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<h1><b>Bolivia: Right-wing rebellion spurs left
offensive</b></h1><font size=3>August 28, 2008 By <b>Federico Fuentes</b>
<br>
Source: <a href="http://www.greenleft.org.au/2008/764/39456">Green Left
Weekly</a><br>
<a href="http://www.zcommunications.org/znet/viewArticle/18597" eudora="autourl">
http://www.zcommunications.org/znet/viewArticle/18597<br><br>
</a><b>Violent attacks on police officers, roadblocks, civic stoppages
enforced by armed fascist youth groups and threats to cut off meat
supplies and take over gas fields have all been part of what left-wing
Bolivian President Evo Morales has denounced as an attempted "civil
coup" by "desperate people" following his August 10 recall
referendum victory.</b> <br><br>
<br><br>
However, the wave of protests appears to be quickly losing steam as
social movements get organised to push for the approval of the draft
constitution drawn up by an elected constituent assembly to "refound
Bolivia". <br><br>
The August 10 vote on the president, vive-president and eight out of nine
prefects (governors) registered a historic 68% vote for Morales, an
increase of 14% on the vote that brought him to power in December 2005.
<br><br>
While the opposition prefects of four eastern departments were also
ratified with votes ranging from 56% to 68% (as well as the election of
an opposition prefect in Chuquisaca in June), they lost an important ally
with the revocation of the opposition prefect of Cochabamba, Manfred
Reyes. <br><br>
In these same departments, Morales' vote experienced an important
increase, including winning more than 50% of the vote in some of them.
<br><br>
While announcing in his victory speech his intention to continue
nationalising natural resources in his victory speech, Morales also
called a meeting of all the prefects to try to reach a national
agreement. <br><br>
Such an agreement could help bring together the opposing projects of the
new constitution (supported by the social and indigenous movements) and
the autonomy statutes (promoted by the eastern regions in order to
maintain control by the eastern-based oligarchy over natural resources
and land in these resource-rich departments). <br><br>
Regional rebellion <br><br>
Talks quickly collapsed as the prefects called a civic stoppage in five
departments the eastern departments of Santa Cruz, Beni, Pando and
Tarija, plus Chuquisaca for August 19 in opposition to government plans
to divert part of the national direct tax on hydrocarbons (IDH) towards
its proposed pension plan. <br><br>
In direct defiance of the central government, Santa Cruz prefect Ruben
Costas announced on August 15 that Morales would not be allowed to set
foot in his department adding that he also would no longer accept a
police commander who was neither from Santa Cruz nor approved by Costas,
as part of moving towards de facto autonomy for the department. <br><br>
The night of the referendum, Costas had announced he would call elections
for a departmental legislative assembly something for which there is no
basis in law. <br><br>
"The people of Santa Cruz should rest assured that we will stop any
minister arriving in Santa Cruz, because they are not welcome",
announced David Sejas, president of the fascist Crucenista Youth Union
(UJC), whose followers, armed with sticks and shields, chanted as Costas
spoke "Evo criminal, Linera poofter" (referring to
Vice-President Alvaro Garcia Linera). <br><br>
Later that day, UJC members violently attacked the departmental head of
police. <br><br>
In the days afterward, attacks increased as youth screamed at police
officers to "go back to your country, you shitty
<i>collas</i>", causing discontent among the officers, predominately
from Bolivia's largely indigenous west. <br><br>
On the day of the stoppage, clashes occurred in the middle and outer
rings of Santa Cruz city, where popular resistance repelled UJC militants
who attempted to impose the stoppage by force. <br><br>
Restricted mainly to the inner urban areas, and outright rejected in the
countryside, participation in the stoppage was low. <br><br>
The following day, secretary for autonomy in the Santa Cruz prefecture,
Carlos Dabdoud, dismissed the possibility of dialogue to merge the two
projects, as it was "impossible" to have a "unitary
autonomous state". <br><br>
Desiring to turn Bolivia into a "confederation of states is no
sin", he stated. <br><br>
Behind these protests is the fear of the Santa Cruz oligarchy that the
Morales government will push forward with its national project for
change, now with the backing of the 68% won in the referendum. <br><br>
At the same time, some voices from the opposition camp are beginning to
warn that these actions could backfire. <br><br>
"The political effects of a radicalised position are not yet
visible, but they could be tremendously adverse for Santa Cruz",
warned right-wing Podemos senator Carlos Bohrt, according to Bolpress on
August 18. <br><br>
The day after the stoppage, only three of the five opposition departments
went ahead with the announced roadblocks. In Chuquisaca, the prefect
preferred to avoid confrontations with local peasant organisations, while
the prefect of Tarija moderated his tone as criticism against him grew.
<br><br>
‘Power of the people <br><br>
In contrast, Morales reminded the opposition prefects, according to the
August 19 <i>Pagina 12</i>, "we are no longer just a simple
government, but rather the power of the people", adding that it was
necessary to move towards a vote on the new constitution approved by the
constituent assembly last December. <br><br>
"The debate [on the referendum] must not last beyond next
week", Morales argued. "If it's through a law, it's a law. If
it's by decree, it's a decree. The new constitution has to be approved
and we will ensure it is approved." <br><br>
The massive vote for Morales has raised hopes for passing the
controversial text, which the opposition has fiercely opposed arguing
it did not have two-thirds support within the assembly. <br>
ion of the project is that fact that the new constitution would entrench
state control over natural resources, open the way for radical land
reform and dramatically extend rights to Bolivia's historically excluded
indigenous majority. <br><br>
An August 20 Reuters article quoted Morales as saying that he was willing
to continuing dialogue over regional autonomy and the issue of the IDH,
but that "if some groups do not want to understand the overwhelming
sentiment of Bolivian people, the thoughts and suffering of the
majorities, then surely they will continue to reduce more and more in
numbers and become more violent. We have an obligation to ensure order so
that there is respect between Bolivians." <br><br>
That same day, the head of the national police force, General Miguel
Gernio, stated that he shared the "anger" that many in the
police force were feeling in regards to the recent spate of attacks
against them, adding "we will not allow more outrages upon our
institution and much less attacks on ... police officers". <br><br>
Opposing moves towards the "disintegration" of the national
police force, Gemio said he was worried that as a product of the loss of
values and nationalist principals, Bolivians were allowing particular
interests to dominate over and above the demands of the majority of
Bolivians, who want peace and respect for the law. <br><br>
Following a meeting between Morales and various social movement leaders
to discuss the issue of the new constitution and potential candidates for
the prefectures of La Paz and Cochabamba, up for election after the
recall of the existing prefects, it was announced that the social
movements would meet in Cochabamba next weekend to discuss how and when
the new constitution will be approved. <br><br>
The various indigenous and peasant organisations also stated they would
be "closing ranks to defend the government, the unity of the country
and the process of change". <br><br>
[Federico Fuentes is editor of
<a href="http://boliviarising.blogspot.com/">
http://boliviarising.blogspot.com</a>.]<br><br>
<br><br>
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