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<h1><b>Haiti Aid and Strategic Priorities</b></h1><font size=3>January
19, 2010 By <b>Manuel Rozental</b> <br>
<a href="http://www.zcommunications.org/znet/viewArticle/23664" eudora="autourl">
http://www.zcommunications.org/znet/viewArticle/23664<br><br>
</a><i>[this note was written in Spanish on January 17/10 and translated
by Dan Whitesell]<br><br>
</i>The more I analyze and observe the situation, the more aware I become
of the need to get people whose skills are needed into Haiti soon, but
under certain minimal conditions so that one does not become a hindrance
but rather of service, and to avoid contributing to the mistreatment of
the Haitian people, despite the best of intentions. I have contacted
Partners in Health (PIH) run by Paul Farmer, whose political and
technical orientation has been clear and one which is guiding efforts on
the ground. I am also in touch with journalists and members of different
organizations on the ground in order to understand the situation and
establish contacts. To get to where resources human and material are
needed while weaving contacts with organizations outside who are working
on mobilizing and transferring such resources is crucial now. Cuban
physicians and health workers have been on the ground in Haiti for a long
time. Supporting and joining these efforts, which are experienced,
disciplined and well coordinated could achieve greater impact. The Via
Campesina has launched a solidarity assistance campaign, based on their
experience in Asia with the tsunami. The fact is - with respect to
emergency help - that human resources are of little use without
equipment, supplies and necessary logistical support, just as these are
not effective if qualified personnel are not available and information is
difficult to obtain. <br>
<br>
I offer the following analysis and proposal for consideration: <br><br>
1. The United States has launched, in alliance with Canada and possibly
other countries, a massive military, media and political operation, using
the crisis as a pretext. In every aspect, it has the characteristics of
"disaster capitalism", in which the shock caused by the
earthquake, is used by transnational and imperial interests to achieve
strategic goals. Naomi Klein warned us about this on January 14 in an
interview with Amy Goodman. The sending of 10,000 troops, the occupation
of the airport, the control of aid delivery (preventing it from
arriving), the emphasis on preventing disorder and controlling the
population and the coordination between Clinton-Bush and Obama for a
project "similar to the one for the Asian Tsunami", provides
support for this argument. <br><br>
2. The result of these steps is obvious: Haiti has been occupied. The
earthquake has allowed the United States and Canada to station large
numbers of troops closer to Cuba, Nicaragua and Venezuela. U.S. bases
have been recently established in Colombia, are being established in
Panama and have already been established in the rest of the Caribbean and
South America.<br><br>
3. Everything indicates that, far from providing humanitarian aid, the
intention is to use this aid as an instrument of propaganda, as well as
to foment what has already begun to happen: a social explosion due to the
desperation of people without housing, without water, without food,
without services and who come from conditions of absolute poverty. The
social explosion would then justify the presence of more troops, the
complete subjugation of Haiti, the destruction of any resistance in the
country and the advance of hemispheric occupation towards the goal of
"Free Trade" and to overcome the serious economic crisis. All
this while the U.S. government presents itself as generous, to gain
public support, when in reality, President Obama has promised only 100
hundred million dollars (a miserable amount), while at the same the
military operation costs much more than this.<br><br>
4. Calculated Reaction: The action of the United States is a provocation,
with a strategically calculated reaction. Nicaragua, through President
Ortega, has already denounced the U.S. military presence and its
intentions and has demanded the withdrawal of troops. Venezuela and Cuba
may not stand idly by and they have started to provide aid directly to
the Haitian population with health personnel, logistics and equipment.
With the airport of Port au Prince occupied by U.S. troops it will not
only be difficult to get aid to the people, but also the restricting and
monopolizing of aid will complicate matters because Haiti has become a
beach head of the United States militarily and we can expect Washington
to denounce the presence of Cuba, Venezuela, Nicaragua and other
progressive countries as political actions intended to take advantage of
Haitian suffering. What these countries do in Haiti becomes a pretext for
the U.S. to attack them. What will happen in this situation is
unpredictable, but a possible scenario is that the joint humanitarian and
political actions of the progressive countries will generate a crisis,
which could also lead to an armed confrontation. In other words, all of
this could lead to a war for the oil and mineral resources of Venezuela
and the region, with the support of and from Colombia. Brazil is a key
factor whose reaction and response are still undetermined. This is an act
of aggression by the U.S. in their fight for control of Haiti, exploiting
in an unprecedented act of cowardice the misery and suffering of the
people to achieve geo-strategic, military and ultimately economic
objectives.<br><br>
5. Strategic reaction and goals of Solidarity and Resistance:
Coordinating a massive relief effort, in an efficient, effective way and
in defense of the Haitian people, despite the U.S. military presence, so
that the people receive the aid and the world knows it, not only
accomplishes humanitarian goals and undermines the pretext for stationing
troops - by meeting the needs of people desperate to survive at any cost
- but it also exposes imperial interests and ultimately, becomes a way to
defend Haiti from occupation by encouraging a viable resistance of
solidarity in the face of tragedy. It also prevents a hemispheric war and
the advance of military occupation for economic ends. To put it another
way, we should oppose the strategic project of concentrated capital by
developing a coordinated strategic project of resistance to the reigning
economic model and for the dignity of Haiti. Following the coup in
Honduras, this is another step toward hemispheric occupation for
transnational corporations and global financial interests. As we move
forward in providing humanitarian assistance, a vital and pressing
component of solidarity, it's essential and urgent that we consolidate
and coordinate comprehensive strategic goals.<br><br>
6. Key tactical goals that come to mind immediately are:<br><br>
a. To mobilize material and human resources: Health (particularly
surgical support), in coordination with people on the ground and from
organizations with experience and credibility in this area, that are not
serving the interests of Washington. Via Campesina, PIH in Haiti, Cuba,
ALBA (the Bolivarian Alliance for the Americas), HSA (the Hemispheric
Social Alliance) and others. What's important is to know what's needed
and where, send it there and create the conditions, along with the people
to make it work. We already know there's humanitarian solidarity; what's
missing is organization and direction and it should be better coordinated
and aligned to achieving strategic goals.<br><br>
b. To develop logistics (this is what is most needed at this time and
what the United States controls), such that we can identify what's
needed, mobilize and deliver it. People are needed on the ground in Haiti
and in coordination outside of Haiti. Via Campesina has considerable
experience in this area (tsunami).<br><br>
c. Political-communications-solidarity work. Analysis and news that serve
as a counterweight to what the system is generating in terms of
propaganda and actions. The magnitude of what they are attempting to do
in Haiti is just as bad as what they did in Iraq under the pretext of
concern for weapons of mass destruction. The world turned out to protest
massively against that war. People must be informed of what's really
going on if they are to take action. This requires committed people with
political clarity to be in Haiti to help communicate for the resistance
and to build resistance. Without this work, the two previous goals cannot
succeed.<br><br>
7. What's needed immediately is humanitarian aid, within this
contextual framework. President Evo Morales, revealing his human decency
and his political ability, will go directly to Haiti on Monday (January
18th) in a Bolivian plane to deliver aid. His presence in Haiti is an
extraordinary act of solidarity, but it's also a way to encourage others
to provide help, to put logistics in motion and to serve as a
counterweight through his immediate presence on the ground. It will be
his word and his actions that communicate much more than any speech. With
this gesture, he is providing resistance to the provocation, setting the
example, working to prevent war and going directly to the people. His
visit deserves great attention and strategic support, but it also shows
us the way. We must respond by reaching people inside and outside of
Haiti to provide aid first of all and also to expose the aggressor at the
same time. At the same time, governments of countries such as Nicaragua,
Venezuela and Cuba have quietly and immediately mobilized resources and
aid and are working on the ground.<br><br>
Under these circumstances, those of us who feel a commitment to go to
Haiti, with specific and most needed skills (health care, electricians,
reconstruction, logistic support, disaster planning, etc.) but also as
communicators and strategic activists, would do best to be involved as
part of a coordinated and strategic effort, so as not to become a
hindrance while there and to avoid serving the interests of the
occupation and transnational capital. Also, if one is not familiar with
Haiti, one would be lost there. <br><br>
As many of us continue to look for contacts and counterparts, and many
have already gone to Haiti as part of solidarity and assistance teams, I
share this analysis and interpretation of the context, while I feel, as
many others do, the anxiety to contribute and be of service to an
exemplary people who have been abused and humiliated in the most
un-exemplary way and whose suffering causes in us a wrath and pain that
become desperation if we fail to act. In solidarity, we need to act in
accordance with our inner sense of commitment, serving as part of a
conscious and coordinated effort. I'm not saying that these conditions
have to be met before anything is done, but rather that there should be
at least coordination and strategic understanding of the context and
goals of the assistance for the people of Haiti, to continue to work
toward effective and decent assistance and solidarity, if the analysis
proposed here based on my observations is essentially correct. I hope our
exchanges and the course we set for ourselves can become our common task.
With this in mind, I write to you.<br><br>
In solidarity,<br><br>
Manuel Rozental<br>
January 17th, 2010.<br>
General Surgeon with sub-specialization in colorectal surgery<br>
I've been a physician for 29 years and practice in Colombia and
Canada<br>
Activist in the Americas and Communicator<br>
Member of the Secretariat of the Hemispheric Social Alliance<br>
Tejido de Comunicaciones ACIN (The Northern Cauca Indigenous
Communications Network)<br><br>
<br><br>
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