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<h2><font face="Arial, Helvetica" size=5 color="#008080"><b>Ecuador: The
Battle for Natural Resources
Deepens</b></font></h2><font face="Arial, Helvetica" size=2>Raúl Zibechi
| October 26, 2009<br><br>
</font><font face="Arial, Helvetica" size=1>Translated from:
<a href="http://ircamericas.org/esp/6510">Ecuador: Se profundiza la
guerra por los bienes comunes</a><br>
Translated by: Monica Wooters<br><br>
<a href="http://americas.irc-online.org/">americas.irc-online.org</a><br>
<a href="http://americas.irc-online.org/am/6521" eudora="autourl">
http://americas.irc-online.org/am/6521<br><br>
</a></font><font face="Arial, Helvetica" size=2><b>A new indigenous
uprising began in defense of water sources threatened by open air mining
in Ecuador in late September. This time indigenous organizations find
themselves up against a government that claims to be anti-neoliberal, a
player in the "socialism of the 21st century," and one that has
begun a "citizen's revolution."<br><br>
</b>"What happened in Cochabamba in the fight for water will be
dwarfed by what is about to happen in Ecuador. An uprising is coming
because it is coming," affirms a convinced Carlos Pérez Guartambel,
president of the Azuay Union of Community Water Systems (Unión de
Sistemas Comunitarios de Agua del Azuay).<a name="_ftnref1"></a>1 Pérez
is referring to the Water War of Cochabamba, Bolivia, a vast social
insurrection that put a stop to the privatization of water and, in April
2000, began a succession of protests that brought Evo Morales to the
presidency.<br><br>
"My parents taught me that water and electricity are to be shared,
not sold," he says almost indignantly as we walk toward a community
assembly in La Victoria del Portete located in an immense and beautiful
valley, 15 kilometers from Cuenca, (capital of the southern Azuay
Province) a pretty colonial town plagued by tourists. As we turn right
onto the Pan-American Highway, he points out his parents' home where he
was born a little more than 40 years ago.<br><br>
"When I was a child I would go to a spring to look for water with a
ceramic jug. The jug was sealed with a <i>pocón</i>, a biodegradable corn
stalk leaf. I never imagined that I would one day buy a bottle of water,
never. Each liter costs one dollar and 30 cents, in other words, a liter
of water costs more than a liter of milk or a liter of gas. The struggle
for water will be the struggle for life." The social distinctions
caused by the remittances sent back by emigrants is obvious: next to
modest homes with roofs made of sheet metal they are building three story
houses, affecting an affluent appearance though the inhabitants remain
campesinos.<br><br>
Carlos Pérez is Quichua (Quechua) and a lawyer specializing in community
rights with a postgraduate degree in environmental studies and he has
also written an important book on community justice. In the last few
years he has dedicated himself to the resistance against the introduction
of mining companies with eloquent names like IAM Gold, in and around
Quimscocha, where a source of springs is located that irrigate the valley
where thousands of campesinos practice animal husbandry. Pérez belongs to
a new generation of university educated indigenous leaders that speak
several languages, attend international forums, and are trained in the
use of new technologies, but who also remain dedicated to their
communities and continue to speak their native languages.<br><br>
When we arrive in Victoria del Portete, he parks on the side of the
highway where hundreds of community members are congregating in a wide
terrace between the parish office and the church. He climbs up to the
municipal balcony and an assembly of the local water system where many
important decisions will be made begins. "While earlier governments
threatened us with the privatization of our water systems, that specter
has disappeared and been replaced with the larger threat of mining
companies," says Pérez before opening the event.<br><br>
The Nero Projectthat has been in place in this region for 24 yearsis
perhaps the largest community water system in the country servicing 6,000
families, some 30,000 individuals in 45 communities. Pérez relates the
history of water in his community explaining that, "Initially, the
families lived near the river or close to a spring but never close to the
road because they preferred to be close to the water. After a while the
rivers became contaminated and the springs provided less water. It was at
this point, in the 60s and 70s, that organizations like Caritas began to
appear and install manual pumps in the parish centers where the people
lined up to get water. But in some community councils the people began to
think about installing the water infrastructure themselves, making it
unnecessary to carry water on their backs by installing indoor plumbing
in each house."<br><br>
As years went by, community water systems spread throughout the country.
In the province of Azuay alone there are 450 systems that supply water to
30% of the population, especially in rural areas and in the urban
peripheries. In all, Ecuador has some 3,500 water systems, built,
maintained, and administered by the communities themselves.<br><br>
</font><h3><b>A Different Kind of
Uprising</b></h3><font face="Arial, Helvetica" size=2>On Sept. 27, the
Confederation of Ecuadoran Indigenous Nationalities (CONAIE,
Confederación de Nacionalidades Indígenas del Ecuador) began a new front
against a water law that they were not permitted to participate in. The
government law went to parliament in mid-August but CONAIE had already
put together its own initiative in 2008 that was never taken into account
by the administration.<br><br>
The movements' critique of the Hydraulic Resources Law is that it allows
for the development of mining projects in areas occupied by springs that
are major sources of water. In addition, the law ensures water provisions
for the mining companies but not for indigenous and campesino communities
and does nothing to attend to the issue of the contamination of
waterways. The law also attempts to bring all of the water systems under
one centralized state authority implying the loss of community control
over this resource.<br><br>
Ricardo Buitrón of Ecological Action (Acción Ecológica) has undertaken a
detailed study of the law and concludes that "it contains elements
of privatization for both water and land usage in as much as those
resources become the sole property of the benefitting industry or
business for other uses. The hydraulic infrastructure becomes private
property in addition to surface watersuch as
wetlands."<a name="_ftnref2"></a>2 The law allows for water
resources to be acquired in the purchase of land and permits the owner to
use the water as he/she sees fit.<br><br>
Buitrón also criticizes the fact that the law contains no clauses that
allow for deprivatization that would make it possible to take back
control over water resources that are currently under private ownership.
In addition, thousands of potable water councils are given no real
recourse as their members are now merely consumers subject to the Sole
Authority of the state that controls the entire hydraulic
network.<br><br>
Humberto Cholango, director of Ecuarunari, the Quichua organization of
the sierra, offered some compelling facts during a press conference held
on Sept. 24.<a name="_ftnref3"></a>3 Forty-five percent of water
resources have been privatized through legal concessions, but 55% of it
is being used illegally; 1% of those using water resources consume 64% of
the water available and 86% of Ecuadorians consume just 13%. "The
law does not say anything in regard to these points and the National
Development Plan favors the mining companies and flower
growers."<br><br>
The law does not contemplate sanctions for contamination or water quality
control. "The human right to water is restricted to access to
potable water and domestic uses without considering the rights linked to
health, food sovereignty, and culture," adds Buitrón.<br><br>
For his part, Cholango insisted in the role of the indigenous communities
in the construction of water system networks: "We have constructed
irrigation canals, consumer water systems, and now, with this Executive
Law, they want us to simply be consumers and not actors. Even in article
97, they are trying to exclusively administer and take control of
community water systems through the Sole Authority. This is a threat to
our water councils."<a name="_ftnref4"></a>4 The result, in his
opinion, is prioritizing the use of water for mining exploits.<br><br>
The protests began with roadblocks and demonstrations to force the
government into a dialogue and a chance to present their own Water Law
inspired by the <i>Sumak Kawsay</i>, the idea of "Buen Vivir"
or "Good Living" that is guaranteed in the constitution.
President Rafael Correa's response was harsh: "Who do these leaders
think they are?" He accused them of being "extremists," of
"playing the game of the right," and of being coup mongers,
comparing the situation in Ecuador with that of
Honduras.<a name="_ftnref5"></a>5<br><br>
On Sept. 30, the police fired shots against indigenous Shuar in the
Amazonian province of Morona Santiago. According to a communiqué from
Ecological Action, Bosco Wizuma, a bilingual professor, was killed when
he joined a group of 500 that blocked the bridge spanning the Upano
River. It seems that it was a "trap" because the leaders were
called to a dialogue "in order to distract the leadership and the
local media."<a name="_ftnref6"></a>6<br><br>
There were dozens of wounded, including several police. President Correa
quickly changed the discourse and called for the dialogue: "Welcome
brothers. This government is for all of you, the indigenous people, the
Carondelet Palace [Presidential Palace] is
yours."<a name="_ftnref7"></a>7 This was perhaps the only way to
defuse the conflict that threatened the stability of his government. In
effect, although the uprising did not originally have the strength of
other indigenous actions, professors and members of other social sectors
began to join the movement. And when there is a death, anything is
possible.<br><br>
</font><h3><b>Dialogue and
Tension</b></h3><font face="Arial, Helvetica" size=2>The CONAIE
leadership decided to suspend the actions of the struggle when the
government opened a negotiation period. However, a good portion of the
country, the grassroots movement, the communities, continued to stage
roadblocks and shut down markets. There is a division between the
organizations that make up CONAIE, in particular between those from the
sierra (Ecuarunari) and those from the jungle (Confenaie).<br><br>
The climate of distrust did not abate. On Monday, Oct. 6, the televised
dialogue began in the seat of government, the Carondelet Palace.
Thousands of indigenous people came together outside of the palace,
waiting several days for the results of the dialogue. Under a tense
climate, 130 leaders entered the palace to meet with Correa. On the first
day they came to agreement on six points. Among those highlighted were
the institution of a permanent dialogue between both parties, the
government will take into account the Water Law initiative of CONAIE, and
that it will receive a Mining Law proposal from the indigenous
movement.<br><br>
A good example of the climate in the negotiations is the following
dialogue: "Marlon Santi, head of CONAIE, asked for respect for the
indigenous people. His words are in relation to the declarations in which
they were referred to as 'crazies' and were not given representation. The
response was direct. Correa interrupted and asked for the names of the
officials in order to 'dismiss them from government immediately. Who is
that idiot?' Correa asked twice. 'You, Mr. President,' the leader
responded."<a name="_ftnref8"></a>9<br><br>
The indigenous organizations were able to institute the dialogue, as they
had hoped. On Oct. 14, the Executive Office released Decree No. 96 that
establishes the formation of a Mixed Commission made up of CONAIE and its
three affiliates (the Coast, Sierra, and the Amazon) as well as the
government represented by the Ministry of Justice, the Secretary of
Communities, Social Movements, and Citizen Participation and several
other institutions. This commission will debate the two water laws (the
government's and that of the indigenous movements) as well as the
proposals to reform the Mining Law.<br><br>
But the accusations continue. After Correa's weekly address on Saturday,
the Amazonian leader and ex-assembly member, Mónica Chuji, accused the
president of being a racist: "The president proved me right through
his words, gestures, and actions that characterize him as a racist.
References to indigenous leaders as 'hook noses,' 'long hairs,' and
'golden ponchos' are racial slurs. Using kichwa [indigenous language] for
demagogic purposes and later denying its official use is a racist
attitude. Marginalizing the Ecuadorian indigenous population by reducing
their votes at the polls is a racist
attitude."<a name="_ftnref9"></a>9<br><br>
Although the defusing of the conflict is important, the precedent set by
the massacre in Baguá, Peru,<a name="_ftnref10"></a>10 makes many fear
the worst, though the differences continue to be important. Pepe Acacho,
president of the Shuar Federation (of the Amazon), does not agree with
the resolutions: "We have been struggling for eight days and it is
an injustice that we are not demanding that Morona Santiago be declared
an ecological province, free from mining and petroleum
exploration."<a name="_ftnref11"></a>11<br><br>
</font><h3><b>The Problem of the Country's
Model</b></h3><font face="Arial, Helvetica" size=2>The new Ecuadorian
Constitution is one of the most advanced in the world on environmental
issues. In one point it defines nature as having rights. The constitution
was approved on Sept. 28, 2008 by 64% of Ecuadorians in a plebiscite.
"Nature or Pacha Mama, where life is created and carried out, has
the right to integral respect concerning its existence, maintenance, and
the regeneration of its life cycles, structure, functions, and
developmental processes," as stated in Article 71, consecrated in
the "Rights of Nature."<br><br>
The problem is open air mining, on which Correa's administration has made
a major bet. Alberto Acosta, founder of the Country Alliance (Alianza
País)the movement that brought Correa to the presidencyand ex-president
of the Constitutional Assembly, is raising a discussion very close to
that of the indigenous movements: "The mining law, approved after
the constitution, is putting the Magna Carta in danger. This is the root
of the problem. Why is this? Without a doubt it is the incoherent aspects
of the government that clearly continue to inspire neoliberal policies,
that continue to represent the interests of the most traditional economic
groups."<a name="_ftnref12"></a>12<br><br>
Acosta maintains that the progressive South America governments
"have not discussed nor have they put into question the
extractionist model," not even the "most advanced"
countries such as Venezuela, Bolivia, and Ecuador. In his opinion, the
firm belief that "the practice of natural resource extraction will
show us the road to development" has up until now impeded the
ability to get passed this model and maybe even find "a new form of
insertion into the international market."<br><br>
A second problem is Correa himself. Acosta comments that Correa recently
entered into political life in 2005, when in Ecuador, the indigenous
uprisings have been ongoing since 1990. He tends to think in personal
terms: "He is assuming the role of the bearer of collective
political will and he doesn't realize that in large part the earlier
historic process is the explanation for the positive results of Correa
and Alianza País." The absence of an organic structure, movement, or
party, according to Acosta, creates a situation in which Correa does not
understand "that he is there, in the presidency, thanks to the great
effort made by the Ecuadorian
society."<a name="_ftnref13"></a>13<br><br>
The economist Pablo Dávalos agrees with this idea but he also believes
that Correa's government continues to be a neoliberal one. Today, capital
needs to "link with territories at the vortex of financial
speculation" as a way of moving beyond the
crisis.<a name="_ftnref14"></a>14 Meanwhile, the movements have declared
the Amazonian region in the south, including Zamora and Morona,
mining-free territories. A collision with multinational mining companies
seems inevitable.<br><br>
Within the Correa government as well as in the party that supports him,
Alianza Paísand this is keythere are several members of the right. As a
consequence, concludes Dávalos, beyond the declarations about socialism
and revolution, Correa's movement is "derived from
post-neoliberalism, that is, a continuation of neoliberalism but under
the categories of territorial and resource dispossession, and the
deterritorialization of the state.<br><br>
The alternative would look more like the ITT Initiative that seeks to
leave petroleum in the ground and search for another development
model.<a name="_ftnref15"></a>15 ITT are the initials for the three
exploration wells found in the Yasuní Park zone in the Amazon (Ishpingo,
Tambococha, and Tiputini). In mid-2009 the Correa government took on the
project, the brainchild of Acosta when he was minister of Energy and
Mining. The proposal was to abandon petroleum exploration as a
contribution on the part of Ecuador toward the struggle against climate
change.<br><br>
The ITT represents 20% of the country's entire reserves. The Ecuadorian
economy is based on petroleum: 22% of the GDP, 63% of exports, and 47% of
the state budget depends on petroleum. But therein lies the significance
of the proposal: it would avoid some 410 tons of CO2 emissions, slow
deforestation and contamination, and it would be a major contribution to
the development of a post-petroleum economy.<br><br>
On the other hand, the Ecuadorian government is asking the international
community to compensate the equivalent of 50% of the income that could be
gained by drilling for the petroleum. The German government and
parliament responded positively, putting forward 50 million Euros
annually for the 13-year duration of benefits that the oil wells would
have produced. Norway and the Community of Madrid have also shown
interest.<br><br>
Although there are many people involved in the project that see it as an
ecological revolution, Acosta maintains that "it emerged from the
indigenous peoples' resistance movements, particularly in the
central-south of the Amazon, that were struggling against the expansion
of petroleum activities toward their territories, in addition to groups
of mestizo communities in the northern Amazon and the indigenous peoples
affected by the activities of
Chevron."<a name="_ftnref16"></a>16<br><br>
</font><h3><b>End Notes</b></h3>
<ol>
<li><font face="Arial, Helvetica" size=2><a name="_ftn1"></a>Interview
with Carlos Pérez.
<li><a name="_ftn2"></a>Ricardo Buitrón, <i>El Telégrafo</i>, ob.
cit<a name="_ftn2"></a>.
<li><a name="_ftn3"></a>See the press conference at:
<a href="http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=tN3x3vE1jfE">
www.youtube.com/watch?v=tN3x3vE1jfE</a><a name="_ftn3"></a>.
<li><a name="_ftn4"></a>Ecuarunari communiqué in <i>Ecuachaski,
</i><a name="_ftn4"></a>Sept. 17, 2009.
<li><a name="_ftn5"></a>Agencia <i>AFP</i><a name="_ftn5"></a>, Quito,
Sept. 25, 2009.
<li><a name="_ftn6"></a>"Noticias del Levantamiento en Defensa del
Agua-1" at:
<a href="http://www.accioecologica.org/">www.accioecologica.org</a>
<a name="_ftn6"></a>.
<li><i><a name="_ftn7"></a>El Comercio</i><a name="_ftn7"></a>, Quito,
Oct. 3, 2009.
<li><i><a name="_ftn8"></a>El Comercio</i><a name="_ftn8"></a>, Oct. 6,
2009.
<li><a name="_ftn9"></a>Oct. 11 declarations at:
<a href="http://ukhamawa.blogspot.com/">http://ukhamawa.blogspot.com</a>
<a name="_ftn9"></a>.
<li><a name="_ftn10"></a>See "Massacre in the Amazon: The U.S.-Peru
Free Trade Agreement Sparks a Battle Over Land and Resources" at:
<a href="http://americas.irc-online.org/am/6191">
http://americas.irc-online.org/am/6191</a><a name="_ftn10"></a>.
<li><i><a name="_ftn11"></a>El Comercio</i><a name="_ftn11"></a>, Oct. 6,
2009.
<li><a name="_ftn12"></a>Interview with Alberto Acosta, Sept. 6, 2009.
<li><a name="_ftn13"></a>Idem.
<li><a name="_ftn14"></a>Pablo Dávalos, ob. cit<a name="_ftn14"></a>.
<li><a name="_ftn15"></a>Matthieu Le Quang, interview with Alberto
Correa; Alberto Acosta, Eduardo Gudynas, Esperanza Martínez, and Joseph
H. Vogel, "Leaving the Oil in the Ground: A Political, Economic, and
Ecological Initiative in the Ecuadorian Amazon," Americas Program
Policy Report (Washington, DC: Center for International Policy, August
13, 2009),
<a href="http://americas.irc-online.org/am/6345">
http://americas.irc-online.org/am/6345</a><a name="_ftn15"></a>.
<li><a name="_ftn16"></a>Idem.
</ol><br>
<i>Translated for the Americas Program by Monica Wooters.<br><br>
Raúl Zibechi is an international analyst for </i>Brecha of Montevideo<i>,
Uruguay, lecturer and researcher on social movements at the Multiversidad
Franciscana de América Latina, and adviser to several social groups. He
writes the monthly "Zibechi Report" for the Americas Program
(<a href="http://www.americasprogram.org">www.americasprogram.org</a>
).<br><br>
</i></font><font face="Arial, Helvetica" size=1>To reprint this article,
please contact
<a href="mailto:americas@ciponline.org">americas@ciponline.org</a>.<br>
<br>
</font><h3><b>Sources</b></h3><font face="Arial, Helvetica" size=2>Acción
Ecológica:
<a href="http://www.accionecologica.org/">www.accionecologica.org</a>.<br>
<br>
Confeniae (Amazonian indigenous organization):
<a href="http://www.confeniae.org.ec/">www.confeniae.org.ec</a>.<br><br>
Ecuarunari (Quichua indigenous organization):
<a href="http://www.ecuarunari.org/">www.ecuarunari.org</a>.<br><br>
Hydraulic Resources, Water Uses, and Implementation Law (Republic of
Ecuador)<br>
<a href="http://www.senagua.gov.ec/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=159&Itemid=140">
http://www.senagua.gov.ec/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=159&Itemid=140</a>
.<br><br>
Water Law for Good Living (CONAIE)<br>
<a href="http://www.ciudadaniainformada.com/.../Ley_de_aguas_para_el_Buen_Vivir.doc">
www.ciudadaniainformada.com/.../Ley_de_aguas_para_el_Buen_Vivir.doc</a>
.<br><br>
Alberto Acosta, Eduardo Gudynas, Esperanza Martínez, and Joseph H. Vogel,
"Leaving the Oil in the Ground: A Political, Economic, and
Ecological Initiative in the Ecuadorian Amazon," Americas Program
Policy Report (Washington, DC: Center for International Policy, August
13, 2009),
<a href="http://americas.irc-online.org/am/6345">
http://americas.irc-online.org/am/6345</a>.<br><br>
Pablo Dávalos, "Levantamiento indígena y revolución ciudadana: los
impasses del posneoliberalismo,"
<a href="http://www.alainet.org/">www.alainet.org</a>, Oct. 10,
2009.<br><br>
Raúl Zibechi, interview with Carlos Pérez Guartambel, Cuenca, May 22,
2009.<br><br>
Ricardo Buitrón, "Comentarios al 29 de setiembre" on the Water
Laws.<br><br>
Ricardo Buitrón, "Si el río suena", <i>El Telégrafo</i>, oct.
13, 2009, at
<a href="http://www.telegrafo.com.ec/">www.telegrafo.com.ec</a>.<br><br>
Yasser Gómez, "Los gobiernos progresistas de Suramérica no han
puesto en tela de juicio la validez del modelo extractivista",
interview with Alberto Acosta in <i>Mariátegui</i>, Sept. 6, 2009 at
<a href="http://mariategui.blogspot.com/">
http://mariategui.blogspot.com</a>.<br><br>
<br><br>
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