, said that the
occupation was trying all methods to thwart Palestinian unity, saying
that "Israel is launching threats and restriction on freedom of
movement of political leaders such as Abdel Rahim Mallouh in an attempt
to thwart efforts of Palestinian reconciliation."<br><br>
Comrade Jamil Mizher, a member of the Central Committee of the PFLP, said
the winds of change in the Arab region has had a clear impact on the
signing of the reconciliation agreement, saying that he hoped this
important step would continue in the framework of a comprehensive
national movement to safeguard the national rights of the Palestinina
people.<br><br>
In an interview with Al-Aqsa TV, comrade Mizher said that there is a
state of cautious optimism on the Palestinian street about the
reconciliation, noting that the Palestinian people have gone through many
dialogues, meetings and past agreements, including the failed Mecca
agreement, and lived through a difficult period with serious
repercussions on all aspects of life. <br><br>
Comrade Mizher emphasized that overcoming the state of division relies on
serious political will, stressing that all forces, particularly Fateh and
Hamas, must live up to their responsibility to our people and address all
issues through a comprehensive national dialogue. He noted that real
national unity requires firm commitment to Palestinian national goals,
not merely sharing positions between Fateh and Hamas and factional
quotas.<br><br>
He emphasized that there is an Israeli interest in prolonging division
and exploiting Palestinian contradictions. He noted that Palestinian
leadership must not rely on the U.S. administration or the Quartet,
saying such forces will only put obstacles before any meaningful
reconciliation, and emphasized the need for an official statement
expressing an end to negotiations with the occupation as it continues to
murder, imprison and attack our people, deny our rights, and construct
colonial settlements.<br><br>
Comrade Rabah Muhanna, one of the members of the delegation to Cairo and
a member of the Political Bureau, emphasized that the people's control is
necessary for any effective agreement. He also emphasized that the
security services must protect Palestinian security and end participation
in security cooperation with the occupation state. He pledged that the
PFLP would maintain transparency before the masses, the only guarantor of
success of any reconciliation.<br><br>
<br><br>
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