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<font size=3>A good comprehensive view of the rebellion in France
-<br><br>
<br>
</font><font face="Courier New, Courier" size=3>The revolt of France’s
“low-class scum” lights up<br>
the sky<br><br>
AWTW News Service, 7 November 2005. A World to Win News Service.
<br><br>
The rulers of France are facing their worst crisis in<br>
decades. Prime Minister Dominique de Villepin has<br>
invoked a half-century old law that has not been<br>
used since France’s colonial war in Algeria,<br>
allowing local authorities to declare a state of<br>
emergency and impose a curfew forbidding anyone<br>
to be on the streets at certain hours. Although<br>
de Villepin ruled out turning to the army at this<br>
point, his critics point out that once such<br>
measures are imposed, they can be taken as a<br>
challenge, and if sufficient force is not used to<br>
enforce them, the government could find its<br>
situation deteriorating still further. The<br>
problem, for them, is a revolt by the people<br>
France’s Interior Minister Nicolas Sarkozy called<br>
not human beings at all but racaille, rabble or<br>
low-class scum. The once-voiceless youth from the<br>
cités (housing estates or projects) have put<br>
themselves at the centre of events, and forced<br>
everyone else to define themselves in relation to<br>
them.<br><br>
Shortly after he took his present job, Sarkozy<br>
declared “war without mercy” against the<br>
“riffraff” in France’s suburbs. He said he would<br>
take a Karcher, a high-pressure water hose most<br>
famously used to wash dog excrement off sidewalks<br>
and streets, to “clean out” the cités, home to<br>
much of the immigrant population and the lower<br>
section of the working class of all<br>
nationalities. This was not just talk. He<br>
unleashed his police to harass and humiliate<br>
youth even more than usual. It is common for<br>
young men walking down the street alone at night<br>
to be suddenly jumped by a carload of cops for an<br>
“identity check” that often means getting thrown<br>
on the ground, handcuffed if they open their<br>
mouth to protest, and slapped around. In recent<br>
weeks, the police have sharply stepped up this<br>
persecution. From time to time youths responded<br>
by burning cars at random, something that has<br>
become a common act of rebellion in France in<br>
recent years.<br><br>
Their smouldering anger first burst into flames<br>
on 27 October in Clichy-sous-Bois, a suburb to<br>
the east of Paris formerly considered a quiet<br>
town. A group of young teenagers were coming home<br>
after an afternoon spent playing football. Later<br>
the police claimed that someone had tried to<br>
break into a construction site office in a vacant<br>
lot that lay in their path, although there are no<br>
offices on the lot, or anything of value. A<br>
carload of police showed up – the BAC, a special<br>
brigade whose job is to brutalise cité youth. The<br>
kids ran. Three of them tried to escape by<br>
climbing over a metre and a half-high wall.<br>
Several youth who had been arrested earlier and<br>
were being held in other police cars overheard<br>
the cops’ communications. One cop radioed in a<br>
report, saying they had seen some teenagers<br>
climbing over the wall into an electrical power<br>
substation. “They’re in mortal danger,” he said.<br>
“Well,” came the response, “they won’t get far.”<br>
Almost an hour later, the firemen’s rescue squad<br>
showed up and finally had the current cut off.<br>
They found two boys dead, and a third severely<br>
hurt. <br><br>
Small groups of youth burned rubbish bins and<br>
cars and threw rocks and bottles at police that<br>
night. The next afternoon there was a silent<br>
march in solidarity with the families of the two<br>
dead youth, Bouna Traore and Zyed Benna. The<br>
media described them as 15 and 17 years old,<br>
although some local people say both were younger<br>
than reported. Bouna, whose family came from<br>
Mauritania, was known as a good soccer player.<br>
Zyed, of Tunisian origin, was considered a nice<br>
kid by older neighbours because he offered to run<br>
errands for them. The next night saw more local<br>
outbreaks on about the same level as the previous<br>
one. <br><br>
In the following days, Sarkozy helicoptered into<br>
a nearby town – local youth say he didn’t dare<br>
come to Clichy. Striking his most macho pose, he<br>
ranted about “hoodlums” and racaille in what his<br>
critics and supporters alike took as a deliberate<br>
provocation. On 31 October, the police fired a<br>
tear gas grenade into a mosque crowded with<br>
worshippers celebrating an important night of<br>
Ramadan, the Muslim holy month. The effects<br>
lingered for the rest of the week. The<br>
authorities refused to apologize for anything.<br>
The parents of the two dead boys stood firm in<br>
the face of government efforts to conciliate<br>
them.<br><br>
Instead of dying out after the weekend, the<br>
flames grew higher and spread. Hundreds of cars<br>
were burned and scores of people detained every<br>
night. A week later, as the fighting died down<br>
here, an even bigger clash between youth and<br>
police took place in nearby Aulnay-sous-Bois.<br>
Small groups of very young teenagers set cars on<br>
fire in some 20 towns around Paris, many of them<br>
in department 93, east and north of the capital.<br>
A police station, an unemployment office, big and<br>
little stores, two schools and a bus depot were<br>
burned down. By Friday 5 November, 900 cars had<br>
been burned in the Paris region; the next night<br>
flames consumed 500 cars in the Paris region and<br>
nearly 800 more in half a dozen cities across<br>
France from north to south. <br><br>
With one possible exception, a retired autoworker<br>
killed in his parking lot in murky circumstances,<br>
there have been very few reports of the youth<br>
deliberately attacking ordinary people of any<br>
nationality in the cités or anywhere else,<br>
although a handful of bystanders have been hurt.<br>
In fact, there seems to be much less fighting<br>
between youth of different neighbourhoods than<br>
usual. The targets of the youth are very clear<br>
and not at all random in the broad sense: the<br>
police, the government and anything seen as its<br>
representatives, and the prevailing social order.<br>
Burning cars is a form of disorder and challenge<br>
to authority that the forces of order, as they<br>
call themselves in France, cannot tolerate.<br><br>
The police answered with water cannons –<br>
Sarkozy’s Karcher, and especially rubber bullets,<br>
along with tear gas and clubs. Youth say the<br>
“flash ball” bullets really hurt, especially in<br>
the face or neck. On 4 November, for the first<br>
time in France, helicopters hovered just over the<br>
rooftops of massive public housing complexes in<br>
Paris and at least one other city. They shined<br>
searchlights onto walkways and into apartment<br>
windows, filming everything and coordinating<br>
mobile squads of police. But the tactics of the<br>
authorities have gone through stages. At first<br>
there were not many arrests. The police would<br>
sweep up everyone they could catch at a given<br>
scene, and later release most of them. The<br>
authorities seemed to be hoping the youth would<br>
lose heart, and worried about further inflaming<br>
them. Almost a week and a half later, with the<br>
youth becoming bolder than ever, Sarkozy<br>
proclaimed, “Arrests – that’s the key.” After<br>
that, hundreds were taken into custody every<br>
night. By 7 November about 20 had already been<br>
sentenced to prison and 30 more were awaiting<br>
trial for what the government threatens will be<br>
very serious charges. According to official<br>
figures, half of those in jail at that point were<br>
under 18, and almost all under 25. <br><br>
The authorities are howling that the youth are<br>
“using real guns”, which would be unusual in<br>
France. In the only such incident reported,<br>
police in Grigny, south of Paris, said they were<br>
“ambushed” by groups of young men with baseball<br>
bats and guns. It turned out that two officers<br>
were slightly wounded by non-lethal birdshot. The<br>
police claimed they had found an empty real rifle<br>
shell on the ground afterward. This may be a way<br>
for the state to justify the use on their part of<br>
far more deadly force.<br><br>
An editorial in the so-called leftist daily<br>
Libération claimed that the fighting is being<br>
“organised” by “gang kingpins eager to clear out<br>
the police so they can deal drugs, and by imams<br>
seeking cannon fodder for their jihad.” As far as<br>
the first charge is concerned, the press itself<br>
has quoted cité residents pointing out that<br>
serious dealers are not going to organise<br>
anything that disturbs business. As a man from<br>
Aulnay said, “It’s the state that’s very happy to<br>
see drugs flood into the ghettos.” The<br>
underground economy in all forms thrives in the<br>
cités, but that’s not what lies behind this<br>
outbreak. <br><br>
Some politicians claim to see the hand of<br>
Al-Qaeda behind it all, which is a coded way of<br>
saying that the proper response to these youth’s<br>
actions is a bloodbath. But even the charge that<br>
it is a consciously Islamic upsurge or that imams<br>
are leading it is totally wrong. Muslim leaders<br>
in the cités have been sending out their<br>
followers to try and pour water on the outbreaks<br>
since the beginning. Even if they sympathise with<br>
the youth against the government, they are<br>
against what they consider unruly behaviour. The<br>
Union of French Islamic Organisations issued a<br>
fatwa (religious ruling) forbidding all Muslims<br>
to participate in or contribute to “any action<br>
that blindly hits private or public property or<br>
could constitute an attack on someone’s life.” <br><br>
The French government’s attitude toward Islam is<br>
two-faced. It attacks the rights of Muslims under<br>
the guise of secularism. It banned women wearing<br>
a head covering from entering a school – as if<br>
depriving observant young Muslim women of an<br>
education is anything but racism and more<br>
oppression of women. At the same time, Sarkozy<br>
has spent great efforts to pull the imams under<br>
the government’s wing, so that the government<br>
presides over their appointment and financing,<br>
and in some ways turn them into an organised arm<br>
of the state to be used to control immigrant<br>
communities. In Aulnay, a woman remarked, “Every<br>
time something like this happens they build a new<br>
mosque. That’s not what all of us want.”<br><br>
The basic problem with this revolt, as far as the<br>
powers that be are concerned, is not who is<br>
behind it, but that no one is. No one started it,<br>
so there is no one to call it off. The foreign<br>
media have exaggerated certain aspects of the<br>
fighting. There have been few full-scale pitched<br>
battles, and even the hit-and-run actions have<br>
left very few police seriously injured. Most<br>
youth most of the time seem to be avoiding<br>
head-on confrontations they feel they can’t win.<br>
The reason for the French government’s crisis is<br>
that whatever Sarkozy thought he was doing, the<br>
situation has gotten out of his or anyone else’s<br>
control. It has turned out to be not proof of the<br>
power of the state’s steel hand, as Sarkozy may<br>
have hoped, but of its limits and of the power of<br>
the streets. The state has been unable to stop<br>
these disturbances so far. Not only have their<br>
efforts failed; they have just fanned the flames,<br>
and worse, spread burning oil to every part of<br>
the country. Their state itself is not in danger,<br>
but the youth are contesting their authority. <br><br>
The Minister of the Interior’s CRS, the national<br>
riot police, are said to be stretched thin and<br>
tiring. Significantly, an emergency meeting of<br>
ministers on 4 November included not only Sarkozy<br>
and the various ministers responsible for aspects<br>
of life in France’s ghettos, but also the Defence<br>
Minister. Calling out the army, however, may not<br>
be a solution either, especially in the longer<br>
run. In one town in department 93, a shopkeeper<br>
who was critical of the youths for destroying<br>
property explained why he thought the government<br>
was hesitant to bring in the regular armed<br>
forces. “If the army comes it, that’s it. I’m<br>
shutting down and so will every other shopkeeper<br>
in 93. No one will stand for that.” In fact,<br>
extreme hostility to such a government action<br>
would extend far more broadly than the department<br>
and its shopkeepers. It might create a<br>
polarisation in which many people who do not<br>
stand with the youth now would consider the<br>
government unacceptable. For historical reasons<br>
that have to do with the French state’s<br>
collaboration with the Nazi occupation and with<br>
the French colonial war in Algeria and the May<br>
1968 revolt that rocked the country, dislike of<br>
the forces of order runs particularly broad and<br>
deep in France.<br><br>
This crisis has had contradictory effects on the<br>
ruling classes and what in France is called “the<br>
political class”, those who take turns running<br>
the government. It has set them against one<br>
another at some moments, and pulled them apart at<br>
others. At first Prime Minister Dominique de<br>
Villepin tried to distance himself from his<br>
Interior Minister, Sarkozy, a political rival<br>
whom he criticised for using intemperate<br>
language. For the first few days and to some<br>
extent afterward, President Jacques Chirac<br>
distanced himself from both of them with his<br>
silence. Criticism of Sarkozy’s language even<br>
came from one of Sarkozy’s fellow cabinet<br>
members, the token Arab junior minister for<br>
“Equal Opportunities”. One of the several police<br>
unions called for Sarkozy to shut up because he<br>
was endangering cops. But a week or ten days<br>
later, very few establishment figures had<br>
anything bad to say about Sarkozy in public – his<br>
big mouth had become the least of their worries.<br><br>
The youth are demanding Sarkozy’s resignation.<br>
That demand is almost universally repeated by<br>
people from immigrant backgrounds and very widely<br>
supported by people of all nationalities in the<br>
cités and far more broadly, including a large<br>
part of the middle class. Sarkozy is the most<br>
open face of repression, a man who styles himself<br>
as an “American”-style politician in the sense of<br>
a boastfully reactionary bully who doesn’t try to<br>
hide it. That suits his position as Interior<br>
Minister, which is probably why his rivals gave<br>
him that office. His job is to represent the hard<br>
edge of the state against the people, using force<br>
against not only immigrants and their children<br>
but also strikers, and imposing repression in<br>
general. Maybe at first de Villepin and Chirac<br>
were hoping that Sarkozy’s arrogance would be his<br>
downfall. But no one in the political class could<br>
accept a situation in which the racaille drove<br>
the country’s chief cop from office. <br><br>
The Socialist Party doesn’t dare try to take<br>
political advantage of the situation to reverse<br>
their own decline, at least right now, even<br>
though their rank and file would welcome going<br>
after Sarkozy. Their leaders argue that<br>
“restoring calm” is a precondition for even<br>
talking about anything else and explicitly<br>
refused to join the call for his resignation. <br><br>
The revisionist Communist Party is no less<br>
unhappy with the situation. They try to heap all<br>
the blame on Sarkozy and the right, as if when<br>
they were in power the so-called “left”<br>
parliamentary parties didn’t take the same stance<br>
toward the cité youth (a Socialist education<br>
minister called them “savages”) – and more<br>
importantly, as if during their many years in<br>
office these parties didn’t help make French<br>
society what it is today. The party does call for<br>
Sarkozy’s resignation, but at the same time it<br>
has distanced itself far away from the cité<br>
youth. Asked on radio if youth who burn cars are<br>
“victims or offenders,” party head Marie-Georges<br>
Buffet quickly answered, “Offenders.” Her party’s<br>
press called the rebellion “the disastrous result<br>
of disastrous policies.” They clamour for an<br>
“investigation” of the death of the two boys, as<br>
if the facts weren’t clear enough – as if this<br>
were not clearly a case of right and wrong and<br>
the people had not already reached a verdict.<br>
While CP elected officials held a “peace”<br>
demonstration in front of the Prime Minister’s<br>
offices, their local forces tried to organise<br>
“peace” demonstrations in working class<br>
neighbourhoods. In the last weeks youth have<br>
risen up in towns run by Socialist, Communist and<br>
rightwing mayors without distinction because<br>
which party is in power makes no difference in<br>
their lives.<br><br>
The truth is that France has seen far too many<br>
years of “calm” in the face of oppression and the<br>
kind of “peace” that comes from the downtrodden<br>
accepting their fate. What’s so good about<br>
quietly accepting the kind of life imposed not<br>
only on these youth but on the great majority of<br>
people in France? Violence within the ranks of<br>
the people seems to be at a low point right now<br>
and the spirits of the youth are soaring. Their<br>
rebellion is not a “disaster”. It is very good.<br>
It represents fresh air amid political and social<br>
suffocation – something positive amid a pervasive<br>
atmosphere of cynicism and just<br>
putting-your-head-down-and-trying-to-get-by that<br>
has prevailed for far too long since the defeat<br>
of the May 1968 rebellion and the betrayal of<br>
people’s hopes represented by the Socialist-led<br>
and revisionist-supported Mitterrand government.<br>
These youth want to fight, not vote – and they<br>
are going up against the predominant idea that<br>
nothing can be changed in a country where the<br>
electorate united against the openly fascist<br>
candidate Jean-Marie Le Pen a few years ago, only<br>
to elect Chirac and get Sarkozy. Whatever<br>
mistakes the youth may be making, this rebellion<br>
represents the best hope that France has seen in<br>
decades for a different kind of society. <br><br>
Is important to note that one of the main carrots<br>
offered by Prime Minister Villepin, who plays the<br>
“good cop” to Sarkozy’s stick, is a programme<br>
that would allow youth to leave school at age 14,<br>
instead of 16, so that they can start working as<br>
“apprentices” in below-minimum wage jobs of the<br>
dead-end kind reserved for school dropouts. In<br>
other words, the best that is being promised them<br>
is more or less what their parents endured, when<br>
their parents endured that in the hopes that<br>
their children would get something better. What<br>
the phoney socialists and revisionists refuse to<br>
admit is that even if the capitalists and their<br>
government wanted to, they couldn’t offer these<br>
youth decent jobs and still employ them<br>
profitably. That’s why the ruling classes<br>
consider the unemployed and especially the<br>
immigrants and their children “useless” people to<br>
be suppressed and gotten rid of to the extent<br>
possible. Sarkozy’s policies are an _expression of<br>
this underlying economic reality.<br><br>
The often-heard complaint among mainstream and<br>
even many “far left” “political people” that<br>
these youth are “apolitical” is one-sided and<br>
mainly nonsense, although these youth have not<br>
gained the conscious understanding that would be<br>
necessary for them to go further, even in the<br>
limited sense of having a clear understanding of<br>
the nature of their enemies and seeking allies<br>
against them. It is not “apolitical” to reject<br>
the only life the system can offer them – it is<br>
breaking with the bourgeois definition of what<br>
politics are allowed and whether the starting<br>
point of politics is, as another article in<br>
Libération said, the “recognition” that the<br>
present system is the only possible one. In fact,<br>
not only have the youth refused to accept the<br>
circumstances in which they themselves are<br>
imprisoned, they pay more real attention to key<br>
world affairs such as in Iraq and Palestine, or<br>
at least feel them more deeply, than many of<br>
their elders who have let their opposition to<br>
imperialist crimes go soft because “their”<br>
government tries to appear uninvolved.<br><br>
These youth are neither “victims” nor<br>
“offenders”. They have become makers of history,<br>
taking action on a scale that no one else has in<br>
a country where the majority feel ground down at<br>
best. They have stormed onto the stage of<br>
political life that has been forbidden to them.<br>
There is a consensus among mainstream political<br>
parties and the tolerated opposition that this<br>
outbreak should be stifled and/or crushed, but<br>
above all ended – quickly. These youth are<br>
struggling to awaken, in a country full of<br>
sleepers, and it’s about time.<br>
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