[News] Invasion and Regime Change in Miami

[Anti-Imperialist News]

orinocotribune.com
<https://orinocotribune.com/invasion-and-regime-change-in-miami/>
Invasion and Regime Change in Miami
José Ramón Cabañas Rodríguez
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[image: image.png]

By José R. Cabañas Rodríguez – Apr 23, 2026

Since the events that took place in Caracas, Venezuela, on January 3, a
series of developments and interpretations of those events have unfolded,
which have had a direct impact on the quality of life of Cubans, both on
and off the island.

The first of these was a US military action against Cuba, considered almost
imminent, around which the traditional troupes of certain sectors in Miami
organized themselves, ranging from the Admirers of Batista and So-Called
Landowners, to Mercenaries by Nature, or the Trio “You Go, I’ll Stay.”

Despite the mirage created by social media, it should be made clear that
all of them combined—and even multiplied by ten—constitute a tiny minority
of the so-called Cuban exile community. These are individuals who take
advantage of the circumstances to once again make headlines, post their
photos, be interviewed on a sidewalk or in a restaurant, and provide
themselves with self-therapy in the face of the crisis of isolation they
experience due to living in efficiencies, having no employment ties, nor
family ties.

As the various deadlines set in recent months for the “end of the regime”
came and went and the fuel blockade against Cuba began—with the island
being deemed “an unusual and extraordinary threat”— a long list of experts
in fossil fuels, supertanker routes, and, above all, repairs to
thermoelectric plants emerged overnight and without any prior gestation
period.

Similar circumstances in the past have always triggered a massive surge of
“Cubanologists” in various fields, but what has been regrettable on this
occasion is that the current chorus has been joined by people who, despite
their differences with current and former Cuban authorities, maintained an
ethical stance a few years ago—especially in the light (or shadow) of
Democratic administrations—and approached Cuba with more or less serious
business proposals, or in the academic sphere.

Specialists who today go so far as to publicly disclose the ID number of
the captain of the alleged tanker that might carry a few drops of fuel to
Cuba once accompanied delegations from US oil companies to explore business
opportunities in Cuba. Others, who currently appear to be very close to
Russians, Japanese, French, and Canadians—who in the past built power
plants in Cuba— have ventured to offer predictions about the lifespan of
their projects and seem to know inside out which spare parts have not been
purchased due to the restrictions of the embargo and which have not been
acquired due to alleged shortcomings of Cuba Petróleos.

Although these are people who currently seem very bold in their stance
against the “regime,” when they previously came to Cuba for academic events
or familiarization visits, they had to request a specific license from the
Office of Foreign Assets Control (OFAC) not only to purchase their plane
ticket but also for the type of proposal they intended to present and even
the underwear they would wear in Havana.

In another group, those who have been accompanying the National Electric
Union of Cuba (UNE) in their blackout forecasts—calculating, meter by
meter, which parts of Cuba are lit or dark—have been marching all these
weeks, along with those who monitor where every food or medicine donation
package goes, and those who create supposed dialogues or irregular events
with the help of artificial intelligence.

What is interesting about these activists is that they make all this human
effort despite not casting a single glance, nor offering a single
reflection on the community, the state, or the country where they live;
they have no outcries about the family member whom ICE has kidnapped right
around the corner from their home, nor do they tell us about the money they
will have to save from now on because they have been excluded from social
health programs. They suffer from a “Cuban-dependence,” or, conversely,
from a “US-allergy.” A rare kind of presbyopia, whereby one sees much
better what is 90 miles away and ignores the proximity of what is right
under their noses.

Once the days of the initial uproar had passed, they demonstrated a strange
attachment to science, when Havana and part of the rest of Cuba were better
lit thanks to a donation of Russian oil—a qualitative change that
undermined their argument that Cuba’s darkness was more related to
incompetence than to the blockade.

But the great commotion among these creatures has not been caused so much
by the resistance reactions from the island as by the shifts in tone that
the White House and the State Department introduced into their repeated
statements on Cuban issues.

The shift from zero oil to allowing the Russians to supply it, or to
permitting private exports from US shores, the announcement of secret
negotiations and with whom they were speaking, the dilemma between using
military force or the economic levers of Cuba’s new productive forces, has
turned these people into center fielders on a baseball team trying to track
a Texas League ball moving in circles. They go to bed late, tweaking their
rhetoric, and wake up early to stay ahead of the latest amendments.

They are possibly the last humans in the MAGA equation who still don’t feel
they have enough of a voice—or the guts—to shout from the rooftops that
they’ve been used and that they let themselves be used. As soon as Trump
claimed that Cuba was “next,” because there were many Cubans living in
Florida who had been mistreated in their home country, the number of former
owners of sugar mills, hotels, and even coat and scarf shops (remember the
claim about the lack of heating on the island) multiplied.

And, once again, it is important to state that despite their thousands of
tweets, posts, and all the modern digital tantrums, these hominids
constitute a minority. They cannot change the fact that the vast majority
of Cuban emigrants, and the American public in general, would like to
return to the days when all US airlines flew to nearly every Cuban city,
when cruise ships constantly arrived at the ports, when hundreds of artists
and intellectuals participated in mutual cultural activities, and when
there was no need to speak in hushed tones about remittances or lie about
medical treatments in Cuban institutions.

But why has there been such a chameleon-like change in the attitude of
some? And the answer is simple: fear.

On this side of the border, we know how many offices, homes, schools, and
nursing homes US government agencies have approached to blackmail and exert
pressure; we know how many foundations have threatened to withdraw support
from specific projects; we understand that threats of potential legal
proceedings or alleged tax arrears are making more than a few people
tremble. Nothing new under the sun.

While such pressures are exerted on some to the point of breaking, others
take advantage of the space the former have left open to step into the
spotlight and propose that “this is a matter among Cubans” and that Trump
neither pushes nor strikes, but merely represents them in their legitimate
right to grant them access, to have a presence in Cuba that would be theirs
by birthright.

The problem with these formulas and facades is that none of them are really
anything new, not even for Latin American Netflix.

The days of the 65th anniversary of the Victory at Playa Girón—or the
defeat at the Bay of Pigs, depending on how you want to call it—have come
and gone. It was a CIA-led operation, the only one of its kind at the time,
with multimillion-dollar budgets that were supposed to ensure undoubted
success.

Even then, John F. Kennedy, who inherited the blueprint for failure from
Dwight Eisenhower, did everything possible to ensure that Operation Pluto
was a Cuban operation in which no American fingerprints would appear. For
that reason, the planes that attacked Cuban airports in the early morning
of April 15, 1961, bore Cuban insignia; for that reason, the discredited US
representative (a former presidential candidate) to the United Nations said
at the time, “the fundamental issue is not between the United States and
Cuba, but among the Cubans themselves.”

This minority of Cubans living in the United States who applaud a likely
military invasion of Cuba and the regime change they believe will result
from it are completely out of touch with the reality of the country where
they live. They are unaware of the ethical, moral, political, and every
other kind of collapse shaking American society; they ignore the successive
failures of the current US administration in foreign policy.

These individuals do not see on the radar that a monumental defeat for the
Republicans is looming in the midterm elections, perhaps even in the 2028
presidential elections, and they lack the capacity to imagine a post-Trump
world.

This minority has been an effective instrument in achieving the Trumpist
invasion of South Florida—a traditionally Democratic territory—and in
bringing about a regime change there that ignores the will of the majority.
They have prioritized noise and digital emotions over opinion polls. They
have even gone so far as to sideline the specialists who conduct these
polls and analyze their results, so that they are neither recognized nor
cited by the local press, which is becoming increasingly submissive and
less daring.

Part of this regime change in Miami has emerged from the multiple visits
received in recent days by businesspeople who held permits to conduct some
form of commercial activity with counterparts (private or otherwise) in
Cuba. They have been pressured by both federal agents and local
opportunists seeking a financial cut. The ultimate goal is to try to
replace those who have defended a stance of commercial exchange with Cuba
for decades with others who have a different attitude toward the new forms
of production already present on the island—forms that could flourish even
more if they were able to operate in an environment different from the one
they face today.

The current phase of bilateral confrontation has already resulted in
casualties on both sides of the Florida Strait. We have acknowledged ours;
the other side has not yet acknowledged theirs.

(Ahora
<https://www.ahora.cu/en/cuba-en/26424-invasion-and-regime-change-in-miami>)

[image: OIP]

José Ramón Cabañas Rodríguez

*José Ramón Cabañas Rodríguez *is Director of the International Policy
Research Center (CIPI) in Havana, Cuba and former Cuban Ambassador to the
US.
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