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<font size=3 color="#191919">Palestinian Pinochet Making His Move?<br>
Tony Karon, <i>The Electronic Intifada,</i> 21 May 2007<br><br>
<a href="http://electronicintifada.net/v2/article6925.shtml" eudora="autourl">
http://electronicintifada.net/v2/article6925.shtml<br><br>
</a>Mohammed Dahlan speaks during a Fatah rally at the Casablanca Hotel
in the West Bank town of Ramallah, 15 January 2006. (Mushir
Abdelrahman/<a href="http://www.maanimages.com">MAANnews</a>)<br><br>
There's something a little misleading in the media reports that routinely
describe the fighting in Gaza as pitting Hamas against Fatah forces or
security personnel "loyal to President Mahmoud Abbas." That
characterization suggests somehow that this catastrophic civil war that
has killed approximately 50 Palestinians during the past week is a
showdown between Abbas and the Hamas leadership -- which simply isn't
true, although such a showdown would certainly conform to the desires of
those running the White House Middle East policy.<br><br>
The Fatah gunmen who are reported to have initiated the breakdown of the
Palestinian unity government and provoked the latest fighting may profess
fealty to President Abbas, but it's not from him that they get their
orders. The leader to whom they answer is Mohammed Dahlan, the Gaza
warlord who has long been Washington's anointed favorite to play the role
of a Palestinian Pinochet. And while Dahlan is formally subordinate to
Abbas, whom he supposedly serves as National Security Adviser, nobody
believes that Dahlan answers to Abbas -- in fact, it was suggested at the
time that Abbas appointed Dahlan only under pressure from Washington,
which was irked by the Palestinian Authority president's decision to join
a unity government with Hamas.<br><br>
If Dahlan takes orders from anyone at all, it's certainly not from Abbas.
Abbas has long recognized the democratic legitimacy and popularity of
Hamas, and embraced the reality that no peace process is possible unless
the Islamists are given the place in the Palestinian power structure that
their popular support necessitates. He has always favored negotiation and
cooperation with Hamas -- much to the exasperation of the Bush
Administration, and also of the Fatah warlords whose power of patronage
was threatened by the Hamas election victory -- and could see the logic
of the unity government proposed by the Saudis even when Washington
couldn't. Indeed, as the indispensable Robert Malley and Hussein Agha
note, nothing has hurt Abbas's political standing as much as the
misguided efforts of Washington to boost his standing in the hope of
undermining the elected Hamas government.<br><br>
Needless to say, only an Administration as deluded about its ability to
reorder Arab political realities in line with its own fantasies -- and
also, frankly, as utterly contemptuous of Arab life and of Arab
democracy, empty sloganizing notwithstanding -- as the current one has
proved to be could imagine that the Palestinians could be starved,
battered and manipulated into choosing a Washington-approved political
leadership. Yet, that's exactly what the U.S. has attempted to do ever
since Hamas won the last Palestinian election, imposing a financial and
economic choke hold on an already distressed population, pouring money
and arms into the forces under Dahlan's control, and eventually adapting
itself to funnel monies only through Abbas, as if casting in him in the
role of a kind of Quisling-provider would somehow burnish his appeal
among Palestinian voters. (As I said, their contempt for Arab
intelligence knows no bounds.)<br><br>
Palestinian civilians and militants from Fatah demonstrate in support of
Mohammed Dahlan, Fateh PLC member, near his house in Gaza City, 16
December 2006. The previous day, Hamas accused Dahlan of being behind the
shooting at Prime Minister Ismail Haniyeh as he arrived from Egypt to
Rafah two days beforehand. (Hatem
Omar/<a href="http://www.maanimages.com/">MaanImages</a>)<br><br>
But while the hapless Abbas is little more than a reluctant passenger in
Washington's strategy -- and will, I still believe, repair to his former
exile lodgings in Qatar in the not too distant future -- Mohammed Dahlan
is its point man, the warlord who commands the troops and who has been
spoiling for a fight with Hamas since they had the temerity to trounce
his organization at the polls on home turf.<br><br>
Dahlan's ambitions clearly coincided with plans drawn up by White House
Middle East policy chief, Elliot Abrams -- a veteran of the Reagan
Administration's Central American dirty wars -- to arm and train Fatah
loyalists to prepare them to topple the Hamas government. If Mahmoud
Abbas has been reluctant to embrace the confrontational policy promoted
by the White House, Dahlan has no such qualms. And given that Abbas has
no political base of his own, he is dependent entirely on Washington and
Dahlan.<br><br>
Seeing the disastrous implications of the U.S. policy, the Saudis
appeared to have put the kibosh on Abrams' coup plan by drawing Abbas
into a unity government with Hamas. And as Mark Perry at Conflict Forum
detailed in an excellent analysis Dahlan was just about the only thing
that the U.S. had going for it in terms of resisting the move towards a
unity government. Although his fretting and sulking in Mecca couldn't
prevent the deal, the U.S. appears to have helped him fight back
afterwards by ensuring that he was appointed national security adviser, a
move calculated to provoke Hamas, whose leaders tend to view Dahlan as
little more than a torturer and a de facto enforcer for Israel.<br><br>
But Dahlan appears to have made his move when it came to integrating the
Palestinian Authority security forces (currently dominated by Fatah) by
drawing in Hamas fighters and subjecting the forces to the control of a
politically neutral interior minister. Dahlan simply refused, and set off
the current confrontations by ordering his men out onto the street last
weekend without any authorization from the government of which he is
supposedly a part.<br><br>
The new provocation appears consistent with a revised U.S. plan, reported
on by Mark Perry and Paul Woodward, that emphasized the urgency of
toppling the unity government. They suggest the plan emanates from
Abrams, who they say is operating at cross purposes with Condi Rice's
efforts to appease the Arab moderate regimes by reviving some form of
peace process. They note, for example, that Jewish American sources have
told the <i>Forward</i> and <i>Haaretz</i> that Abrams recently briefed
Jewish Republicans and made clear to them that Rice's efforts were merely
a symbolic exercise aimed at showing Arab allies that the U.S. was
"doing something," but that President Bush would ensure that
nothing would come of them, in the sense that Israel would not be
required to make any concessions.<br><br>
Whatever the precise breakdown within the Bush Administration, it's plain
that Dahlan, like Pinochet a quarter century ago, would not move onto a
path of confrontation with an elected government unless he believed he
had the sanction of powerful forces abroad to do so. If he does move to
turn the current street battle into a frontal assault on the unity
government, chances are it will be because he got a green light from
somewhere -- and certainly not from Mahmoud Abbas.<br><br>
But the confrontation under way has assumed a momentum of its own, and it
may now be beyond the capability of the Palestinian leadership as a whole
to contain it. If that proves true, the petulance that has substituted
for policy in the Bush Administration's response to the 2006 Palestinian
election will have succeeded in turning Gaza into Mogadishu. But it may
be too much to expect the Administration capable of anything different --
after all, they're still busy turning Mogadishu into Mogadishu all over
again.<br><br>
<i>Tony Karon's blog is <a href="http://tonykaron.com/">Rootless
Cosmopolitan</a>, where this analysis was originally published</i>.
<br><br>
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