[News] The occupation’s collaborator militias in Gaza, dirty tools and an inevitable end

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Mon Feb 16 11:39:20 EST 2026


 Reports <https://english.palinfo.com/category/reports/>
The occupation’s collaborator militias in Gaza, dirty tools and an
inevitable end

Monday 16-February-2026
<https://english.palinfo.com/reports/2026/02/16/357965/#>
<https://english.palinfo.com/reports/2026/02/16/357965/#>
<https://english.palinfo.com/reports/2026/02/16/357965/#>
<https://english.palinfo.com/reports/2026/02/16/357965/#>
<https://english.palinfo.com/reports/2026/02/16/357965/#>

GAZA, (PIC)

In the post war phase, the phenomenon of collaborator militias for the
occupation in the Gaza Strip does not appear to be a passing security file,
but rather an expression of a deeper attempt to reshape the internal space
of the Strip through local tools operating within Israeli military and
intelligence calculations.

With the ceasefire entering into force on 10 October 2025, this file
emerged as one of the most dangerous challenges facing the social and
security structure in Gaza.

Historical experiences indicate that occupation powers, when they find
themselves facing a high-cost environment for direct control, resort to
producing a local intermediary layer tasked with the most dangerous and
sensitive missions.

In Vietnam, Afghanistan, and Lebanon, local armed entities were formed with
direct external support, but they collapsed quickly once political or
military equations changed.

The decisive factor in all those cases was not military superiority, but
the absence of social legitimacy and total dependence on the external
sponsor.

A complex equation in Gaza

In Gaza, the equation appears more complex. A society emerging from a long
war is burdened by immense economic and social pressure, which creates gaps
that can be exploited.

Palestinian security sources indicate that some members of these groups
come from distressed or marginal social backgrounds, and were recruited
through financial promises or security protection, and tasked with missions
related to combing combat areas, dismantling explosive devices, inspecting
tunnels, gathering information, and even carrying out assassinations with
direct technical support.

Gaza based writer and activist Bilal Jamil believes that the core of the
crisis lies in the loss of national legitimacy, considering that any
formation operating under the umbrella of the occupation remains bound to a
temporary fate, even if it appears at a given moment to be strong or
capable of imposing a field presence.

He emphasizes that history tends to bring down such structures when
external protection is cut off or when social isolation toward them deepens.

Low-cost tools

Security affairs expert Wasif Arikat goes further, considering that what is
happening in Gaza falls within a classic Israeli strategy based on managing
the conflict through local low-cost tools.

Arikat explains in a conversation with the PIC correspondent that the
occupation seeks to reduce direct friction of its forces in complex
environments like Gaza, by assigning local groups high risk tasks, so these
groups bear the field burden while Israel remains in a position of support
and direction.

Arikat adds that the danger of this phenomenon does not stop at its
security dimension, but extends to an attempt to dismantle the social
fabric and push society into a circle of mutual doubt and suspicion. When
local tools are planted in a closed and interconnected environment like
Gaza, the goal becomes not only gathering information or executing specific
operations, but creating a long term psychological and social rupture. He
believes that the occupation is betting on exhausting society and draining
it internally, so that the confrontation shifts from a struggle with an
external power to a permanent internal tension.

Pursuit and drying up recruitment channels

On the other hand, sources in the resistance confirm that there is a
focused effort to prevent the expansion of this phenomenon, through
pursuing the involved elements and drying up recruitment channels, in
addition to socially isolating them. These sources indicate that the
success of any militia depends on its ability to find a popular base, which
appears so far to be absent in light of the general alignment rejecting
cooperation with the occupation.

The speech of the spokesperson of the Al-Qassam Brigades, Abu Obeida, who
threatened members of these groups with a “black fate,” reflects that the
file has moved to the forefront of security concern, especially after the
occurrence of incidents described as dangerous in areas of the south of the
Strip.

However, Arikat warns against reducing the phenomenon to its punitive
dimension only, pointing out that an effective confrontation requires
addressing the causes of social and economic fragility that are exploited
in recruitment operations, because the battle at its core is not purely
military, but structural as well.

The scene in Gaza remains open to multiple possibilities. The continuation
of these formations depends on direct Israeli support, while their collapse
is linked to the extent of society’s ability to isolate and reject them,
and the ability of internal forces to dismantle their networked structure.
But what historical experiences reveal, as Jamil and Arikat see it, is that
entities built outside the national will and managed with a purely security
function rarely endure for long.
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