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Hamas Election Victory: A Vote for Clarity<br>
Ali Abunimah, <i>The Electronic Intifada,</i> 26 January 2006<br><br>
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Hamas supporters, carrying their party's flags, attend a campaign rally
organized by the Hamas movement for the upcoming Palestinian legislative
elections in Gaza January 20, 2006.
(<a href="http://www.maannews.net">MAANnews/Wesam Saleh</a>)<br><br>
Hamas' victory in the Palestinian Authority legislative elections has
everyone asking "what next"? The answer, and whether the result
should be seen as a good or bad thing, depends very much on who is asking
the question.<br><br>
Although a Hamas success was heavily trailed, the scale of the victory
has been widely termed a "shock." Several factors explain the
dramatic rise of Hamas, including disillusionment and disgust with the
corruption, cynicism and lack of strategy of the Fatah faction which has
dominated the Palestinian movement for decades and had arrogantly come to
view itself as the natural and indisputable leader.<br><br>
The election result is not entirely surprising, however, and has been
foreshadowed by recent events. Take for example the city of Qalqilya in
the north of the West Bank. Hemmed in by Israeli settlements and now
completely surrounded by a concrete wall, the city's fifty thousand
residents are prisoners in a Israeli-controlled giant ghetto. For years
Qalqilya's city council was controlled by Fatah but after the completion
of the wall, voters in last years' municipal elections awarded every
single city council seat to Hamas. The Qalqilya effect has now spread
across the occupied territories, with Hamas reportedly winning virtually
all of the seats elected on a geographic basis. Thus Hamas' success is as
much an expression of the determination of Palestinians to resist
Israel's efforts to force their surrender as it is a rejection of Fatah.
It reduces the conflict to its most fundamental elements: there is
occupation, and there is resistance.<br><br>
For Palestinians under occupation, it is not yet clear what Hamas' win
will mean. It is now common to speak of a Palestinian
"government" being formed out of the election results, as
though Palestine were already a sovereign and independent state. But if
the first duty of a government is to protect its people's lives, liberty
and property, then the Palestinian Authority has never deserved to be
called a government. Since its inception, it has not been able to protect
Palestinians from lethal daily attacks by the Israeli army in the heart
of their towns and refugee camps, or to prevent a single dunum of land
being seized for settlements, nor to save a single sapling of the more
than one million trees uprooted by Israel in the past ten years. Rather,
in Israel's conception the Palestinian Authority was supposed to crush
Palestinian resistance to make the occupied territories safe for
continued Israeli colonization. Hamas will certainly not allow that to
continue, but whether it will be able to transform the Authority into an
arm of the struggle against Israel is by no means certain. Hamas, which
has observed a unilateral truce with Israel for a year, has signalled
that it wants to continue this if Israel "reciprocates." The
movement clearly believes it can make such an offer from a position of
strength and it is to its tactical advantage to leave uncertainty about
when and how it might resume full-scale armed resistance.<br><br>
Elements of the Palestinian Authority security services run by Fatah
figures may be unwilling to put themselves under the control of a
Hamas-led authority, which could lead to the collapse of what is left of
the Authority's structure, or even its break-up into personal militias.
Israel and the United States which refuses to accept the outcome of the
election may see an interest in encouraging such an internal conflict.
Israel is likely to use Hamas' win as a further pretext to tighten
repression and accelerate its unilateral imposition of walls and
settlements on the West Bank designed to annex the maximum number of land
with the minimum number of Palestinians. Such developments increase the
risks of a dramatic escalation of Israeli-Palestinian violence.<br><br>
As for the majority of Palestinians, who live as refugees and exiles in
the diaspora, they have been progressively excluded and marginalized from
efforts to solve the conflict. Whereas the US and its allies, with UN
assistance, went to extraordinary lengths to allow Iraqi "out of
country voters" to participate in that country's elections, the same
powers have shown no interest in giving Palestinian refugees a voice.
Fatah, which many Palestinian refugees suspect would sell out their
rights in a peace deal with Israel, obviously had no incentive to demand
such participation. It remains to be seen if Hamas, born in Gaza where
ninety percent of the population are refugees, will be able to articulate
an agenda that speaks to the concerns of the diaspora.<br><br>
For the "international community" -- principally the 'Quartet'
made up of the United States, the European Union, Russia and UN Secretary
General Kofi Annan, the election result is a major embarrassment. They,
and the coterie of well-funded NGOs and think tanks that generate so much
of their intellectual guff have built their approach on the notion that
Palestinian "reform" rather than an end to the Israeli
occupation, is the way to resolve the conflict. While nominally
committing themselves to a two-state solution, these powers dragged the
Fatah-led Palestinian Authority into an endless game where Palestinians
have to jump through hoops to prove their worthiness of basic rights,
while at the same time no pressure has been applied to Israel to end the
confiscation of land and expansion of settlements. This peace process
industry chose to hail Israel's tactical withdrawal of eight thousand
settlers from Gaza last summer, while ignoring the far larger number of
settlers Israel has continued to plant all over the West Bank effectively
rendering a two-state solution unachievable.<br><br>
The principal purpose of this game is not to bring about a just and
lasting peace but merely to inoculate the players from the charge that
they are doing nothing to resolve a conflict that remains an enduring
focus of regional and worldwide concern. A true peace effort would
require confronting Israel and holding it accountable, something none of
the Quartet members have the political will to do. There is no doubt that
Fatah was entirely complicit in the game, to which it had become both a
prisoner and an indispensable partner. Why else would the United States
have desperately tried to shore Fatah up by spending millions of dollars
on projects in recent months designed to buy votes, and why else would
the EU have threatened to cut off aid if Palestinians voted for Hamas?
Most Palestinians could see clearly that after years of negotiations and
billions of dollars of foreign aid that they are poorer and less free
than ever before as more of their land has been seized. It is no wonder
that this kind of bribery and blackmail had no power over them and
probably had the opposite effect, increasing Hamas support.<br><br>
Hamas' victory pulls the rug from under the project of trying to deflect
the blame for the conflict from Israeli colonization to Palestinian
internal pathologies. The peace process industry will not give up easily,
however, and will now urge Hamas to act "responsibly" and to
"moderate" its positions -- which means in effect to abandoning
all forms of resistance and assuming the docile and complicit role
hitherto played by Fatah. <br><br>
The instant US demand that Hamas "recognize Israel" is like
rewinding the clock twenty-five years to when this same demand was the
pretext to ignore and exclude the PLO from peace negotiations. But as
Hamas has observed, all the PLO's submission to these demands did not
lead to any loosening of Israel's grip or any lessening of US support for
Israel. Hamas is unlikely to do as the US demands, and even if it did, it
would probably only give rise to new resistance groups responding to the
worsening conditions on the ground generated by the occupation.<br><br>
<i>Ali Abunimah is a co-founder of The Electronic Intifada<br><br>
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