<html>
<body>
<font face="arial" size=3><br><br>
Outlawing Dissent<br><br>
Spying on peace meetings, cracking down on protesters,<br>
keeping secret files on innocent people -- how Bush's<br>
war on terror has become a war on freedom.<br><br>
- - - - - - - - - - - -<br>
By Michelle Goldberg<br>
Salon.com<br><br>
<a href="http://www.salon.com/news/feature/2004/02/11/cointelpro/index_np.html" eudora="autourl">http://www.salon.com/news/feature/2004/02/11/cointelpro/index_np.html</a><br><br>
Feb. 11, 2004 | The undercover cop introduced<br>
herself to the activists from the Colorado Coalition<br>
Against the War in Iraq as Chris Hoffman, but her real<br>
name was Chris Hurley. Last March, she arrived at a<br>
nonviolence training session in Denver, along with<br>
another undercover officer, Brad Wanchisen, whom she<br>
introduced as her boyfriend. The session, held at the<br>
Escuela Tlatelolco, a Denver private school, was<br>
organized to prepare activists for a sit-in at the<br>
Buckley Air National Guard Base the next day, March<br>
15. Hurley said she wanted to participate. She said<br>
she was willing to get arrested for the cause of<br>
peace. In fact, she did get arrested. She was just<br>
never charged. The activists she protested with<br>
wouldn't find out why for months.<br><br>
Chris Hurley was just one of many cops all over the<br>
country who went undercover to spy on antiwar<br>
protesters last year. Nonviolent antiwar groups in<br>
Fresno, Calif., Grand Rapids, Mich., and Albuquerque,<br>
N.M., have all been infiltrated or surveilled by<br>
undercover police officers. Shortly after the Buckley<br>
protest, the Boulder group was infiltrated a second<br>
time, by another pair of police posing as an activist<br>
couple.<br><br>
Meanwhile, protesters arrested at antiwar<br>
demonstrations in New York last spring were<br>
extensively questioned about their political<br>
associations, and their answers were entered into<br>
databases. And last week, a federal prosecutor in Des<br>
Moines, Iowa, obtained a subpoena demanding that Drake<br>
University turn over records from an antiwar<br>
conference called "Stop the Occupation! Bring the Iowa<br>
Guard Home!" that the school's chapter of the National<br>
Lawyers Guild, a civil libertarian legal group, hosted<br>
on Nov. 15 of last year, the day before a protest at<br>
the Iowa National Guard headquarters. Among the<br>
information the government sought was the names of the<br>
leaders of the Drake University Chapter of the<br>
National Lawyers Guild, its records dating back to<br>
January of 2002, and the names of everyone who<br>
attended the "Stop the Occupation!" conference. Four<br>
antiwar activists also received subpoenas in the<br>
investigation.<br><br>
On Tuesday, after a national outcry, the U.S.<br>
Attorney's Office canceled the subpoenas. Still, says<br>
Bruce Nestor, a former president of the National<br>
Lawyers Guild who is serving as the Drake chapter's<br>
attorney, "We're concerned that some type of<br>
investigation is ongoing."<br><br>
In the early 1970s, after the exposure of COINTELPRO,<br>
a program of widespread FBI surveillance and sabotage<br>
of political dissidents, reforms were put in place to<br>
prevent the government from spying on political groups<br>
when there was no suspicion of criminal activity. But<br>
once again, protesters throughout America are being<br>
watched, often by police who are supposed to be<br>
investigating terrorism. Civil disobedience, seen<br>
during peaceful times as the honorable legacy of<br>
heroes like Gandhi and Martin Luther King Jr., is<br>
being treated as terrorism's cousin, and the<br>
government claims to be justified in infiltrating any<br>
meeting where it's even discussed. It's too early to<br>
tell if America is entering a repeat of the COINTELPRO<br>
era. But Jeffrey Fogel, legal director of the Center<br>
for Constitutional Law in Manhattan, says, "There are<br>
certainly enough warning signs out there that we may<br>
be."<br><br>
As a new round of protests approaches -- including<br>
worldwide antiwar demonstrations on March 20 and<br>
massive anti-Bush actions during the Republican<br>
National Convention in August and September -- experts<br>
say the surveillance is likely to increase. "The<br>
government is taking an increasingly hostile stance<br>
toward protesters," says Michael Avery, president of<br>
the National Lawyers Guild and a professor of<br>
constitutional law at Suffolk University. In the<br>
run-up to the Republican Convention, he says, "I'm<br>
sure the government will be attempting to infiltrate<br>
political groups. They may send agent provocateurs<br>
into political groups. They're no doubt compiling<br>
reports on people. We have to stand up against that."<br><br>
No one knows the extent of the political spying and<br>
profiling currently being carried out against critics<br>
of the Bush administration and American foreign policy<br>
-- which may be the most disturbing thing about the<br>
entire phenomenon. "Presumably if they're doing their<br>
jobs well, we'll never know," says Fogel. Activists<br>
have also been unsuccessful at finding out why they're<br>
being watched, and under whose authority.<br><br>
What we do know, though, is that several of the police<br>
departments that have been accused of spying on<br>
protesters -- including the Aurora, Colo., Police<br>
Department, where Hurley works -- are part of Joint<br>
Terrorism Task Forces. These are programs in which<br>
local police are assigned to work full-time with FBI<br>
agents and other federal agents "to investigate and<br>
prevent acts of terrorism," as the FBI's Web site<br>
says. According to the FBI, such JTTFs have been<br>
around since 1980, but the total number has almost<br>
doubled since Sept. 11, 2001, to 66.<br><br>
A Polk County deputy sheriff assigned to a Joint<br>
Terrorism Task Force served the subpoenas in Iowa.<br>
According to Nestor, the deputy sheriff even handed<br>
out business cards that identified him as part of the<br>
JTTF. On Monday, though, after what Nestor describes<br>
as a "tremendous public reaction" following news<br>
reports of the JTTF's involvement, the U.S. Attorney's<br>
Office in Des Moines issued a written statement<br>
denying that the investigation was being conducted by<br>
the task force.<br><br>
The U.S. Attorney's Office confirms that the<br>
investigation is a collaboration between the FBI, the<br>
Polk County Sheriff's Department and the U.S.<br>
Attorney's Office -- all of whom, Nestor notes, serve<br>
on the JTTF. It focuses on a case of misdemeanor<br>
trespassing on government property that took place on<br>
Nov. 16, near the antiwar protest. According to<br>
Nestor, the case involves someone who "walked up to a<br>
closed gate" outside the National Guard's armory, "had<br>
a conversation with the guards and got charged with<br>
trespassing." The police and FBI are now investigating<br>
whether people at the antiwar conference entered into<br>
some kind of conspiracy to break the law -- in other<br>
words, whether they planned acts of civil<br>
disobedience.<br><br>
"They appear to be taking the stance that if any<br>
individual, as part of or in relation to a protest,<br>
commits an act that might be a violation of federal<br>
law, that they can subpoena and investigate any<br>
records of any meeting that person may have gone to in<br>
the days or even months proceeding," says Nestor.<br><br>
Avery suggests that such investigations will have a<br>
chilling effect on the planning for future protests.<br>
"The risk is that if there's some kind of<br>
demonstration or protest activity that involves<br>
trespassing, [the JTTF] is saying they can ask people<br>
what political meetings have you been to lately, who<br>
was there, what did you talk about," says Avery.<br>
"People are allowed to meet and talk and debate<br>
political issues without being spied on by the<br>
government." At least, they used to be.<br><br>
Whether or not a Joint Terrorism Task Force was behind<br>
the Iowa investigation, JTTFs have already been<br>
implicated in political spying. In a three-ring binder<br>
from the Denver Police Department Intelligence Unit<br>
obtained by the Colorado ACLU, a section labeled<br>
"Colorado and Local Links: JTTF Active Case List"<br>
contained printouts made in April 2002 from the Web<br>
sites of the Colorado Campaign for Middle East Peace,<br>
American Friends Service Committee, Denver Justice and<br>
Peace Committee and the Rocky Mountain Independent<br>
Media Center. One of the printouts, a copy of which is<br>
available on the ACLU's Web site, is the American<br>
Friends Service Committee's calendar of upcoming<br>
antiwar events.<br><br>
Last November, the New York Times revealed a leaked<br>
FBI memo asking local police to report protest<br>
activity to their local Joint Terrorism Task Force.<br>
The bulletin, sent to law enforcement agencies on Oct.<br>
15, 2003, warned about antiwar protests planned for<br>
Oct. 25, saying, "While the FBI possesses no<br>
information indicating that violent or terrorist<br>
activities are being planned as part of these<br>
protests, the possibility exists that elements of the<br>
activist community may attempt to engage in violent,<br>
destructive, or dangerous acts."<br><br>
The bulletin went on to list common protest methods<br>
including marches and sit-ins, as well as "aggressive<br>
tactics" used by "extremist elements," including<br>
vandalism, trespassing, physical harassment, formation<br>
of human chains and the use of weapons.<br><br>
"Even the more peaceful techniques can create a<br>
climate of disorder, block access to a site, draw<br>
large numbers of police officers to a specific<br>
location in order to weaken security at other<br>
locations, obstruct traffic, and possibly intimidate<br>
people from attending the events being protested," it<br>
warned.<br><br>
It ended by saying, "Law enforcement agencies should<br>
be alert to these possible indications of protest<br>
activity and report any potentially illegal acts to<br>
the nearest FBI Joint Terrorism Task Force."<br><br>
The Colorado activists who attended nonviolence<br>
training with Chris Hurley remember her as shy and<br>
timid. She didn't arouse suspicion at either the<br>
training session, where people practiced staying calm<br>
even when confronted by aggressive police, or the next<br>
day, when she showed up at the demonstration.<br><br>
On March 15, around 300 people protested near the<br>
Buckley base, but only 18 (not including Hurley)<br>
engaged in civil disobedience by sitting in the road<br>
and blocking the base's entrance. The action was no<br>
secret -- the Colorado Coalition Against the War had<br>
informed police of what it intended to do in advance.<br>
"We always have a police liaison when we have a civil<br>
disobedience," says participant Terry Leichner, a<br>
54-year-old psychiatric social worker and veteran<br>
activist. "We always work with police so there's no<br>
violence."<br><br>
The Aurora Police Department doesn't deny that the<br>
activists told them exactly what they planned to do.<br>
Indeed, they use that fact as a rationale for<br>
infiltrating the group. "Prior to the actual protest,<br>
this group came to the police department and told us<br>
they were going to conduct criminal acts in our city,"<br>
says Kathleen Walsh, the Aurora Police Department's<br>
public information officer. "We have a responsibility<br>
to the citizens of Aurora to investigate." Walsh<br>
insists that the activists' willingness to tell the<br>
police their plans didn't mitigate the need to spy on<br>
the group. "Can you guarantee me that people don't lie<br>
to police?" she said. Walsh asked that further<br>
questions -- including those about Hurley's connection<br>
to counterterrorism investigations -- be submitted in<br>
writing. She has yet to answer them.<br><br>
Having been warned in advance, the police arrived<br>
quickly to remove the Buckley demonstrators. They wore<br>
riot gear, but didn't need it -- the protesters,<br>
including Hurley, were arrested without incident, and<br>
the whole thing was over in an hour. All 19 arrestees<br>
were taken to a holding cell, where the activists say<br>
Hurley seemed nervous. Nancy Peters, a 56-year-old<br>
protest organizer, recalls trying to comfort her, but<br>
Hurley didn't say much. While the rest of the group<br>
exchanged stories, Leichner says, Hurley was<br>
"noncommittal." When they were released, she didn't<br>
attend a meeting the activists had to plan legal<br>
strategy, but according to Peters, she asked to be<br>
kept informed.<br><br>
None of the activists found out that Hurley was an<br>
Aurora police officer until the discovery phase of<br>
their trials last spring.<br><br>
By then, though, their lawyers had reason to be<br>
suspicious. A month after the Buckley protest, the<br>
Colorado Coalition was infiltrated again, by an<br>
undercover officer from the Arapahoe County Sheriff's<br>
Office, which is also part of a Joint Terrorism Task<br>
Force. This time, the group realized something was up.<br><br>
<br>
On April 14, the activists planned to meet with<br>
Republican Sen. Wayne Allard, a supporter of the war,<br>
and ask him to present a "peace resolution" to<br>
Congress. Several of the activists planned to refuse<br>
to leave his office unless he acceded to their<br>
demands, which no one expected him to do.<br><br>
Peters, who was arrested at Buckley, was one of the<br>
organizers of the Allard action and was going to be on<br>
hand to bail out activists taken to jail. Again, the<br>
Colorado Coalition held a nonviolence training session<br>
the day before for those planning to be arrested.<br><br>
Peters remembers unloading her car outside the church<br>
where the training was held when she saw a couple<br>
walking by, looking like they were "killing time"<br>
before finally going inside. The man, a muscular guy<br>
who looked to be in his 30s, introduced himself as<br>
Chris Taylor and said the woman with him was his<br>
girlfriend. In fact, his name was Darren Christensen<br>
and he was an undercover officer, as was Liesl<br>
McArthur, the woman he was with. As the Rocky Mountain<br>
News reported in December, much of his usual<br>
undercover work involved "being solicited on line for<br>
deviant sex."<br><br>
Unlike Hurley, Christensen immediately made the<br>
activists nervous. "A couple of people from the group<br>
came up and said, 'Who are they? Do you know them from<br>
any other events?'" says Peters. "He was pumping for<br>
information, asking questions about whether there was<br>
a group that was more radical and had a different<br>
focus, more like the black bloc or the anarchists."<br><br>
At the time, though, it didn't occur to anyone that<br>
the police would be interested in spying on them. So<br>
they let Christensen participate, even after he made<br>
what Peters thought was an outlandish suggestion.<br><br>
"It was in the evening when we were trying to figure<br>
out our general plan," she says. "We didn't know<br>
whether the police would be blocking the entrance to<br>
Allard's office." They were discussing whether the six<br>
people planning the sit-in should go in as a group, or<br>
one by one, in order to evade attention.<br>
"[Christensen] said, 'Look, why don't we just walk<br>
right through their line?' We were like, whoa, nobody<br>
wants to get their heads blown off," says Peters. "We<br>
are peaceful, nonviolent group. We're not trying to<br>
storm a building."<br><br>
The next day, the group met beforehand to coordinate.<br>
Everyone who planned to get arrested gave Peters bond<br>
money, except for Christensen, who said his girlfriend<br>
would bail him out. The six entered Allard's office at<br>
1 p.m., and by 5 p.m. they'd all been arrested.<br><br>
"I raced over to the jail," says Peters. "There were<br>
several people there, including his 'girlfriend.' I<br>
was trying to find out who'd been booked and what<br>
their bail was, but none had been put into the system<br>
yet."<br><br>
Peters was standing in the jailhouse lobby and talking<br>
on a pay phone when, out of the corner of her eye, she<br>
saw Christensen walking out the door. "He had a phony<br>
story about how his girlfriend got him out," she says.<br>
"I asked, 'Can I see your summons?' He didn't have<br>
one."<br><br>
Peters passed her concerns on to her group's pro bono<br>
defense attorneys, who soon found that although six<br>
people had been arrested, only five had been charged.<br>
Then, while reviewing the Buckley case, they noticed<br>
that while 19 people had been arrested there, only 18<br>
were charged. Eventually, by subpoenaing police<br>
records, the attorneys figured out that police had<br>
sent the undercover agents to infiltrate the group.<br><br>
Once exposed, Hurley turned up in court to watch the<br>
protesters' trials.<br><br>
"When she came to court, she just seemed so arrogant,"<br>
says Ellen Stark, a 57-year-old preschool teacher who<br>
is part of the group arrested at Buckely. "She was not<br>
at all apologetic about her activities and the fact<br>
that she had lied to us. She just looked at us with<br>
disdain." None of the activists have been able to get<br>
any answers from officials about why they were being<br>
watched. "I couldn't interest anybody on the Aurora<br>
City council to even meet with me," says Stark.<br>
"Nobody would talk to me."<br><br>
America has seen this kind of thing before. Between<br>
1956 and 1971, the FBI under J. Edgar Hoover ran<br>
COINTELPRO, a program of surveillance and sabotage<br>
against political dissidents. COINTELPRO watched<br>
violent groups like the Ku Klux Klan and, later, the<br>
Weather Underground and the Black Panthers, but it<br>
also spied on and harassed thousands of innocent<br>
people, including Martin Luther King Jr.<br><br>
COINTELPRO's abuses came to light in 1971, when a<br>
group of activists calling themselves the Citizens<br>
Commission to Investigate the FBI broke into an FBI<br>
office in Media, Penn., and stole several hundred<br>
pages of files.<br><br>
In his recent history of COINTELPRO, "There's<br>
Something Happening Here: The New Left, the Klan and<br>
FBI Counterintelligence," David Cunningham writes,<br>
"These files provided the first public disclosure of a<br>
range of Bureau activities against targets such as the<br>
Black Panther Party, the Venceremos Brigade, the<br>
Philadelphia Labor Committee, Students for a<br>
Democratic Society, and college students with<br>
'revolutionary' leanings."<br><br>
Eventually, damaging revelations about COINTELPRO led<br>
the FBI to adopt reforms designed to prevent a repeat<br>
of Hoover's excesses. Attorney General Edward Levi<br>
laid out a set of standards for FBI domestic<br>
surveillance. "These so-called Levi Guidelines clearly<br>
laid out the criteria required for initiated<br>
investigations, establishing a standard of suspected<br>
criminal conduct, meaning activity (rather than merely<br>
ideas or writings, which had been adequate cause for<br>
targeting groups and individuals as subversive during<br>
the COINTELPRO era)," Cunningham writes. "The<br>
guidelines also stipulated as acceptable only<br>
particular investigative techniques, making it<br>
considerably more difficult to initiate intrusive<br>
forms of surveillance."<br><br>
The Levi guidelines didn't end all political spying --<br>
in the 1980s, the FBI targeted the Committee in<br>
Solidarity With the People of El Salvador, or CISPES.<br>
As the ACLU reports, "Strong evidence suggests that<br>
CISPES was targeted for investigation because of its<br>
ideological opposition to then-President Reagan's<br>
already controversial foreign policy in Latin America.<br>
The FBI persisted in an intensive six-month<br>
investigation of CISPES in which it often reported the<br>
group's activities to the Department of Justice in a<br>
prejudicial and biased manner." Yet most civil<br>
libertarians believe that even if the rules were<br>
occasionally broken, they still worked to protect<br>
First Amendment rights.<br><br>
Contrary to the claims made by defenders of Bush<br>
administration policies, the Levi guidelines would not<br>
have impeded an investigation of al-Qaida. As<br>
Cunningham points out, cases "with suspected ties to<br>
'foreign powers' were not subject to this criminal<br>
standard." Nevertheless, after Sept. 11, Attorney<br>
General John Ashcroft issued new rules gutting the<br>
Levi guidelines. Thanks to Ashcroft, FBI agents are<br>
now allowed to monitor public meetings even if they<br>
don't have any reason to suspect that there's any<br>
criminal activity being committed or planned.<br><br>
"Now, that means if there is a rally of people who are<br>
criticizing the United States and its policies and<br>
saying that the United States will someday perhaps be<br>
destroyed because of that, the FBI agent can go and<br>
listen to what's being said," Ashcroft told CNN's<br>
Larry King in May of 2002. In other words, merely<br>
arguing that U.S. policies may result in the country's<br>
destruction justifies FBI snooping. This gives the FBI<br>
investigative license far beyond even that it enjoyed<br>
during the COINTELPRO period, let alone under the Levi<br>
Guidelines.<br><br>
There's no way to know how often the FBI is actually<br>
monitoring protesters. The cases that have come to<br>
light so far have involved local police officers, not<br>
federal agents, and in most instances it's unclear<br>
whether they've been working in concert with the FBI.<br>
For example, last year in Fresno, the antiwar group<br>
Peace Fresno discovered they'd been infiltrated when<br>
an undercover cop who'd been attending their meetings<br>
was killed in a motorcycle accident. When his obituary<br>
was published, members of Peace Fresno realized that<br>
the man they knew as Aaron Stokes was really Aaron<br>
Kilner, a member of the Fresno County Sheriff's<br>
Department's anti-terrorism unit.<br><br>
There is a Joint Terrorism Task Force in Fresno, but<br>
members of Peace Fresno and their lawyers have not yet<br>
been able to find out whether Kilner was spying on<br>
them for the FBI, and whether he gave the FBI any<br>
information about their activities.<br><br>
Not that there's much information to give. "This is a<br>
group that passes petitions and goes to city council<br>
meetings," says Nicholas DeGraff, a Peace Fresno<br>
organizer. "When we have a demonstration, we call the<br>
police ahead of time." The group, he says, is made up<br>
of "retirees, grandparents, schoolteachers and<br>
community workers. Your model citizens just<br>
participating in democracy."<br><br>
The group has around 200 people on its membership<br>
roster, says DeGraff, with an active core of about 25<br>
people. In early 2003, Kilner paid a $12 membership<br>
fee and joined them. He told the group that he didn't<br>
work and lived off an inheritance. In the weeks before<br>
the war in Iraq, he came to meetings and participated<br>
in the weekly demonstrations Peace Fresno held at a<br>
local intersection.<br><br>
He said little, DeGraff recalls, and never volunteered<br>
to do anything beyond passing out flyers. Most of the<br>
time, says DeGraff, he sat in a corner and took notes.<br>
Even after the war, he kept coming, showing up at<br>
meetings every few weeks. When the group went to<br>
Sacramento to protest at a WTO ministerial meeting in<br>
June, he went with them. He died in August.<br><br>
Peace Fresno has since been assured by the Fresno<br>
Sheriff's Department that it is not under<br>
investigation and has never been under investigation.<br>
That may be true in some bureaucratic sense, but the<br>
fact remains that an anti-terrorism agent spent half a<br>
year surveilling them. "It's equating dissent with<br>
terrorism," says DeGraff. "It's saying if you dissent,<br>
you're a terrorist."<br><br>
In fact, that's exactly what some law enforcement<br>
officers have said.<br><br>
On April 2 of last year, the California Anti-Terrorism<br>
Information Center, which is under the auspices of the<br>
state Justice Department but whose regional task<br>
forces include FBI agents, issued a bulletin warning<br>
to police about potential violence at an antiwar<br>
protest scheduled for the Port of Oakland. An Oakland<br>
Tribune investigation found that the Anti-Terrorism<br>
Information Center had little substantive information<br>
regarding possible violence. "Intelligence records<br>
released under open-government laws reveal the<br>
thinking of CATIC and Oakland intelligence officials<br>
in the days leading up to the protest," said a June 1<br>
story by Ian Hoffman, Sean Holstege and Josh Richman.<br>
The agencies, they wrote, "blended solid facts,<br>
innuendo and inaccurate information about anti-war<br>
protesters expected at the port."<br><br>
The protest did in fact turn violent, but according to<br>
documentary evidence the violence was precipitated by<br>
the police, who fired on demonstrators with wooden<br>
bullets and beanbags. The Tribune reported that,<br>
according to videotapes and transcripts of radio<br>
transmissions of the event, there's no evidence of<br>
"protesters throwing objects at police or engaging in<br>
civil disobedience until 20 minutes after police<br>
opened fire."<br><br>
So why was the warning issued in the first place? In<br>
an interview with the Tribune, Mike Van Winkle,<br>
spokesman for the California Anti-Terrorism<br>
Information Center, issued a remarkably broad<br>
definition of terrorism. "You can make an easy kind of<br>
link that, if you have a protest group protesting a<br>
war where the cause that's being fought against is<br>
international terrorism, you might have terrorism at<br>
that protest," he said. "You can almost argue that a<br>
protest against that is a terrorist act."<br><br>
This egregious statement, in which a law enforcement<br>
representative takes it upon himself to judge the<br>
legitimacy of democratic protest, seems to confirm the<br>
worst fears of civil libertarians that Bush's "war<br>
against terror" is actually a war against dissent. Of<br>
course, whether Van Winkle actually believes that<br>
antiwar protesters are as dangerous to the citizens of<br>
California as al-Qaida is impossible to say. But it's<br>
not just rhetorical excess or fascistic impulses that<br>
lead officials to speak of demonstrators as<br>
terrorists. They may actually have a bureaucratic and<br>
financial incentive to do so.<br><br>
"This is a good way for police officers to get<br>
terrorism points," says Timothy Edgar, legislative<br>
counsel for the ACLU . "They have to justify the<br>
dollars they're receiving from the federal government<br>
for homeland security. We've seen a massive inflation<br>
of terrorism statistics on the federal level. Every<br>
Arab who has a phony drivers license is now called a<br>
terrorist by the Justice Department, so they can say,<br>
'We've arrested thousands of terrorists.'<br><br>
"This is the perfect example of not learning the<br>
lessons of 9/11," he continues. "The FBI was not<br>
sufficiently focused on the possibility that a group<br>
like al-Qaida would commit a serious terrorist attack.<br>
One real failure since 9/11 is that, when they call<br>
everything a 'terrorist,' they're still not<br>
sufficiently focused on actual terrorists. There's an<br>
overbroad definition of domestic terrorism in the<br>
PATRIOT Act, and it's had a spillover effect into<br>
state and local governments who want to justify their<br>
antiterrorism funding and mission."<br><br>
In a Nation article from May 2002, Robert Dreyfuss<br>
wrote of that spillover effect. The Justice<br>
Department, he reported, had offered billions of<br>
dollars in anti-terror subsidies to local governments,<br>
but first they had to show that there were "potential<br>
threat elements" in their area.<br><br>
"Under the Justice Department program each state was<br>
asked to conduct a county-by-county assessment of<br>
potential terrorist threats in order to qualify for<br>
the federal largesse," Dreyfuss wrote. "In each city<br>
and county local police were required to identify up<br>
to fifteen groups or individuals called potential<br>
threat elements (PTEs). The Justice Department<br>
helpfully points out that the motivations of the PTEs<br>
could be 'political, religious, racial, environmental<br>
[or] special interest.' At a stroke, the Justice<br>
Department prompted 17,000 state and local police<br>
departments to begin monitoring radicals."<br><br>
Thus even if the FBI isn't working directly with local<br>
police to spy on protesters, the messages coming from<br>
the Justice Department influence the agencies below,<br>
says Edgar. "The Ashcroft Justice Department has set a<br>
terrible example," he says. "They're sending the wrong<br>
message around the country to the state and local<br>
police. Local and state police will follow the FBI's<br>
example on a lot of things. On top of that, add big<br>
grants for homeland security and you've got a recipe<br>
for a lot more political spying."<br><br>
This is the first of two parts.<br><br>
***************************************<br>
</font><font size=3 color="#FF0000">The Freedom Archives<br>
522 Valencia Street<br>
San Francisco, CA 94110<br>
(415) 863-9977<br>
</font><font size=3><a href="http://www.freedomarchives.org/" eudora="autourl">www.freedomarchives.org</a></font></body>
</html>