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From: zili danto <erzilidanto@yahoo.com><br>
Subject: Haiti's achievements under Aristide and Lavalas now lost by
US-led coup by Stephen Lendman <br><br>
<br><br>
HAITI'S ACHIEVEMENTS UNDER ARISTIDE AND LAVALAS - NOW<br>
LOST SINCE THE U.S. LED COUP OUSTING HIM - BY STEPHEN<br>
LENDMAN<br><br>
The long-suffering people of Haiti suffered a<br>
catastrophic blow in February, 2004 when U.S. Marines<br>
kidnapped and deposed democratically elected President<br>
Jean-Bertrand Aristide. The U.S., supported by Canada<br>
and France, forced him into exile, forbade him from<br>
even returning to the hemisphere, and reestablished a<br>
despotic interim puppet government backed and enforced<br>
by so-called UN peacekeepers and a brutal Haitian<br>
National Police. U.S. officials also threatened<br>
Aristide with a second abduction followed by a trial<br>
and imprisonment in the U.S. [on totally fraudulent<br>
charges of looting the Haitian treasury, money<br>
laundering and taking payoffs from drug traffickers]<br>
if he dared act or speak out forcefully against his<br>
ousting, forced exile and the deplorable situation now<br>
in Haiti. These charges are currently included in a<br>
baseless lawsuit the so-called Interim Government of<br>
Haiti has filed against President Aristide even as<br>
they carry out a reign of terror against the Haitian<br>
people. And as they do it, conditions in the country<br>
continue to deterioriate as the occupying forces clamp<br>
down on the people ahead of so-called Presidential and<br>
legislative elections in January. With Haiti an<br>
occupied country, the freedom and democracy they had<br>
is now lost and along with it a decade of impressive<br>
social, economic and political gains they never had<br>
before. <br><br>
Why did the U.S. plan and carry out this act of savage<br>
banditry against a leader beloved by his people and<br>
last reelected in 2000 with 92% of the vote? It was<br>
because he cared about the 80% or more desperately<br>
poor and disadvantaged Haitians and was committed to<br>
improving their lives. He was determined to serve<br>
their interests rather than those of his dominant<br>
northern neighbor. That policy of any nation,<br>
especially less developed ones, is always unacceptable<br>
to the predatory neoliberal agenda of all U.S.<br>
administrations, the giant transnational corporations<br>
whose interests they serve, and in Haiti, their elite<br>
junior business partners. The Bush administration, in<br>
league with these dominant business interests, intends<br>
to return this nation of 8.5 million people, the<br>
poorest in the Americas, to its pre-Aristide status of<br>
virtual serfdom. To do it they destroyed Haiti's<br>
freedom and first ever democracy in its history and<br>
turned the country into a killing field. And to<br>
justify what they did, they conducted a shameless<br>
disinformation campaign, aided by a complicit and<br>
corrupted corporate media, falsely claiming the<br>
Aristide government was rife with corruption,<br>
trafficked drugs and violated human rights. They also<br>
claimed Haiti was poorly governed by inherently inept<br>
people [shameless racism]. They called it a failed<br>
state needing "reform" and "humanitarian<br>
intervention."<br><br>
For U.S. corporations and the Haitian business elite,<br>
Haiti has always been a paradise for some of the<br>
cheapest labor on the planet. It's also had a<br>
long-term endemic problem of men, women and children<br>
being victims of human trafficking for sexual<br>
exploitation, debt bondage and chattel labor. No one<br>
leader or party, no matter how well-intentioned, could<br>
solve all these problems easily or quickly. But<br>
Aristide tried. He wanted something better and for<br>
ten years accomplished impressive achievements with<br>
little outside financial support and against great<br>
odds. What Lavalas administrations accomplished is<br>
explained below.<br><br>
SOCIAL GAINS UNDER LAVALAS<br><br>
1. HEALTH CARE<br><br>
The Aristide government renovated and built health<br>
clinics, hospitals and dispensaries and added improved<br>
medical services. It greatly increased the number of<br>
health care workers including doctors. It spent a<br>
larger percentage of its budget on health care than<br>
any previous Haitian government. It began a<br>
meaningful AIDS prevention and treatment program<br>
praised by international experts that reduced the HIV<br>
prevalence rate from 6.1% to 5% and the mother to<br>
child transmission rate from 30% to 9%. In a<br>
cooperative effort with Cuba it sent hundreds of<br>
Haitian medical students to that country to study to<br>
become doctors and were aided by many more hundreds of<br>
Cuban health care workers coming to Haiti to work in<br>
rural areas. It established a new medical school in<br>
Tabarre which provided free medical education for<br>
hundreds of Haitian students and planned to open a<br>
nursing school which the 2004 coup prevented. <br><br>
Overall, health care availability and improvement made<br>
impressive gains from its formerly dismal state. One<br>
measure was the decline in infant mortality from 125<br>
to 110 per 1000 and a drop in the percentage of<br>
underweight births from 28% to 19%. <br><br>
2. EDUCATION<br><br>
Aristide and Fanmi Lavalas implemented a Universal<br>
Schooling Program intending to include all Haitian<br>
children. 20% of Haiti's budget was devoted to<br>
education, and between 2001 - 2004 school enrollment<br>
rates rose from 68% to 72%. Under Lavalas<br>
administrations, 195 new primary schools and 104 new<br>
public high schools were built including in rural<br>
areas where no schools ever before existed. To<br>
supplement further, Fanmi Lavalas provided thousands<br>
of scholarships for children to attend private<br>
schools. It subsidized schoolbooks and uniforms and<br>
expanded school lunch programs to serve 700,000 hot<br>
meals a day to children who otherwise might have had<br>
no meal.<br><br>
The Aristide government also began a national literacy<br>
campaign, printed 2 million literacy manuals, and<br>
trained thousands of students as literacy workers. It<br>
opened 20,000 adult literacy centers many of which<br>
combined a literacy center with a community kitchen to<br>
provide low cost meals to communities in need. <br>
Between 2001 - 2003 this program taught 100,000 people<br>
to read, and from 1996 - 2003 reduced the illiteracy<br>
rate from 85% to 55%.<br><br>
3. JUSTICE AND HUMAN RIGHTS <br><br>
Contrary to the demonization and disinformation<br>
campaign against Aristide and Lavalas, human rights<br>
and conflict resolution achieved significant gains<br>
under Lavalas administrations. For the first time<br>
ever in Haiti, the rights of the accused were<br>
respected. Those arrested had a formal hearing before<br>
a judge usually within 2 days. Court proceedings were<br>
conducted in Creole, the French derivative language<br>
all Haitians understand. Since the 2004 coup, Lavalas<br>
supporters have been routinely murdered or jailed for<br>
months without charge and without recourse to a fair<br>
trial in court.<br><br>
In 1995 the Lavalas government opened a school for<br>
magistrates. It graduated 100 new judges and<br>
prosecutors between 1996 - 2003. Also, courthouses<br>
and police stations were constructed and refurbished<br>
throughout the country. Special courts for children<br>
were established, and a special child protection unit<br>
was created within the Haitian National Police. Laws<br>
were also passed prohibiting all forms of corporal<br>
punishment against children. And in 2003 a new law<br>
was passed repealing a labor code provision allowing<br>
child domestic service [mostly unpaid and thus chattel<br>
labor], and additional legislation passed prohibiting<br>
all trafficking in persons [a long-term endemic abuse<br>
in Haiti affecting adults and children].<br><br>
Aristide removed the main instrument of state<br>
repression and dozens of previous coups by disbanding<br>
the hated Haitian military - trained by the U.S. to be<br>
an instrument of civilian control and to use brutal<br>
and abusive tactics to do it. This allowed the Haitian<br>
people an unprecedented level of freedom of speech,<br>
assembly and personal safety unknown before. He also<br>
created the National Commission for Truth and Justice<br>
to investigate and report on the crimes committed<br>
during the 1991-1994 coup period. It made its<br>
recommendations for a measure of justice in 1996. As<br>
a result, former soldiers and paramilitaries were<br>
tried for their crimes and convicted when found guilty<br>
in fair trials.<br><br>
POLITICAL GAINS UNDER LAVALAS<br><br>
Until Aristide's election in 1990 Haiti had never<br>
before had a democratically elected President. <br>
Aristide took office in 1991, but his administration<br>
was short-lived because of a military coup that<br>
deposed him later in the year. But in a deal struck<br>
with the Clinton administration Aristide was restored<br>
to office in 1994 and served out the remainder of his<br>
term until 1996. Then, prohibited from succeeding<br>
himself by Haitian law, Aristide ally and Prime<br>
Minister in 1991, Rene Preval, was elected President<br>
with 88% of the vote. Aristide was then reelected in<br>
November, 2000 [representing the Fanmi Lavalas party<br>
he formed in 1996] and served until the February, 2004<br>
coup deposing him. <br><br>
Haiti's independent electoral commission oversaw the<br>
1996 and 2000 presidential elections and 3<br>
parliamentary and local elections. In May, 2000,<br>
29,500 candidates ran for 7,500 posts. Four million<br>
Haitians registered for the election and 60% of them<br>
voted. Many women and peasant leaders were elected to<br>
the House of Deputies, formed a caucus and worked in<br>
Parliament to improve the lives of rural farmers. For<br>
the first time ever Haitian women held the posts of<br>
Prime Minister, Minister of Foreign Affairs, Minister<br>
of Finance and Chief of Police. Also, in 1995<br>
President Aristide established a cabinet level<br>
Ministry of Women's Affairs to work for women's<br>
welfare. Its purpose was multifold and included help<br>
for rape victims, improving literacy and access to<br>
education, vital health services like pre-natal care<br>
and inclusion of women to benefit from increases in<br>
the minimum wage.<br><br>
During this period, the Haitian people enjoyed<br>
unprecedented freedom to organize, speak out freely<br>
and assemble. The number of radio stations in<br>
Port-au-Prince expanded to 44 and another 100 outside<br>
the capitol. 16 TV stations were registered in the<br>
capitol and 35 more nationwide. Also, the Haitian<br>
Constitution of 1987 was printed in Creole and was<br>
widely distributed so Haitians were aware of their<br>
rights which, for the first time, they really had.<br><br>
For nearly 10 years the Haitian people had its only<br>
democracy in its 500 year history and a government and<br>
leaders it chose who for the first time cared about<br>
the welfare of ordinary Haitians and established<br>
policies to improve their lives. All that was lost in<br>
February, 2004. The Haitian people want it restored<br>
and resistance is growing to try and achieve it.<br><br>
ECONOMIC GAINS UNDER LAVALAS<br><br>
Aristide raised the minimum wage in 1995 and doubled<br>
it in 2003. He instituted an extensive land reform<br>
program distributing 2.47 acres of land to each of<br>
1500 peasant families in the Artibonite River Valley. <br>
His government provided tools, credit, technical<br>
assistance, fertilizers and heavy equipment to<br>
farmers. Irrigation systems were repaired bringing<br>
water to 7000 farmers. As a result, rice yields [from<br>
Haiti's main staple crop] rose from 2.7 tons per<br>
hectare to between 3 - 3.5 tons.<br><br>
The government distributed tens of thousands of<br>
reintroduced Creole pigs to Haitian farmers. This<br>
reversed a 1980 U.S. International Development Agency<br>
[USAID] extermination policy done for fraudulent<br>
reasons to prevent Haitian farmers from competing with<br>
pig farmers in the U.S. This act cost Haitian farmers<br>
hundreds of millions of dollars for which they<br>
received no compensation.<br><br>
The Aristide administration campaigned aggressively to<br>
collect unpaid tax and utility bills owed the<br>
government by wealthy and powerful elite businessmen. <br>
Through this effort they generated new revenues which<br>
were used for health care and education.<br><br>
The government repaired and reopened the state owned<br>
sugar mill in Dabonne that enabled Haiti to process<br>
its own sugar. Also, 30,000 fishermen received<br>
technical aid and training to build boats, Haiti's<br>
lakes were planted with fish stocks and 50 new lakes<br>
were built.<br><br>
The Lavalas administrations created hundreds of<br>
community stores and restaurants which sold food at<br>
discount prices forcing the wealthy elites' import<br>
monopolies to reduce their prices and make them more<br>
affordable to poor Haitians. As a result, by 2003<br>
malnutrition dropped from 63% to 51%.<br><br>
In 2002 and 2003 more than 1000 low cost housing units<br>
were built, and low interest loans enabled ordinary<br>
working-class Haitians to buy them.<br><br>
In 1994 the Haitian government established a program<br>
to help refugees who fled the country after the 1991<br>
coup to return. Programs included carpentry and<br>
sewing workshops and help in setting up agricultural<br>
cooperatives. This initiative helped 100,000 refugees<br>
return to their homes. The government also<br>
established an Office for Civil Protection to support<br>
the Haitian Red Cross send out early warnings of<br>
impending natural disasters and help those affected<br>
they they occurred.<br><br>
All of these vital gains are now being reversed or<br>
adversely affected by the current interim U.S.<br>
installed puppet government.<br><br>
OTHER NOTABLE LAVALAS ACHIEVEMENTS<br><br>
Despite misinformation to the contrary, Lavalas<br>
administrations passed legislation to combat drug<br>
trafficking and money laundering and worked<br>
cooperatively with the U.S. Drug Enforcement Agency<br>
[DEA] to inderdict drugs and deport drug dealers<br>
wanted by U.S. authorities. In addition, the National<br>
Committee Against Money Laundering, the National<br>
Committee to Combat Drug Trafficking and Substance<br>
Abuse and a Financial Intelligence Unit were created<br>
to enforce the laws passed.<br><br>
The government also campaigned against public<br>
corruption by producing public service announcements<br>
and instituting new procedures to combat this abuse. <br>
Investigations of government officials and other<br>
employees involved in improper or illegal activities<br>
were conducted, and those found guilty were fired or<br>
prosecuted.<br><br>
The Lavalas administrations made major investments in<br>
projects to help the Haitian people. They included<br>
important improvements in infrastructure, public<br>
transportation and agriculture. Thousands of miles of<br>
drainage canals were constructed, repaired or dredged.<br>
In Jacmel a new electric power plant was built, and<br>
the port and wharf were renovated. In Port-au-Prince<br>
the international airport and national stadium were<br>
renovated. Dozens of open-air markets [an important<br>
Haitian institution] were built or renovated in cities<br>
around the country.<br><br>
CONDITIONS IN HAITI TODAY SINCE THE 2004 COUP<br><br>
All the achievements discussed above were impressive<br>
and remarkable considering Haiti's long and tragic<br>
history as a brutally exploited state - first by Spain<br>
and France and then by the U.S. However, since the<br>
2004 coup ousting President Aristide, all of them have<br>
been adversely affected or reversed.<br><br>
Most serious has been the destruction of real<br>
democracy and freedom in Haiti and the tragic and<br>
horrific fallout from it. To serve the interests of<br>
U.S. corporations and the elite Haitian rich, the<br>
Haitian National Police [PNH] and so-called UN<br>
peacekeepers [MINUSTAH] have unleashed a reign of<br>
terror against the Haitian people. President<br>
Aristide's Fanmi Lavalas party has been destroyed and<br>
its officials jailed, murdered or forced to flee to<br>
avoid either fate. In addition, thousands of Lavalas<br>
supporters [the great majority of Haitians] and<br>
community and labor activists have been killed,<br>
jailed, disappeared or forced into hiding. Also,<br>
thousands of small businesses have been burned and<br>
destroyed as have the homes of large numbers of the<br>
poor. Jobs have been lost as well, including those of<br>
4000 public sector workers hired under President<br>
Aristide immediately eliminated after the coup. As a<br>
result, the already very high level of unemployment<br>
has risen further.<br><br>
The brutal and hated former Haitian military has also<br>
been reinstituted and now controls large areas of the<br>
country in an environment of martial law. In the<br>
cities the PNH operates as a de facto paramilitary<br>
force with a license to terrorize and kill with<br>
impunity. Along with MINUSTAH [led by contingents<br>
from Brazil and Chile, with a long history of<br>
repressing their home populations], the PNH conducts<br>
frequent violent sweeps through poor communities and<br>
neighborhoods, like Cite Soleil and Bel Air,<br>
attacking, arresting and murdering community leaders,<br>
activists and other Lavalas supporters. <br><br>
In rural areas, absentee landlords along with armed<br>
paramilitaries have seized peasant farmer land given<br>
them as part of the Land Reform projects by Lavalas<br>
administrations. The new interim U.S. installed<br>
government headed by Prime Minister Gerard Latortue<br>
[imported from Florida for the job] ended subsidies on<br>
fertilizer vital to peasant rice farmers. As a<br>
result, the cost of fertilizer has more than doubled,<br>
and the price of rice [Haiti's main staple crop] has<br>
risen sharply, adversely affecting the poor majority<br>
[80% or more of the population]. The interim<br>
government also cancelled school subsidies for<br>
children and textbooks and stopped funding literacy<br>
programs. Many poor families have thus been unable to<br>
keep their children in school. <br><br>
U.S. agencies like the U.S. International Development<br>
Agency [USAID] and the Washington based and nominally<br>
independent Haiti Democracy Project are also deeply<br>
involved in making Haiti policy. The latter is funded<br>
by the wealthy right-wing Haitian Boulos family, USAID<br>
funded Radio Vision 2000 and other Haitian business<br>
interests. Its board of directors includes former U.S.<br>
ambassadors to Haiti, others close to the U.S. State<br>
Department and Haitian business leaders. This<br>
organization [or independent think tank as they call<br>
themselves] along with U.S. acting ambassador Timothy<br>
Carney are likely making day-to-day policy decisions<br>
in Haiti while USAID is serving overall U.S. Haiti<br>
policy objectives by attempting to "pacify" the<br>
country. It's doing it through a sham and grossly<br>
inadequate fig leaf program of establishing a few<br>
nongovernmental organization [NGO] type operations to<br>
provide some essential services like "primary care"<br>
and "child survival services," in place of Lavalas,<br>
while at the same time administering with an iron<br>
fist. It started the first prison for children with<br>
others for children and adults likely to follow. The<br>
overall aim is to turn Haiti into a tranquil combined<br>
open air and enclosed "prison colony" to create a<br>
favorable climate for business. <br><br>
In addition, the predatory international lending<br>
agencies, including the IMF and World Bank, are<br>
demanding their pound of flesh that will further<br>
deepen Haiti's already overwhelming and crushing<br>
poverty. In their business as usual fashion they have<br>
actively implemented their exploitative and<br>
destructive structural adjustment policies of forced<br>
privatizations and downsizings of state owned<br>
industries and elimination of Lavalas instituted<br>
social programs in return for financial aid, adding to<br>
Haiti's already onerous debt burden [most of it<br>
"odious" debt].<br><br>
The dominant U.S. corporate media and international<br>
community overall have largely ignored the ongoing<br>
tragedy and horror in Haiti since the coup. With no<br>
pun intended, Haiti today is literally a black hole,<br>
out of sight and out of mind. The U.S. now calls the<br>
shots while their complicit and subservient in-country<br>
proxies have turned back the clock to its ugly<br>
despotic past of brutal repression and even more<br>
extreme poverty, depravation and human suffering. <br><br>
SCHEDULED PRESIDENTIAL AND LEGISLATIVE ELECTIONS <br><br>
The so-called Interim Government of Haiti [IGH] has<br>
scheduled a first round of Presidential and<br>
legislative elections on January 8 with a runoff to<br>
follow on February 15 and local elections finally on<br>
March 5. This is the fourth reset of elections dates<br>
in the last 5 months. That's because the planning and<br>
preparation handled by the Provisional Electoral<br>
Commission [CEP] has been as flawed as the notion of a<br>
free and democratic process in a nation now led by a<br>
U.S. appointed Prime Minister in charge of a de facto<br>
military junta answerable to the Bush administration.<br>
Although reportedly 3.5 million of the estimated 4.2<br>
million eligible to vote have registered, the list of<br>
candidates running excludes nearly all former Lavalas<br>
members. At present and subject to change, 32<br>
candidates are running for President including Rene<br>
Preval who served a full term as Lavalas'<br>
democratically elected President from 1996 - 2000.<br>
With Lavalas a destroyed party and out of the<br>
political process, the fact that Preval has been<br>
allowed to run means it's likely he's been co-opted<br>
and has deserted his former democratic allies and<br>
accepted or joined with those now in power. <br><br>
The most beloved and popular man still in Haiti,<br>
Father Gerard Jean-Juste, will not be allowed to run<br>
and has been imprisoned without charge to prevent his<br>
inclusion in the election. He currently has been<br>
diagnosed with a serious medical condition requiring<br>
his release to be able to be treated properly. Without<br>
a strong outcry and intervention for him it's doubtful<br>
he'll get it, and that may jeopardize his life. Most<br>
other candidates are those the Bush administration<br>
finds "acceptable" including Dumarsais Simeus, a<br>
Haitian born Texas millionaire, Guy Philippe [a former<br>
police chief and paramilitary thug who led the armed<br>
coup against President Aristide in 2004] and Dany<br>
Toussaint [a suspected murderer]. In addition, over<br>
1100 candidates are running for parliament. <br><br>
Whenever these so-called elections are finally<br>
completed, the result will not represent the will of<br>
the Haitian people. With Lavalas [the overwhelming<br>
choice of the Haitian majority] mostly destroyed as a<br>
political entity, the country under a repressive<br>
foreign military occupation, and the entire electoral<br>
process deeply flawed and effectively rigged, the hope<br>
for a democratic election is nil. In addition, the<br>
likelihood of electoral fraud is very great, and the<br>
Elections Canada Monitoring Mission there to detect it<br>
is unlikely to do so because of Canada's support for<br>
the U.S. led coup and its participation in MINUSTAH.<br>
There is also no way of knowing how many Haitians will<br>
actually vote despite the reported number registered.<br>
Those wanting to do so will be greatly hampered or<br>
unable to as the number of polling stations have been<br>
reduced from 12,000 in 2000 to 600 now, mostly in<br>
urban areas. The majority poor who supported<br>
Aristide/Lavalas are in the rural areas, hours away<br>
from where they could vote. Distance and the threat<br>
of electoral violence may stop them. <br><br>
For now the dream of most Haitians remains unfulfilled<br>
and unlikely to improve any time soon. Still, in<br>
spite of their desperation and without outside<br>
support, the Haitian people remain resolute and<br>
courageous. Since the coup, they have rallied<br>
repeatedly and protested in the streets en masse for<br>
the release of political prisoners, the return of<br>
President Aristide and a restoration of their brief<br>
democracy. And despite the daily terror and violence<br>
against them, they have continued their resistance<br>
bravely. Their story needs to be told, and they<br>
deserve the full support of caring people everywhere. <br><br>
Stephen Lendman lives in Chicago and can be reached at<br>
lendmanstephen@sbcglobal.net<br><br>
***********************************************<br>
Forwarded by the Haitian Lawyers Leadership Network<br>
***********************************************<br>
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