[News] Cuba - President Díaz-Canel press conference with the national and foreign press

[Anti-Imperialist News]

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"We have lived through difficult times, these in particular are very
difficult, but we will overcome them together"
February 6, 2026
------------------------------

*Photo: *Estudios Revolución

The First Secretary of the Central Committee of the Party and President of
the Republic, comrade Miguel Díaz-Canel Bermúdez, responding to requests
from various media outlets in recent hours, has decided to devote part of
his busy schedule to answering your questions.
I don't know, Mr. President, if you would like to introduce the dialogue.
Miguel M. Díaz-Canel.-  I would just like to reiterate my greetings and
thank you all for your interest in this meeting at such a complex time for
our country.
We are aware that there are concerns among the population about everything
that has been happening, as well as about the intense media campaign of
slander, hatred, and psychological warfare that is being imposed at this
time.
This meeting with you gives us the opportunity to explain a whole range of
issues, including our projections, the ways in which we are seeking to get
out of this situation as quickly as possible and, above all, our
disposition, our will, and our efforts.
Arleen Rodríguez: When you arrived, you told us that you had just had an
important meeting.
Miguel M. Díaz-Canel: That also meant that we had to set a series of
priorities.  We had to make a series of assessments in the Political
Bureau, in the Executive Committee of the Council of Ministers, in the
National Defense Council, and now we have just had a meeting in the Council
of Ministers to update a plan.
In particular, what we were looking at in the Council of Ministers were the
government's directives for dealing with an acute fuel shortage. And you
will understand precisely why we are talking about this issue.
Arleen Rodríguez: I give the floor to my colleagues.
I will start with Oliver Zamora, who had also asked us to talk about the
situation after January 3.
Oliver Zamora, representing RT, Russia Today.
Oliver Zamora: Greetings, President.
Miguel M. Díaz-Canel.-  Greetings, Oliver.
Oliver Zamora.-  I would like to ask you about two issues. First, the
rhetoric of collapse that has begun to strengthen from the U.S. government,
from President Donald Trump, of course, repeated by media outlets
sympathetic to this government after the events of January 3.
I would like, if possible, to delve a little deeper into the actual level
of dependence that existed between the two governments, and what can be
expected in bilateral relations between Cuba and Venezuela now.
And a second issue, the wave of solidarity that Cuba has received. To know
if that solidarity, which so far has been at the level of discourse, could
also become more practical solidarity, despite the threats from the United
States.
Miguel M. Díaz-Canel.-  All right, Oliver.
I believe that the theory of collapse and the insistence on collapse is
closely related to the theory of the failed state and to a whole set of
constructs that the U.S. government has used to characterize the situation
in Cuba.
Precisely, this theory of collapse is associated with one of the currents
or one of the directions in which the United States government is striving
to overthrow the Cuban Revolution.
I say that there are two fundamental directions: economic suffocation,
which dates back to the 1960s with the Mallory Memorandum, and military
aggression.  This is very well summarized in one of the recent statements
by the President of the United States, when in the first part of a sentence
he said that they had applied all possible pressure against Cuba,
acknowledging that there is no failed state, but rather a state that has
had to face with great resistance the maximum pressure, not from just
anyone, but the maximum pressure for economic suffocation from the world's
leading power.  Moreover, this power has an imperial foundation and a
hegemonic purpose of domination.
On the other hand, there is military aggression, when the second part of
that sentence says that there was nothing else to do but take the place and
raze it, occupy the place and raze it.
I believe that we have in our history, in the 67 years of the Revolution,
with the emergence of the blockade, this theory of economic suffocation,
this purpose of economic suffocation.  I always say that all generations of
Cubans who were born in the early years of the Revolution, even the most
recent ones, our grandchildren, our children, were born and live under the
blockade, and we were born under the signs of that economic suffocation. We
have always had shortages, we have always had complex difficulties, we have
always had to function amid vicissitudes and impositions and pressures that
are not imposed on anyone else in the world, much less in such a prolonged
manner. And there are examples of the things we have experienced.
What happens is that I believe that collapse, and it is in the mentality,
it is in the imperial philosophy, but it is not in the mentality of Cubans,
collapse cannot be associated only with the pressures and intentions of an
imperial government.  In our vision of collapse, there is the concept of
resistance, of creative resistance, which has to do with defending the
ideas we believe in, defending the convictions we believe in, with a
conviction of victory that we also believe in.
I am not an idealist. I know that we are going to experience difficult
times. We have experienced difficult times, and these in particular are
very difficult, but we are going to overcome them together, with creative
resistance, with the effort and talent of all Cubans, of the majority of
Cuban women and men.
The relationship with Venezuela cannot be classified as one of dependency.
Many try to see it as a relationship of dependency between two countries,
and in doing so, they restrict it, reducing it to an exchange of goods and
services, and that is not the reality of the relationship we have had with
the Bolivarian Revolution.
Since Chávez led the Bolivarian Revolution, a whole relationship of
cooperation and collaboration has been woven, based on principles of
solidarity, above all, of integration and complementarity: how two
brotherly countries, friends, could take advantage of each other's
potential in terms of that integration, that complementarity. That is why
the Comprehensive Collaboration Agreement between Cuba and Venezuela came
about more than 25 years ago.
And why comprehensive? Because it covers many areas, including energy, food
sovereignty, education, higher education, literacy, cadre training, and
human resources training.  There are also issues related to industry,
mining, telecommunications, cultural exchange, and political exchange. And
that transcended the relations between Cuba and Venezuela.
In that relationship and in that agreement, remember that four years later
ALBA-TCP emerged, which was to take the concepts of that relationship to a
group of countries in Latin America and the Caribbean.
Subsequently, ALBA-TCP also supported Petrocaribe, which was a group of
projects also focused on energy, but with an emphasis on social issues,
social justice, equity, opportunities, and the benefit and development of
the peoples, not only of Venezuela and Cuba, but of Latin America and the
Caribbean.

*Photo: *Granma

This reflects the concept of integration, the integration that Martí
dreamed of, that Bolívar dreamed of, and that Fidel and Chávez defended,
and to which we are all committed, because there are thousands of Cubans
who have participated in missions carried out in the context of this
agreement, of this collaboration.
On other occasions I have explained, and it is because I feel it, right?
That there is no regional integration bloc that has achieved in such a
short time the social successes achieved by ALBA-TCP, which was born as
part of that close relationship between Cuba and Venezuela.
Remember that there is something very significant, I would say very
heartfelt, which was the Milagro Mission, which restored sight to more than
3.5 million Latin Americans who had lost their vision due to diseases that
could be treated with other approaches, not with a commercial approach, not
with an approach based on wealth, but with an approach based on social
justice, with an approach based on equity.
With a Cuban method, Yo sí puedo (Yes, I can), for literacy, in that
context of integration, four countries managed to overcome illiteracy and
declared themselves territories free of illiteracy. You may say to me,
"But, well, that is a social achievement to which everyone aspires." Yes,
but it has not yet been achieved in the world.
Consider that in Latin America and the Caribbean, since Cuba declared
itself the first territory free of illiteracy in Latin America and the
Caribbean, how many years passed, how many decades passed before four other
countries were able to achieve it?  And they were able to achieve it
precisely with that concept of complementarity and integration in a system
of relations not based on selfishness, but based precisely on these
concepts, which are more humanistic concepts, which are concepts of an
approach of leaving no one behind.

*Photo: *Juvenal Balán

Of course, very important economic and commercial relations and
collaborative projects were woven here. One of those projects, especially
in energy, for the provision of medical services, compensated for a
significant part of the fuel needs, not all, but a significant part,
especially in more recent times; at another time they did cover all of our
country's fuel needs, but in these times they no longer covered everything,
because let us remember that Venezuela has been subject to sanctions,
Venezuela has been subject to coercive measures, to pressure, and that has
also affected this exchange, which has been maintained to a very large
extent, but which has not always reached the levels of another time.
Now it is very affected when the energy blockade began, the naval blockade
of Venezuela, which has prevented Venezuelan ships or ships from other
countries carrying Venezuelan fuel from reaching Cuba. The situation has
worsened even further with the recent Executive Order issued by the United
States Government, which is manipulating countries that supply oil by
threatening them with tariffs. It is practically this pretext that has
turned it into an energy blockade of our country.
The future of Venezuela's relations lies in how we are able to build that
future from the present situation of a Venezuela that has been attacked,
whose president and his wife were illegally kidnapped and are being held in
a prison in the United States.
When it comes to collaboration, we do not impose collaboration. We offer
collaboration, we share collaboration, we share solidarity when
governments, peoples, or nations ask us to.  And under that concept, we
have maintained that collaboration with Venezuela over the years.
Everyone knows Martí's phrase about his commitment to Venezuela, which we
have all taken on. Therefore, we also have commitments to that Bolivarian
land, we have very intense feelings. And as long as the Venezuelan
government promotes and defends collaboration, Cuba will be willing to
collaborate.
The other question has to do with support. I believe that there has been
immediate support at the international level. There are various opinions
from spokespersons, foreign ministries, international leaders, and
movements that bring countries together.
I had a report here, a chronology since February 1st of how many signs of
support have been received: the Morena Movement; the spokesperson for the
Russian Foreign Ministry, Maria Zakharova, who has appeared several times
in recent days; the Russian ambassador to the United Nations; Democratic
Congresswoman Rashida Tlaib, of Palestinian origin and representative for
Michigan; Chinese Foreign Ministry spokesperson Guo Jiakun; the Venezuelan
government; the Belgian Minister of Mobility, Climate, and Environmental
Transition, who spoke in this regard in his country's House of
Representatives; MEPs Irene Montero of Spain and Marc Botenga of Belgium;
the Secretary General of South Africa's ruling party, the African National
Congress; President Claudia Sheinbaum, who in practically all her morning
press conferences answers questions related to Mexico's position and its
support for Cuba; the Mexican Foreign Ministry; the Chinese Embassy in
Washington; Kremlin spokesman Dmitry Peskov; our friend Zyuganov, leader of
the Communist Party of the Russian Federation; the Russian Ambassador to
Venezuela; the Cuba-Philippines Friendship Association; Democratic
Representative Gregory Meeks, from the New York district; and President
Putin.
Today we learned of a statement by the Non-Aligned Movement and another
statement by the member states of the Group of Friends in Defense of the
United Nations Charter.
We also know that today there were telephone conversations between the
President and Secretary General of the Chinese Communist Party, Xi Jinping,
and the President of the Russian Federation, Putin, in which they also
expressed their support, commitment, and decision to continue collaboration
and cooperation with Venezuela and Cuba. That is what we could say in
general terms has happened in terms of support and speeches.
But behind those speeches there is more, things that we cannot openly
explain today, because the enemy is persecuting every avenue that could be
opened to Cuba, every path that could be opened to Cuba, but I can assure
you with all sense of responsibility that Cuba is not alone, and that at a
time like this there are many people: governments, countries, institutions,
companies that are willing to work with Cuba and that have already sent us
channels, mechanisms, intentions of how we can do it.
The energy persecution, the financial persecution, the intensification of
these coercive measures is such that we know we have to work very hard,
very creatively, very intelligently to overcome all these obstacles; but
there is courage in a group of institutions, people, and governments around
the world to support us. And that is what we can say or explain today for
obvious reasons.
Arleen Rodríguez: Thank you, President.
Claudia, representing the People's Republic of China's Xinhua news agency,
had asked to speak along with Oliver. And Esther Liliam, please get ready.
Claudia Fonseca: Greetings, President.
In response to this Executive Order, there have been demonstrations, as you
mentioned, rejecting this reinforcement of the energy blockade. I would
like you to comment on what the countries of the Global South could do to
support Cuba specifically in this regard.
Miguel M. Díaz-Canel: Every time one observes what is happening, the
lessons we have been able to learn in recent days from what happened in
Venezuela and the reaction of the United States government towards Cuba and
others after Venezuela, one thinks about what the world could do, because I
believe that the world cannot allow itself to be subjugated, the world
cannot allow itself to be humiliated, the world cannot allow force to crush
multilateralism.  I think and believe that on issues like this, the first
thing is that we must understand, countries must understand, peoples must
understand what is happening.
They have to understand that we are all facing, without exception, a war
that is political, that is ideological, a war that also has a cultural
component and a war that has a communications component, a media component.
And it is the concept of an unconventional war, a fourth-generation war
that combines all these elements and others.
Why is it an ideological war? Because they are trying to impose the
hegemonic thinking of the world's leading imperialist power.
Why is it a cultural war? Because in order for that power to prevail
globally, they have to break the ties with the cultural roots of the
peoples.  They have to do everything possible to make peoples see their
culture and history as obsolete. I am talking about culture in the broadest
possible sense, so that people renounce their identity, so that people are
ashamed of their history, so that they can then assimilate and have imposed
on them the paradigms and patterns of that hegemonic philosophy, of that
imperial philosophy.
And it is a media war, because you have seen that all the phases of the
aggression against Venezuela were designed first, and the cross-cutting
factor was always the way in which public opinion was managed, the way in
which international public opinion was manipulated, the way in which the
media acted, the way in which social networks acted. A very important
psychological war is being waged against Cuba today, with pressure to
fracture unity, to create mistrust, to promote uncertainty, and these are
elements that demonstrate the perversity.
So I think the first thing that the peoples, the governments, the
countries, the nations, the Global South have to understand is this: they
have to understand what is at stake, what are the scenarios in which this
dispute is taking place, what are they offering us as a future from this
brutal present, and then seek articulation, seek unity.

How can a country that has been a victim of terrorism by the very person
who is accusing us talk about terrorism in Cuba? *Photo: *José Manuel Correa

Seek unity that cannot be just rhetoric, that must also be unity in action,
in constant denunciation, in seeking all possible integration into blocs or
fronts defending ideas, also seeking economic, commercial, cooperative, and
collaborative actions that defend multilateralism.
I believe that there are blocs that are currently taking the lead in this
regard, such as the BRICS, which offers different perspectives for the
Global South; China's own relations, and those of powers such as China and
Russia, with the countries of the South are different; the Eurasian Union
and other blocs; the Non-Aligned Movement has to play a fundamental role in
this, the Group of 77.  It is about achieving an anti-hegemonic
mobilization with a characteristic that must distinguish us because it is
in the postulates of this hegemony, which is an anti-fascist articulation.
They are acting like Hitler's hordes when they attack a country, when they
subjugate the world, when they kidnap a president, or when they commit
criminal acts against ships and people in an extrajudicial manner, without
any element of legality.
I would not dare to say specifically what actions I think could be taken,
because that would compromise others too much, but there are ways, I am
sure there are ways. The thing is that in order to take those paths and
achieve that integration, all of us in the Global South must show courage
and bravery.
Esther L. González (Canal Caribe). Greetings, President, to you and
everyone joining us.
President, on several occasions you have referred to the opportunity, as
well as the willingness, to engage in dialogue with the United States. I
would like to know specifically if you would be willing to talk with the
United States, under what principles you would do so, and what the points
on that agenda would be.
Miguel M. Díaz-Canel.- It must be said that in the history of relations
between Cuba and the United States after the triumph of the Revolution,
which have been characterized by an asymmetry that we all know, and above
all, that asymmetry is marked by the imposition of an economic, commercial,
and financial blockade for so many years, sustained and intensified at the
present time, there has always been a group of people within the United
States and also at the international level, a group of organizations that
have always been promoting routes, bridges, spaces for dialogue, or
channels of communication, and many times this has been achieved, and when
it has been achieved, it has allowed us to speak as equals on issues on
which we may even share different views, but which are issues that we must
address together because we are in the same geographical area, we are very
close neighbors.  There are migration issues, security issues, issues
related to the fight against drug trafficking and terrorism, and
environmental issues that also have to do with all the seas and everything
around the Gulf of Mexico, the ocean currents. But there are also other
issues that have to do with scientific collaboration and academic
exchanges. There is a long list of issues that can be addressed.  And there
has always been a historical position of Cuba, a position that was defined
and defended by Commander-in-Chief Fidel Castro, continued by Army General
Raúl, and which, in my view, is unalterable and unchanging at the present
time. Cuba is open to dialogue with the United States on any of the issues
that they wish to discuss or debate.
Under what conditions? Without pressure, because dialogue is not possible
under pressure; without preconditions; on an equal footing; in a position
of respect for our sovereignty, our independence, our self-determination;
without addressing issues that are hurtful and that we may understand as
interference in our internal affairs, and that from such a dialogue a
civilized relationship between neighbors can be built, which could bring
mutual benefit to our peoples, to the peoples of both nations.
Cubans do not hate the American people; we recognize the values of the
American people, the values of their history, the values of their culture.
When we have had the opportunity for our peoples to meet in different
sectors, in the scientific sector, in the sports sector, in the religious
sector, in the cultural sector, in the health sector, and even in political
dialogues, we have found that there are many things we can work on
together, without prejudice, that can contribute a great deal.
Seen from another perspective, how many things are we depriving both
peoples of because of this decadent policy, this arrogant policy, this
criminal policy of blockade and the persistence of that blockade, to the
point of having intensified it at the present time and continuing to
intensify it, continuing to tighten the screws of that blockade. And the
agenda could be about all these issues we have discussed.
That is our position. It is also a position of continuity, and I believe it
is possible.
Arleen Rodríguez: Thank you, President.

It is urgent to *Photo: *Ricardo López Hevia

Raciel Guanche, from the newspaper Juventud Rebelde, has asked to speak.
Raciel Guanche (Juventud Rebelde).— Following the official statement
recently published on the stages and approval of plans and measures for the
transition to a state of war, there was also concern among the population.
And we wanted to know at what stage of defense preparations the country is
today.
Miguel M. Díaz-Canel.-  Okay.
I think there may undoubtedly be concern among the population, but I think
there is less concern because the population is participating in this.  The
concern is on the part of others, of that swarm of annexationists we have
out there, of those who are beginning to falter, of those who are beginning
to show themselves to be cowards or weak in the face of the pressure and
psychological warfare they are waging against us, in the face of
announcements of possible military aggression or of continuing to tighten
the blockade against Cuba with the consequences that this may have for our
people.
The reality is that Cuba is a peaceful country. Our country's defense
doctrine or military doctrine is based on the concept of the War of the
Whole People, which is a concept of defending the sovereignty and
independence of the country. It does not contemplate, at any time, in any
section, in any concept, aggression against another country. We are not a
threat to the United States.
Now, the one who is constantly talking about aggression, and above all has
raised the insulting rhetoric about possible aggression against Cuba, is
the United States government at this time.
We revolutionaries know what it means to defend a revolution, and that the
revolution, as Fidel has explained, as Raúl has explained, a revolution
that does not know how to defend itself and does not strengthen its defense
is very unlikely to survive certain circumstances.  And it is our sovereign
duty in the face of the danger of aggression to prepare ourselves for
defense.
Therefore, when we analyzed everything that was happening: the events of
January 3 in Venezuela, the implications for Latin America and the
Caribbean, the threats in the region and the threats to Cuba, one of the
priorities we established was to deploy a defense preparedness plan in the
interest of the War of the Whole People, which includes the preparation of
our country's territorial defense system in all its links, from the defense
zone, the municipality, the province, to the National Defense Council; the
regular units of the FAR and the Minint; the production and defense
brigades; the Territorial Troop Militias, and also the structures in the
defense zones and special groups, in order to raise our levels of defense
preparedness.  This is legitimate and is even contemplated in our
Constitution.
We have declared Saturdays to be national defense days, and so, gradually
and systematically, all components of our territorial defense system are
preparing. We are participating in that preparation.
At this time, there have been two preparatory activities by the National
Defense Council. One in which we updated all the plans to deal with an
aggression by the working bodies of the National Defense Council; we
updated them, we included details that have to do with the experiences we
have gained from recent international conflicts.
In another meeting of the National Defense Council, we updated the Plan for
the Transition to a State of War, if necessary. And that was published,
because we are not hiding it, we are not hiding it!
The note from the Defense Council that was published said exactly this: "In
compliance with the activities planned for Defense Day and with the aim of
increasing and improving the level of preparedness and cohesion of the
leadership and personnel, the National Defense Council met this Saturday to
analyze and approve the plans and measures for the transition to a state of
war, as part of the country's preparation under the strategic concept of
the War of the Whole People."  It is not saying that we are entering a
state of war; it is saying that we are preparing for the possibility of
entering a state of war at some point.
Therefore, this is the reality, and everything else is manipulation, which
was immediately taken up by the entire system of media intoxication that
exists to defend the interests of the United States government.
And our people are participating. I have visited military units where we
have conducted exercises, I have spent time with university students who
have also been involved in defense tasks in municipal defense zones, and we
will continue to participate systematically in this type of activity.
Arleen Rodríguez: Let's move on to the news agencies.
I wanted to add some additional information that I did not give you
earlier, which is that of the media outlets that requested this appearance,
the representatives of the foreign media are here, and we have already
heard from them. Television, as is logical, had also requested space, and
here are the news agencies Prensa Latina, Jorge Legañoa, its president, and
Norland Rosendo, the director of the Cuban News Agency, who is getting
ready.
Jorge Legañoa (Latin American News Agency Prensa Latina). Greetings,
President.
Miguel M. Díaz-Canel. Greetings, a hug.
Jorge Legañoa. First of all, thank you for this opportunity to bring up
questions that our people are asking and that we have also received.
I would like to return for a moment to last week's Executive Order, because
it is interesting how the issue of national emergency is invoked, which is
not the first time it has been invoked. I would like to ask you several
related questions and I would ask you to answer them one by one.
Are we a country that sponsors international terrorism? This is a recurring
question, and I think it is important to ask it.
The U.S. narrative speaks of protecting terrorists in our country. Do we
protect terrorists in Cuba? Related to this, are there military or
intelligence forces from other nations on Cuban soil? Or are there ongoing
talks with some nations, some countries, to install intelligence bases in
Cuba or military bases in Cuba, beyond the one that has historically
existed?
Miguel M. Díaz-Canel: You are asking me a question that you have answered
thousands of times and that we have seen you speak about on these issues;
but, as you said, it is a current issue and it is also an issue that is on
the public agenda for debate in our country.
When we review the history of the Cuban Revolution, we can see how
systematically, intensely, and perversely the United States government has
acted to promote terrorist acts against the Revolution.
There are more than 600 known attempts on the life of our
Commander-in-Chief, a whole series of historical acts of terrorism. To
recall some of those that took place in the provinces I led: Boca de Samá,
in Holguín; the fight against bandits in the Escambray, in Villa Clara,
Cienfuegos, and Sancti Spíritus, who executed and murdered peasants and
revolutionaries, including a young man like Manuel Ascunce, who was
teaching peasants to read and write so that they could have the light of
knowledge.
It must be said that something common to all these events, to all these
expressions of terrorism, is that they have been organized, financed, and
supported by successive U.S. administrations.
One of the most memorable events in the country, because of its connotation
and the stirring words of our Commander in Chief on that occasion, was the
crime against the Barbados plane, in which 73 people perished.
During a visit we made to the Caribbean a few years ago, we had the
opportunity to pay tribute to those who died in that crime, sharing with
one of the children of one of the victims of the attack on the Cubana de
Aviación plane, with Tin Cremata, the director of La Colmenita.  I remember
that meeting in that place, one afternoon, in the presence of the Prime
Minister of Barbados, Mia Mottley, was very emotional and heartfelt for the
Cubans who were there, and in particular for Tin, who also recounted in his
words all the pain he suffered as a child alongside his family due to the
loss of his father.
I would tell you more, but today we know of plans for terrorist acts that
are being supported, financed, and prepared in the United States to attack
Cuba at a time like this, and when the time comes, we will provide the
information and make the denunciation that it deserves.
How can you talk about terrorism in Cuba, a country that has been the
victim of terrorism by the very person who is accusing us? It is brazen, it
is immoral, it is manipulation, it is a lie, it is slander; but we have
very recent facts, and we have seen the dishonesty with which the US
governments have shifted the focus of terrorism by blaming Cuba.
Let us remember that, just a few days before the US presidential handover,
the current US president included us on the list of countries that
allegedly support terrorism, and we all know that this is one of the
actions that has most contributed to the intensification of the blockade in
recent times, because of the damage it causes us from a financial point of
view and in terms of the ability of a whole group of entities and companies
to work with Cuba, and because it is a totally coercive measure and a means
of exerting pressure on others.  And they labeled us, defined us,
classified us, and included us on that spurious list without any evidence.

Increasing the extraction of crude oil and associated gas would reduce
dependence on imports. *Photo: *Ricardo López Hevia

Biden maintained that position during his term in office, and in the last
days of his term he removed us from the list of countries that allegedly
support terrorism; therefore, he was acknowledging that there was no
evidence to include us on that list.  Then Trump returned to the presidency
and within a few days he put us back on the list.
Does the list really reflect a fair assessment, an assessment based on
evidence that a country is a terrorist state, or is it also a political
manipulation that serves the interests of the US administrations?
Cuba is not a terrorist country. Cuba is also not a threat to the security
of the United States. Cuba has never carried out, proposed, or armed any
aggressive action that endangers the territorial integrity, security, or
stability of the United States government.
We do not protect terrorists. There are no military forces from other
nations or other groups in Cuba.  There are no military bases from other
countries in Cuba. We have military cooperation and military cooperation
agreements with friendly countries, with allies, but that does not mean
that there are military bases in Cuba.
In Cuba, as Legañoa said, there is a military base, an illegal military
base, and whose is it? It is an illegal US base on the soil of the Cuban
province of Guantanamo, against the will of the Cuban people.
Who are the ones with military bases all over the world? Who are known for
supporting state terrorism around the world? Or was the aggression against
Venezuela and the kidnapping of a president not an act of state terrorism?
Or is the United States' support for the genocide of the Palestinian people
in Gaza not an act of terrorism? Or is shooting and sinking boats and ships
carrying people who have not been proven to be linked to drug trafficking
in an extrajudicial manner, without any investigation or evidence, not an
act of terrorism?
So, where does the truth lie in this world? Which is the main state in the
world that is a danger to world security, to world peace? The United
States. That is my view on this issue, Legañoa.
Norland Rosendo (Cuban News Agency). Greetings, President.
President, the current situation in Cuba is very complex in terms of
electricity generation due to problems accessing international fuels, now
exacerbated by the Executive Order that threatens to further impede our
access to them.
Cuba has proposed on several occasions, in various national forums, a
long-term strategy to change the country's energy matrix, with the goal of
reaching approximately 100 percent renewable energy sources by 2050.
In light of current events, has there been any update to that strategy? If
so, what are the elements that support it and what will the priorities be?
Miguel M. Díaz-Canel: That is a very interesting question, and I think it
has a lot to do with what people are concerned about, with what people want
to know.
We have dedicated the month of January to plenary sessions, to strategies
in the territories and to national strategies, and one of the priorities
has been the country's energy program, which covers electricity and other
energy issues related to fuel and fuel use, and we have updated that
strategy.  The thing is that, as you yourself point out, a strategy had
already been in place for approximately two years, with the fundamental
objective of energy transition, that is, moving towards renewable energy
sources and becoming more independent from the use of fossil fuels.
The way in which a series of coercive measures by the United States
government, in the midst of this situation, has been aimed at blocking the
country's energy supply, confirms the importance of maintaining this
priority in the country's energy transition towards renewable energy
sources.
Perhaps in order to answer your question, I need to talk about the results
we achieved from the implementation of this strategy last year and what the
ratification and updating of this strategy consists of at the present time,
in light of recent events.
The situation was so complex last year that the modest results, so to
speak, although one of them is not modest at all, and I will explain why,
did not allow us to see the magnitude of the impact of what was achieved
last year, which was one of the years in which we faced the most
harassment, had the least financial resources, and had the least fuel.
Last year, we recovered more than 900 megawatts in the country's
distributed generation source. Why has this impact not been seen? Because
it has coincided with an increase in generation capacity or the recovery of
distributed generation capacity, but we have not had, for all the reasons
we know, the fuel for that...
For example, we have been at zero distributed generation for four weeks,
meaning that we cannot use more than 1,300 or 1,400 megawatts of installed
power in distributed generation during peak hours to compensate for
deficits.  Do the math yourselves: if during peak hours we have been moving
between 1,600, 1,800, and 1,900 megawatts of deficit in these first days of
the year, in the first month and so far in February, sometimes reaching
2,000; if we had had 1,200, 1,300, 1,400 megawatts of distributed
generation incorporated and operating during those hours, the peak would
have been minimized to 500 or 400 at a very particular moment of the peak,
and we would have been able to close most nights after the peak and in the
early morning hours.  But it was a result that we have not been able to
take full advantage of due to fuel problems, but it is there, it is there!
We also recovered thermal generation capacities, which has to do with the
entire process that has been enhanced in terms of repair and maintenance of
the country's main thermoelectric power plants.  The impact has not been
seen because we have had deficits, very large deficits. But note that we
have maintained a deficit, for example, at the peak we are talking about,
with only the thermoelectric plants operating during that peak period,
without distributed generation.  The peak deficits have remained more or
less the same as at other times when we could have had a portion of
distributed generation, but we did not have what we had recovered in
thermal generation, and that has also prevented the impact from being seen.
And the third area we are working on, and where I believe there is a
notable result, which may not be perceived either, is in the investments we
made in renewable energy sources during that very bad year in terms of the
economic and financial situation.
Last year, we made an investment and installed more than 1,000 megawatts of
electricity generation with photovoltaic parks: we installed around 49
photovoltaic parks in the country.  Therefore, before 2025, the
penetration, or let's say, the percentage contributed by renewable energy
sources in the country's electricity generation was only 3%, and with that
investment in that year, in a single year, we jumped from 3% to 10% of
generation, which means we grew by 7%.
And you may ask me, or the population may ask, where is that energy? Well,
imagine that if during the day we have not had distributed generation and
if during the day we have only been able to rely on thermoelectric plants,
some of which are under repair or maintenance, why have we not had the peak
deficits during the day that we have at night?  Well, simply because those
1,000 megawatts of photovoltaic parks are generating, on average, daily,
during the hours of the day when they are operating, 38% of the energy that
the country consumes at those times, and they have been able to maintain a
controllable, manageable level of deficit during the day.
Let's look at it another way. If we hadn't had those 1,000 megawatts that
day, we would have had less than 1,000 megawatts of generation, we would
have been generating around nine hundred and something megawatts that day;
and an electrical energy system like ours, with 900 megawatts of
generation, with more than 1,200, 1,300 megawatts of sustained deficit
during the day... because, you see, today we have a difference in the
deficit between day and night.  If we hadn't had those photovoltaic parks,
the deficit we have today at night would have been throughout the day.
What would have happened? The country would have been living systematically
from blackout to blackout. In other words, the system would have been
constantly unstable, there would have been a total blackout, we would have
recovered, and in two or three days we would have returned to instability,
and that did not happen.
Now, Arleen asked me the other day, why is there a perception, especially
in Havana, that blackouts have increased during the day? There are times
when they have increased, and there are times when more problems converge,
such as fuel shortages, breakdowns, and weaker sunlight, which complicate
things for us.
When you analyze the deficits we have had during the day, before January
and in January and February, the deficits during the day are more or less
the same.  The thing is that until 2025 we worked with the concept of
prioritizing daytime electricity generation for the population, but we had
the economy at a standstill, we had industries, agricultural activities,
and irrigation at a standstill; we had the main factories, the main export
centers, and the main centers of production of goods for the population at
a standstill.
Also, making a realistic analysis of the country's conditions, we said: we
have to put a little energy into the economy during the day this year.
Knowing that it is at the expense of affecting the population, but the fact
is that the population also receives what we produce in the economy, and if
the economy does not produce, then we complicate things further and the
impact of energy problems is greater in the lives of Cubans.
So, with that concept, the deficit has remained the same, we have been able
to sustain it from that investment, but we are dedicating part of that
energy to the economy, and thus we have managed to prioritize electrical
irrigation during the day; the irrigation, for example, of the hectares of
rice we are planting, because this year we want to achieve 200,000 hectares
of rice, which would mean a production with which we would begin to cover
around 30% to 40% of the rice we consume in the regulated basket and which
is currently imported, and it would be a first step towards achieving
self-sufficiency in rice with domestic production in two or three years and
not having to import rice into the country.
We have been able to energize a group of entities that generate exports; we
have been able to energize entities that substitute imports; we have been
able to give the energy needed by tobacco, which is a very important export
item today, for irrigation and for the investments that have been made.
Now, since all provinces had to make adjustments to balance this out across
the country, where is this felt most? In Havana, the capital, because it
had the greatest capacity to give up a portion, to ask for a portion of
that energy in order to boost the economy. And that is why there may
be—there is, in fact—a perception that there is a greater deficit.  Not a
deficit, what happens is that there is more of a deficit among the
population because we have prioritized the economy.
I say, are we wrong in that concept, or is it also a way to be able to
devote part of all that investment effort to advancing the economy? And we
have been working with that concept.
So, up to this point, I have talked to you about last year's results and
what they have meant for the current electricity situation.
Now, what we have proposed, not only for electricity, but as a concept for
the country's energy situation, because of these pressures, of this
situation we are experiencing, and I do so from a non-idealistic approach,
I do so from a rational, optimistic, but also realistic approach, we must
take advantage of this as an opportunity and finally understand that the
country must be able to sustain itself energetically with the energy
sources we have: with our heavy national crude oil; with renewable energy
sources: we have air, we have water, we have sun, we have biomass, we can
generate biogas, and then apply that concept to electricity generation.
And that is a concept that updates what we are proposing in the energy
plan, particularly in relation to electricity.
Of course, it is not achieved exactly, but imagine if we had not had the
1,000 megawatts. If we had 1,000 megawatts last year and we aspire to have
a figure close to that this year, then we would already be reaching levels
above 15% or close to 20% of electricity generation from renewable
sources.  And the country's 2030 Economic and Social Model proposed
reaching 25% by 2030; we would be reaching that before 2030.
Now, what are we doing, what other actions are being considered in this
updated program?  The continuity of the program and the maintenance of
thermoelectric power plants, because we cannot immediately do without the
thermoelectric base, because, in addition, in that thermoelectric base we
can generate with national crude oil, without dependence on fuel imports.
Continue the program to increase renewable energy sources.  By the end of
February, we will have 98 megawatts more in installed photovoltaic parks;
by the end of March, we will have added 58 megawatts more, and so we will
continue every month of the year, adding more megawatts as we did last
year.
We are making investments that not only increase generation from renewable
energy sources, but also include renewable energy sources with storage.  By
moving towards renewable energy sources with storage, we are ensuring
stability in the frequency of the system and, on the other hand, we are
creating the capacity to use the photovoltaic energy stored during the day
to generate power at night, which makes us totally independent from the use
of fossil fuels.
We are installing 5,000 photovoltaic systems, let's say, domestic, family
systems, in homes, each with a capacity of 2 kilowatts, in homes that were
not electrified because they were isolated and where bringing electricity
would require a tremendous investment in cables, transformers, and poles in
places that are difficult to access.  When we achieve this, we will have
completed the electrification of 100 percent of the country, that is, the
possibility of everyone having electricity. The rest depends on what we
generate, but those homes that did not have electricity will begin to have
stable electricity because they also have storage and will be able to enjoy
what they have never been able to enjoy before.
And we have enough for the homes we were missing and also for a group of
homes that were on systems where the energy supplied to them was only
available for a few hours a day because they depended on fuel plants, power
plants, or hydroelectric plants that depended on the water flow available
or on certain very poor connections. Therefore, we are improving 5,000
homes in this regard.
On the other hand, we are already installing 5,000 more photovoltaic
modules in vital centers to provide services to the population.  Look, we
are doing all this in the midst of these circumstances, in the midst of
this moment, and it contributes to that energy transition.
For example, 161 maternal homes in the country will benefit from these
modules.  The power may go out in those places, but the maternal homes will
have energy.  Modules of this type have been installed for
children—referred to as dependent children—who have illnesses that require
them to have energy in their homes all day long. Last year, we installed
them for 161 children, and this year we are going to install them for 121
more.
I mentioned 161 maternity homes; 156 nursing homes; 305 homes for the
elderly; 556 polyclinics, where at least the emergency room and a
significant part of the facility will have these systems; 336 bank
branches.  You know that one of the problems the population faces today
when there is a blackout is that they cannot carry out banking
transactions, and the economy does not function from a financial point of
view either. This solves that problem; 349 commercial offices of the UNE
and other agencies where people have to carry out procedures.
Here we have talked about nursing homes, polyclinics, and branches. All of
this is spread across the 168 municipalities of our country. In other
words, we are going with that concept and we are not stopping there; we
aspire to more.
Now, there are 10,000 more photovoltaic systems. Look, we have talked about
5,000 and 5,000, which is 10,000. That is already 10,000 homes or 10,000
institutions that do not need to connect to the national power grid.
There are 10,000 photovoltaic systems that are being delivered on a
priority basis to people who work in the education and health systems:
doctors, teachers, professors, health workers, education workers, higher
education workers, which are two sectors that contribute a lot to society,
which are two sectors where people work in very complex conditions. With
payment facilities, with loans, long-term payments.  That's 10,000 more
people, or 10,000 more homes, which is multiplied by three or four family
members who benefit from this.
We have proposed incentives for people who buy systems and want to
cogenerate and contribute to the national electricity system, or who want
to cogenerate and contribute to a community or a block or a group of homes.
We have also created incentives so that in terms of tariffs, prices, and
payment methods, anyone who can purchase a domestic photovoltaic system to
install in their home can do so in the most viable and expeditious way
possible.
This year, we also plan to recover wind power generation and transmission
capacities in some of the wind farms we already have in the country, but
which were experiencing certain technical problems, and there are new
investments in wind power being developed, especially in the La Herradura
area in Las Tunas.
This is a whole group of actions that are included in this program, which
is being updated and which shows us the path we want to take and the road
we want to travel.
And here, as I explained just now, there is another group of things that
are being done, of aid that we are going to receive, of projects that are
being managed, which, as we get responses, will enable us to expand
everything we have planned.
Now, last year the country acquired training capacity in the forces that
build, operate, and install photovoltaic park technology. When we started
the first parks, it took us about three months to build them, but we were
able to build the last parks in 45 days. In other words, we now have
trained personnel to continue these investments in Cuba, and even to
provide services to other countries that need collaboration in this area.
New technologies have been incorporated, technology transfers have been
made, and developments are underway. A group of scientists, led primarily
by Dr. Lídice from the University of Havana, has been closely monitoring
how these investments should be made, meaning that this entire program has
had a focus on science and innovation. It was a topic that was brought up
and discussed at the National Innovation Council last year, and today it is
a reality, and it has had the impact and effect that I have explained to
you.
Did I miss anything regarding electricity?
Arleen Rodríguez: Oscarito had passed us a note asking us to talk about
that topic, but in another dimension.
Oscar Figueredo, from Cubadebate.
Oscar Figueredo (Cubadebate and IDEAS Multimedios): Greetings, President.
You referred to the large investments that have been made in energy,
despite the current situation in the country, and there is one important
element that was confirmed, which is the need to continue exploiting the
internal sources we have, namely oil. Some were skeptical because they
said: Cuban oil is useless, it is too heavy.
I believe that right now the need for our own thermoelectric plants to use
this fuel is being confirmed. Do you think that under these conditions we
can continue to increase the exploitation of this natural resource and also
of the accompanying gas?
Miguel M. Díaz-Canel.-  I agree.
This question allows me to respond and then complement the energy approach,
that is, what we are doing energetically, what we propose to do to address
the current situation. I always point out that we have all this that is
achievable, but that it cannot be resolved overnight.
Now, before I answer, what I do want to say is that we currently have a
complex energy situation from a fuel perspective. Remember that the naval
blockade of Venezuela began in December, so since then, this country has
not been receiving fuel.
Therefore, today we have problems with the availability of fuel to
guarantee not only electricity generation, but also basic activities,
especially those that directly affect the population. That is why the
Council of Ministers met today, to complement these government directives
to address the acute fuel shortage.
And here we have taken as a reference the instructions of the
Commander-in-Chief for the Special Period. Do you remember the directives
of the Commander-in-Chief for the Special Period, what we call Option Zero?
They are also included, updated, because there are other different
situations in these directives.
I am going to give, let's say, a general overview based on the question you
asked me, but in the coming days, based on the discussion we began in the
Council of Ministers and on what has been worked on, a group of deputy
prime ministers and ministers will inform the population in more detail
about the content of all these measures, and the population, I believe that
in a week, will have all the information about the situation and how we are
going to deal with it.
A second concept I want to clarify: even if there is an energy blockade, we
are not giving up on receiving fuel in our country. That is a right we
have, and we will do everything we can, and we are doing everything we can,
so that the country can once again have fuel income and fuel supplies.  So
what I want to explain with this is that you have the guarantee that the
Party, the Government, and the institutions involved in energy decisions
are working to minimize the impact on our population, our country, our
economy, and our economic and social development, under difficult
conditions, because there is an energy blockade by the United States.
And there is a lot of fear, there is a lot of psychological impact on
shipowners, on shipping companies, on countries that can supply us with
fuel; but we are not giving up, that is sovereign, that is a sovereign
decision of this country. I think it is very reprehensible that a power,
with the size of the United States as a power, should adopt such an
aggressive and criminal policy towards a small nation.
Because what does it mean to not allow a drop of fuel to reach a country?
It means affecting food transportation, food production, public
transportation, the functioning of hospitals, institutions of all kinds,
schools, economic production, and tourism.
How do we keep children in school without fuel? How do our vital systems
function without fuel? How do we distribute food? How do we plant? How do
we plow? How do we prepare the land? How do we harvest the crops? How do we
get around?
Therefore, we are going to take measures that, although they will not be
permanent, will have to take into account the availability of fuel at any
given time; these will be measures that will require effort. I know that
people will say: But sacrifice again? Well, if we don't sacrifice ourselves
and if we don't resist, what are we going to do, give up?
We have shared that surrender is not an option for Cuba. There is much to
defend, there are many dignified Cubans who gave their lives for this
country, for the independence of this country throughout history. And the
most recent are the 32 comrades who fell in Venezuela, whose death outraged
our people, and that wound is still there, that wound has not healed.
And why did they act that way? Because they had conviction; they knew what
they were defending. It wasn't just a president, it wasn't just a sister
nation; it was dignity, it was sovereignty, it was Cuba, it was the
Revolution, it was Latin America and the Caribbean, it is the Global
South.  And they did it the only way they could, with an attitude
consistent with a moment like that: with courage, with bravery, there is no
other way to describe it.  And tomorrow, when we can tell the whole story,
we will see the true contribution of the attitude of those 32 Cubans, and
what they mean as a lesson for those who are hot-headed with their threats
and attempts to attack Cuba.
What right does a nation have to prevent fuel from reaching another
country? With this, they are not only acting against Cuba and the Cuban
people, but they are also preventing many others from having normal trade
relations with Cuba, harming many companies and entities. Isn't this a
violation of international law and the United Nations Charter?  Does this
not go against the free trade that capitalism and imperialism defend?
Furthermore, who do they think they are to impose this on us? Can anyone in
the world celebrate this, that they do this to a country? Is there any hint
of humanism, decency, sensitivity, or decorum in someone who acts like
this? This is completely suffocating us.
And so that they don't suffocate us, there is a strategy, there is a
program that we have also updated, as I told you, in recent days. And there
are new measures that we were looking at today in the Council of Ministers,
some of which are restrictive, but we have to adjust consumption, we have
to promote savings. There are things that we have to stop, postpone, in
order to continue functioning in the fundamental sense, and to continue
weighing up and facing this situation.
I know that when I talk about saving, sometimes people see it as a bit
distant and say, "But what else are you going to save?" There is a lot that
can be saved. Even those who have more energy for more hours of the day
because they are associated with circuits that need to be protected should
be more responsible in their use of that energy that others lack.
I believe that by talking, discussing, and explaining these things, we can
raise awareness, and even though some may see it as distant, we can all
contribute to what we need to face this situation.
So, here is a concept that I have already raised, which is fundamental: we
have to learn to live using our energy sources, as you pointed out to me.
First, there are several actions to be taken.  In the midst of this
situation, with all the shortages of resources, we are increasing our fuel
storage capacities.  Remember that we lost storage capacity when the
Supertankers burned down, but we are recovering that and in other parts of
the country. Why? Because, as I told you, we are not giving up on the fact
that we can have fuel, and if we create more capacity, we can have more
fuel, and one of the things we are going to promote is having more fuel on
consignment in the country.
There is the increase in storage capacity.
There is the increase, as you rightly pointed out, in domestic crude oil
production, which I prefer to call "oil equivalent." Because, as you said,
we are increasing the extraction of crude oil and associated gas.  Remember
that we use part of that gas for electricity generation, which is a highly
efficient process, as is Energas, and in recent months, because we have had
more gas available, we have increased electricity generation with Energas.
Part of that associated gas is supplied to several areas of the capital for
cooking, as manufactured gas. And as part of what we are doing and the
increase in associated gas production, this year we are going to increase
the number of consumers of manufactured gas in Havana by 20,000. It is part
of that program, and we are going to do it this year.
Increasing oil equivalent production allows us to have more crude oil
coverage to also operate with electricity generation in our thermoelectric
plants that can consume that crude oil.
But we are also studying—and in fact we bought an engine—engines that help
us generate electricity or that work for other applications, that use this
Cuban crude oil.  This is another of the projects and actions we are
developing.
And we are not stopping at increasing the production of crude oil and
associated gas. We have already given our scientists a task, and we have
been able to dust off a group of research projects that the Petroleum
Research Institute in the country has been working on for years, to refine
Cuban crude oil and improve its quality.  So, we will not only use Cuban
crude oil directly in thermoelectric power plants, but we will also refine
it to obtain derivatives such as gasoline, fuel oil, and diesel. At the end
of the year, we conducted a small test of national crude oil refining, and
the prospects are promising.
Look, I am explaining the strategy and the things we can do; I repeat, none
of this solves the problems overnight, but it does provide solutions, it
gives us insights, these are different things from what we have been doing
or depending on, and they give us sovereignty.
We have also proposed taking advantage of energy, not only electricity
generation and renewable energy sources; solar cookers can be made, and
solar energy can also be used in wood dryers and food dryers.  The same
goes for hydraulic energy, wind energy, and biomass. But biogas transforms
waste into energy, and with biogas plants you can cook, and with biogas
plants you can have lamps that run on gas and provide lighting.  There are
also engines that run on biogas combustion. By connecting an electric
generator to this engine, you have a gas generator, and with that biogas,
you are generating electricity.
"In order for municipalities to produce for themselves, take advantage of
their endogenous capacities, and develop their territorial and local
development strategies, they must first and foremost have robust local
production systems." Photo: José Llamos Camejo
The things we are trying to do now, in the midst of this situation, must be
sustainable, and we must not forget these hard times. That is why I say,
let's see this as an opportunity to develop, to achieve sustainable
development, to become more energy sovereign, and to be less dependent.
There will be other measures that will have to be implemented as fuel
availability evolves, for better or for worse.

*Photo: *Dunia Álvarez

I can also assure you, based on the expressions of support we have received
during these turbulent days, that there are many people and entities in the
world who reject pressure, who reject blackmail, who reject and oppose the
economic blockade against Cuba, and who are willing to take risks to work
with Cuba.
I believe that the world, the international community, must also decide
whether it will allow a crime such as this, which is being committed today
against Cuba and could be committed against any other nation in the world,
to be the future for humanity, or whether we will truly decide that what
must be done is to lead a struggle for solidarity, for cooperation, for
sovereignty, for multilateralism, and for respect for the rights of
everyone in the world. That is something that the international community
must speak out about and define.
Arleen Rodríguez: President, Dilbert Reyes, editor of the Granma newspaper,
is also here.
I want to note that the Presidency's communications team is also with us,
but since they accompany you on a daily basis...
Miguel M. Díaz-Canel.-  They ask me that every day.
Dilbert Reyes (Granma).-  Greetings, President.
Two questions: in conditions of extreme blockade, I believe that the word
"survive" is neither exaggerated nor pessimistic; I believe it is an
objective word that implies, first and foremost, thinking about basic
necessities of life: food, water, and essential services such as
electricity, communications, health, and education. How do you think the
country should move forward to address these priorities that are essential
for survival?
How urgent do you think it is to mobilize all that local potential, which
you have emphasized so many times, to produce food there in the community,
to produce consumer goods there in the community, because we are going to
have mobility limitations?  Even replicating local experiences mimically,
experiences that have proven to be successful.
Miguel M. Díaz-Canel: Inspiring, as we say.
Dilbert Reyes: In conditions of scarcity, they proved to be successful,
that's one thing.
Second, you have presided over Party plenary sessions in all provinces, and
many of these concepts have been repeated over and over again; however, we
cannot deny that there is a perception that sometimes that sense of urgency
stays in the meeting, stays in the concept, and is difficult to translate
into people's lives.  How do you think the Party's leadership style should
change so that all of this, which should be urgent, yields results and is
done quickly?
Thank you very much.
Miguel M. Díaz-Canel.- You have been very astute in your characterization
of the situation, and you are absolutely right.
To answer both questions, I think I have to refer to the plenary sessions
we have just held at the provincial level and which will now continue at
the municipal level. Not because we are talking about just another meeting,
but because I believe they have been spaces for debate, but also spaces for
building consensus.
And it is in that building of consensus that I believe the potential for
power lies, those things we have reiterated, truly turning them into
results.  Above all, because there is now a new variable, or a variable
with greater weight in the equation of the lives of Cubans, which is the
urgency of the moment, and that we cannot waste time and that there are
things we must do now or never. I believe that this has also encouraged
thinking, encouraged the promotion and understanding of a group of ideas.
The provincial plenary sessions gave us initial confirmation of this. What
the provinces presented as their strategy for this year in their programs
and plans has been far superior to anything we had addressed, even in the
conception of the National Plan. It is clear that there is a willingness
not only to resist, but also to create and overcome, and that there are
many things that are also beginning to become widespread.
I think that also has to do with the fact that we have been discussing very
complex issues in very adverse situations, and where there were ideas that
now one can say: "Well, why are they going to come out now?" Because they
needed to mature, you had to believe in those things, people had to see
spaces, scenarios where many of those ideas were successfully
materialized.  Also because there are people, sometimes, and I say this
with a boast of wisdom, who give you a notion that covers only one variable
in that complex equation of the lives of Cubans, and it may even be a
brilliant idea.  We follow all those ideas and take them into account; but
the thing is that here all the variables are correlated, all the variables
are part of an equation, a very complex equation, a very complex equation!
So that's where you see that things take time to achieve.
And so we start from the contribution made by the 11th Plenary Session of
the Party's Central Committee. I think it was a heart-wrenching plenary
session that opened up the discussion on fundamental issues, on
dissatisfactions, with a view to the emergency, with a view to how we can
respond to the population in the shortest possible time.  But it also shed
light, it also shared, I would say, concepts for ideological work, concepts
for facing the economic battle, priorities and, above all, a construction
of all the things we have proposed in this Government Program—I always
carry it with me, discussing and checking—which we took to a popular
consultation and which will now have a strengthened and expanded version
based on the contribution of that popular consultation, of all these
things, what are the fundamental transformations that define us today that
we have to make in the Economic and Social Model in order to advance more
quickly.  I am going to talk to you about that to answer the two questions
you asked me.
In a situation like this, where on the one hand they want to suffocate us
economically and on the other hand there is the possibility of military
aggression, what have we defined as priorities?
First, we have to improve the functioning of the Party, the Government, the
State, the institutions, the armed forces, the mass organizations, the
social organizations, and the entire system of the country.
To defend ourselves against aggression and prepare for an attempted attack,
as I mentioned when you asked me about defense, we need a plan to increase
the readiness and preparedness for defense in the interest of the war of
the entire people, on the part of our entire population.
A plan for political mobilization: how we constantly demonstrate, how we
constantly discuss, debate, share, and propose. I believe that an important
point in that plan for political mobilization was the funeral honors and
tribute we paid to our fallen comrades in Venezuela.
The first people in the world to take to the streets en masse on January 3
to express their repudiation were the Cuban people. Remember that it was in
the early hours of January 3, at 8 a.m., that we were calling on the people
to gather at 10 a.m. at the Anti-Imperialist Tribune, and when we arrived
at the Tribune at 9:30 a.m., it was completely full.  We had to wait to
begin the protest because there had not been time to set up the event and
the people were already there, and it was the same in all the provinces.
Then there was a succession of events and expressions of support from the
people in all the provinces and municipalities.
And the event when the remains arrived, the March of the Fighting People,
the way the people participated and the way the people turned out in each
of the places, I think that was the high point of that political
mobilization, which must continue, in relation to Cuba and in relation to
the defense of Venezuela, in relation to the defense of Maduro and his
wife, in relation to integration, in relation to denouncing the excesses
committed by the empire against the world.
There is also, as an economic response, how we can implement in the
shortest possible time the fundamental elements, the fundamental
transformations contained in the Government Program to solve the structural
problems of the economy and strengthen it.
The updated Energy Plan that we have discussed on two occasions, from the
point of view of electricity and from the point of view of fuel.
The international coordination that we are promoting among leftist forces
and social movements, because we must all coordinate to denounce, to find
answers, to combat this imperialist offensive.
And there is, and this is one of the things that sometimes causes us the
most dissatisfaction, the way in which we have to develop political
communication, social communication, institutional communication that has
to respond to wartime communication, crisis communication, communication
that confronts this imperial media offensive that is poisoning all
communication spaces in the world, that is trying to assassinate the
reputations of peoples, leaders, individuals, that is trying to throw a
smokescreen around what is happening, that tries to justify everything the
empire proposes.
Remember that they are not talking about the kidnapping of a president,
they are talking about a capture.  Everything is ambiguous. Or
"extraction," which is also a reprehensible term. Who gives you the right
to extract the president of one country and take him to another? Full of
lies, slander, hatred, promoting divisions, promoting confusion, it is not
decent, it is vulgar, it is vulgar!
Associated with these priorities, then, is a group of concepts, especially
for the work of the Party, which they asked me about: how to improve the
work of the Party.  A first concept, which is basic, and although we repeat
it, it is necessary, is unity, which gives us strength.  And in the Plenary
Session, I made some comments, first, based on the concepts of unity and
the calls that the Commander-in-Chief and the Army General have made at
different moments of the Revolution, but also proposing two essential
elements or components of unity: We are going to discuss vigorously and we
are going to march together.
Discuss in order to improve, be critical, debate, contribute. That does not
divide, it unites, especially if afterwards, based on those reflections,
those contributions to the discussion, we march together, we defend
everything together. Now, when there is apathy, when someone keeps quiet
about what they think, when someone is not honest or sincere, that does
create fragmentation in unity.
The other element of unity is participation. When we all participate, when
we all share, when we all fight, when we all achieve results and victories,
there is more identity, more commitment, more self-esteem, and more
strength in everything we do.
There is the connection with the population. We have to be working. I
always tell my colleagues in the Party: the best time you can spend is with
the people, with the collectives in the settings where the main
ideological, economic, or social events are taking place.  Because when you
spend more time at the grassroots level or in direct contact, when you go
to meetings where decisions are made, you go with a vision and knowledge of
what is happening there, of the obstacles, the problems, the aspirations,
and the criteria of the people.  Then, when you contribute to the decision,
the decision will be more realistic, it will be more in line with the needs
and aspirations, and we have to cultivate that.
When we talk about connection, which people often confuse with visiting,
connection is not just visiting, it is about transforming, it is about
acting; it is not about "clocking in," as they say colloquially.  It's not
that I can say I went to every municipality in the country; yes, you went
to every municipality in the country, but what happened in each
municipality when you went, what did I help to promote, what did I explain,
what did I argue, what did I clarify, or what idea did I take away as a
contributor so that I could multiply it?  That is another element that was
worked on at the 11th Plenary Session and that we have discussed so that it
can also be implemented in provincial and municipal strategies.
Democracy in the Party, and Army General Raúl has spoken about this several
times. If, for historical reasons, we are the only Party that is
constitutionally recognized, we are not only the Party of the communist
militants of Cuba, we are the Party of the Cuban nation.  So, I say that
the most natural moment of the Party's work, which is the meeting of the
grassroots organization, cannot be just a meeting of militants; we must
call on young people, we must call on non-militant workers to also
contribute, to discuss the problems with us, to support us in finding
solutions.
In the history of the Revolution, we know how to do this very well and
defend it very well for the big things. An issue as complicated as
approving the Family Code, due to the prejudices that existed because of
the diversity of opinion, was taken to two democratic exercises of popular
participation: a popular consultation and a referendum. We did the same
with the Constitution.  We did the same thing now, in a popular
consultation to enrich the Government Program for the economy. But in
everyday life, in what needs to be done on a daily basis, sometimes we
don't do that, and we don't succeed.
Popular participation and control. Everything must have an outlet for
participation. Everything we set out to do must be supported by the work
and participation of everyone, especially young people. And as part of that
popular participation, there must be popular control by the population in
everything we do. That also involves control and accountability.
You know that I have always defended three pillars for the work of the
Party and the Government, which are political, social, and institutional
communication; digital transformation and the application of artificial
intelligence in all our processes; and science and innovation to seek
solutions to the problems we face from a scientific perspective.
First, the problems are so complex that they cannot be solved with a single
alternative, and Fidel always taught us that we had to work with many
alternatives for the same problem. Science provides us with solutions, and
when we apply them and achieve results, they are in innovation. That is
another thing we have to promote.
Tackling corruption is extremely important in order to support all
processes.
So, answering the second question, what do we need to work on more quickly
and make decisions and announce decisions more quickly in order to achieve
results with the urgency that is needed at this time? That is what I call
the necessary transformations at this time.
There is quite a consensus on this, and when we analyze the debate that
took place for the Government Program, it coincides very much with the
proposals that had the most weight among the population.
First, we must move toward a refinement, an updating of the economic
management system, where there is an adequate relationship between
centralization and decentralization, and an adequate relationship between
what needs to be seen from the planning perspective and what needs to be
addressed with certain market signals.  This is a principle that defends
socialist construction in our conditions, since in some of these areas,
decisions have been made that will evolve systematically and gradually,
such as a new system for allocating foreign currency for economic activity.
A second necessary transformation is the restructuring that we have to
carry out of the entire state apparatus, of the government, of the Party,
and of institutions. We are a small country with an aging population, with
a population that is experiencing negative growth in its demographic
dynamics, and we have a number of institutions that duplicate functions, a
number of people in the non-productive sphere that need to be
restructured.  In addition, we need to reduce state budget expenditures in
all these areas and become more efficient in management processes,
budgeting processes, and planning processes. Progress has already been made
in this area, but it is a necessary transformation.
We have to move towards definitive autonomy for state-owned companies. We
have also been working on this; in the first weeks of January, we discussed
the issue and there are quite a few definitions. Now, we are going to play
with true state autonomy for companies.
First, companies have been given a set of powers that not all of them are
taking advantage of yet, and we see this being implemented at different
levels; but when I give you full business autonomy, don't expect to have
autonomy for some things and for me to have to provide you with raw
materials and fuels from the Central Fund or from central planning.
The country, centralization, whatever needs to be decentralized in planning
is for priorities.  The other thing is that a company that has autonomy has
to export, has to seek foreign exchange earnings and buy the fuel it needs,
buy inputs and buy raw materials.  In fact, we are approving schemes for
state and non-state entities that export, that produce for import
substitution, that are creating mechanisms in this regard.  Always with the
concept that what they do is to reproduce widely and contribute more and
more to the needs of the country and more and more to what they serve, to
their social mission and to the development of their production and
services.
This autonomy of state-owned enterprises must be accompanied by a resizing
and restructuring of state-owned enterprises, especially at the municipal
level, because the other important transformation that we are going to
promote and that we have already been working on in recent days is the
autonomy of municipalities.  Autonomy does not break with unity in
socialist construction, nor is it a lack of discipline in planning and in
the interests of the state. What autonomy guarantees is that the
municipality is closer and has the autonomy and powers to solve the
problems that are closest to the citizens in their municipality.
I say that we cannot aspire for the country to develop and then for the
provinces and municipalities to develop based on the country's development;
that is absurd.  We have to ensure that the municipality develops, and if
the municipalities develop, the provinces develop, and if the provinces
develop, the country develops.
Why did I mention that the autonomy of state-owned enterprises is closely
linked to the powers of municipalities? Because in order for municipalities
to produce for themselves, take advantage of their endogenous capacities,
and develop their territorial and local development strategies, they must
first and foremost have robust local production systems.
Today, if you ask a municipality, "How many business entities of different
types and classifications are there in your municipality?  Some
municipalities might say 20, 30, or 40. And you ask them: How many are
subordinate to the municipality? And they say: two. Generally, a municipal
agro-industrial enterprise, which we achieved last year in all
municipalities, some of which were provincial or national dependencies, and
a commercial enterprise.
So how is the municipality going to develop with an agro-industrial company
and a trading company? And all the other things subordinate to national or
provincial entities, all contributing income to national and provincial
structures when the processes take place in that municipality.
I am not saying that all companies have to be municipal, because there are
companies that, due to their characteristics, because they produce
something unique or because they are of a certain size, even if they are in
a municipality, have to be subordinate to the national or provincial
government; but what cannot happen is that the majority are of that type of
subordination, so why are we going to give autonomy to the municipality if
they have no one to support them?
Therefore, in order for municipalities to be able to generate their local
production systems, we are defending, as a concept, that we are going to
eat what is produced in each place.  Now more than ever, if there is less
fuel, food will not be able to leave one municipality for another.
We have said that we are going to change the concept of the basket. Until
now, our basket has depended on imports and a centralized decision. What
the country can import, and that is what we distribute equally.  We try to
guarantee everyone 7 pounds of rice per month at subsidized prices, whether
you are a worker in a state-owned company that is developing, earning more
than 25,000 pesos; or you are from a non-state MSME earning 60,000 pesos;
or you are a retiree who may be in a vulnerable situation, to everyone, we
cannot do that.  Or we take rice to the municipality that produces rice and
sell subsidized rice to the rice producer. That is egalitarianism, that is
not equity.
Equity is when we give more to those who have less, we redistribute so that
they can catch up and the gaps are broken, without violating a principle of
socialist distribution, which is that of contribution, but without leaving
anyone behind.  But if you have people at this level and people at that
level and you give everyone the same, that's what adds up, but the gap
remains, the gap remains!
So, we have to do that work, with the autonomy of the state-owned company
within the framework of the municipality and in conjunction with the powers
of the municipalities.
What we aspire to is for a municipality to export and generate its exports;
to import, generate income from exports, and have a scheme to be able to
invest in the municipality's affairs. That will unleash the productive
forces.
In this concept of the basket, if we are going to eat what the municipality
produces, then what the country can buy is for more; but it is not the
people waiting for what we can import, it is the people seeking, producing.
So, look, if there is now a group of entities that, like the basket, is
centralized and based on imports at the central level, who is participating
in solving the food problem?  A few.  When we do it that way, those few
don't stop doing it, but now we are adding more people, and so we are going
to add more to the whole productive dynamic and the whole social dynamic of
the territories.
This is realistic; let's not think that progress will be the same
everywhere, let's not think that everything will work out for us right away
everywhere; but we are creating the culture, we are demonstrating the
results, we are moving forward, we are correcting, we are stimulating, and
we are also compensating, with central redistribution, for any differences
that may remain and for those who may be at a disadvantage.  This will also
lead to a change in the import-oriented mindset.
There are other elements that we are working on: renegotiating our external
debt; establishing appropriate relations between the state sector and the
non-state sector; taking advantage of what we have now approved, which is
that economic partnerships can be formed between the state sector and the
non-state sector; ensuring that both the state sector and the non-state
sector are included in local and territorial development strategies, that
they form part of the plan for what we want to achieve.
Similarly, we must take advantage of all the flexibility we have given to
foreign direct investment, as announced by the Minister of Foreign Trade
and Deputy Prime Minister at the Havana International Fair.
Within these concepts is how we promote and create facilities and encourage
the participation of Cubans living abroad with projects that contribute to
the economic and social development of the country. That is another
element, another transformation that we have to work on.
We have arrived at these reflections, we have arrived at these convictions
because we have seen people who have proposed them, have done them, and
have achieved them.  Here there are rice companies that did not have the
technological packages to produce rice, and that began to export, for
example, charcoal, or habanero peppers, or other agricultural products, and
we made a plan for them, and with part of their income, they have purchased
the inputs and fuel to produce rice, and they have become independent,
achieved autonomy, and are developing productively and contributing more.
And in those places where this is achieved, in those municipalities, rice
is cheaper.
We have to manage to produce nationally everything we can produce in the
country, and if we are going to import something, import inputs to boost
national production, and only import products that we cannot make in the
country.
There is the priority of energy transformation, the energy transition,
which we have already explained here.
We must never forget that we have to work to care for the vulnerable and
that in every decision we make, in everything we implement, we have to see
who is disadvantaged and how we compensate those who are disadvantaged.
We will have to continue to refine our tax policy, monetary policy,
financial restructuring, and the banking and financial system, which must
be updated and modernized to support everything we intend to do from an
economic standpoint.
Once again, I insist on priorities, I insist on transformations; moving to
other levels in science and innovation, in digital transformation and
artificial intelligence, in political, institutional, and social
communication; and also beginning to develop the concept of the knowledge
economy, which is the economy generated as part of the contribution of
science and innovation, of knowledge, and for which the country has
enormous potential.
I spoke about the Party's priorities, about transformations, and about how
we can move these things forward. The experience of the Plenary Sessions
gives us the certainty that we can move forward in a different way.
Arleen Rodríguez: Mr. President, I would like to give the floor back to the
youngest member of this group of journalists because he had no idea that he
could ask two questions in one, and it seems to me that, as the youngest
member of the team, his question is related to the future, which is
something I can see. Go ahead, Raciel Guanche.
Miguel M. Díaz-Canel.-  Furthermore, he is a young man who, during a visit
we shared with his media outlet's collective, we realized has leadership
qualities and is proposing innovative ideas.
Raciel Guanche: President, in the context we have been discussing since the
beginning of the conference, I would like to know your assessment of the
attitude taken by the people, and within that, of course, by young people,
in the midst of so many complexities that we have also experienced.
Miguel M. Díaz-Canel.- I believe that every time we talk about the people
and every time we talk about young people, as the popular saying goes, "we
must take our hats off to them."
The heroism of this people is astonishing, and even though we are in this
daily adversity, facing difficult things, when you see the responses, the
creativity, the resistance—and I insist, the resistance of the Cuban people
is not a resistance of endurance, it is a resistance of creation, it is
resisting, but I overcome; I resist, I move forward; I resist, I grow. I
always illustrated this at another time with what we had achieved with
COVID-19, with science and vaccines; that is, it was not just about getting
through COVID-19, it was about getting through COVID-19, but overcoming it
with our own creativity, as was the impact of our vaccines—one cannot have
any doubts or any other feelings towards the attitude of our people and
towards the attitude of our young people; although many speak trying to
denigrate the people and many speak trying to denigrate our youth.
One has a vision for young people, perhaps it has to do with my years as a
university student, with my years as a student leader, but I have said it
before: for me, young people must be treated as the important people they
are in our society. When we talk about unity, there is no unity if young
people are not part of that unity. When we talk about continuity, there is
no continuity without young people. That is why, in this concept of popular
participation, I always say: everything must have an outlet for popular
participation, and within that popular participation, everything must have
an outlet for how we convene and how young people participate.
There are everyday examples of the responses young people give: their
outrage over what is happening in Venezuela; their participation in the
tribute to our fallen heroes, in the March of the Fighting People, and
later in the Torch March.  These young people are living through the
complex situations of these times, the shortages of these times, and
sometimes their life plans are not yet what they aspire to, but they
continue to have confidence because they know that those life plans are
more possible here than anywhere else.
This generation we have is more open-minded, although some people sometimes
say, "No, they don't know that much, they don't read that much." And when
you talk to them, you are amazed at how knowledgeable they are, at the
depth of their judgment, at the way they can distinguish content, at their
intelligence; but also, when you call on them to do difficult things, they
do them.
I remember, and I've explained this many times, when we were busy devising
a strategy to deal with COVID-19, when it first started to appear, we
hadn't yet realized that we had to call on young people, and when we went
to do so, young people were already in the Red Zone.  They mobilized on
their own because they understood that they could contribute to the
country, that who better than them. And young people from all sectors did
so.
I tell you, every time I have had a meeting with young people, every time I
have participated in a debate with young people, I have always learned and
been enriched by their experiences and perspectives.   Listening to young
people, you can also see things differently, I would say in a more
up-to-date, more contemporary, more daring way, and that daring that our
young people can contribute, that restlessness with commitment, is very
good for the nation and for everything we want to do.
And we couldn't think otherwise, because in our history, young people have
always played a fundamental role.
Young people today are no different in that respect; young people today
also have that heritage, they share that legacy, that patrimony. Who were
the mambises? And there are paradigmatic examples: the young Céspedes, the
young Agramonte, the young Maceo, our great thinkers; the young Martí, at
16 years of age in a Presidio Modelo, unjustly imprisoned for defending his
convictions.
Every year, when the Torch March ends, we go there and pay tribute at the
quarry, and every time I see the poem to his mother, I am moved. That this
was written by a 16-year-old!
And our scientists, and those who led the Revolution of '33, the Centennial
Generation, the Revolution. The generation of young people who in the 1960s
faced the aggression at Girón, carried out the Literacy Campaign, and then
lived through the days of the October Crisis. The generations of us who
were young when we lived through the Special Period, when the socialist
camp fell. And the young people of today.
Could we have the unity and resistance that the Cuban people are showing
today in the midst of this situation if young people were not participating?
The thing is, there are some who only talk about those who have left, those
who have tried their luck in other countries, but most of them have not
broken with the Revolution; on the contrary, many are committed to it. In
these times of threats, how many have returned, how many are concerned, how
many are demonstrating against the aggression?
So, we trust those young people.
And what better example? What sums up the values of all those young people
at the present time? The thirty-two. That is our youth. And they are the
present and future of the nation, they are the present and future of the
homeland, and we must take great care of them.
Arleen Rodríguez: President, if you have nothing else to add, let us stick
with the commitment, because surely there are other journalists who are
interested and the moment, as you say, demands a lot of communication.
Miguel M. Díaz-Canel.- In the coming days, the continuity of many things
that I have explained here, which I have not gone into detail about, can be
explained by following up with other colleagues in the Government and the
Party, especially with regard to the issues we discussed today on the
subject of energy, which I know is one of the things that most concerns the
population at the moment, because it has a significant impact on everyone's
daily life.
And to you, I would like to thank you for the meeting, your time, and your
patience (Applause).
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