[News] The daily battles to survive the Gaza genocide

[Anti-Imperialist News]

972mag.com <https://www.972mag.com/gaza-genocide-daily-battles-survive/>
The daily battles to survive the Gaza genocide
Ben Reiff
August 14, 2024
------------------------------
[image: F240804ARK14-1200x802.jpg]
Displaced Palestinians living in tents shelter in Deir al-Balah, central
Gaza Strip, August 4, 2024. (Abed Rahim Khatib/Flash90)

Nearly 20 years after the Second Intifada ended, the Israeli military has
fully resumed its use of air power
<https://www.972mag.com/armed-drones-automated-killing-palestinians/> in
the West Bank, particularly in the northern part of the occupied territory.
Since October 7, it has launched more than 46 drone attacks and airstrikes
<https://acleddata.com/2024/08/05/palestine-mid-year-metrics-2024/> in the
area — the latter of which killed 77 Palestinians, including 14 children
<https://www.ochaopt.org/content/humanitarian-situation-update-186-west-bank>,
by the end of June.

This has created a situation that, to many Palestinians, resembles a “
mini-Gaza <https://www.972mag.com/israel-apartheid-jenin-gaza/>” — a
condition in which Israel is repressing the people from the skies, but also
an example of a counterinsurgency campaign that is doomed to fail.

Jenin <https://www.972mag.com/topic/jenin/> has been a particular target of
this campaign. Despite scores of military incursions, a dozen airstrikes,
and extensive operations since October 7, Israel has been unable to quell
Palestinian armed resistance
<https://www.972mag.com/jenin-refugee-camp-israeli-raids-palestinian-resistance/>
in the city and its refugee camp — primarily led by the Jenin Brigade, an
umbrella group made up of various factional militias.

The situation in Jenin, along with other cities and camps in the West Bank,
reflects a classic case of insurgency: an entrenched local resistance
leverages its intimate knowledge of the geography of the camp, strong
community support, and adaptive tactics to counter a more conventionally
powerful military opponent. Such insurgencies typically thrive on the
support and sympathy of the local population, exploiting the occupying
force’s missteps and the resulting grievances to bolster their ranks.

[image: The damage caused from an Israeli military raid in Jenin, August 6,
2024. (Nasser Ishtayeh/Flash90)]
<https://static.972mag.com/www/uploads/2024/08/F240806NI41.jpg>

The damage caused from an Israeli military raid in Jenin, August 6, 2024.
(Nasser Ishtayeh/Flash90)

“We are not fighting to prove military power — we are fighting for our
right to exist,” explained Abu Hosni, 38, a resident of Jenin camp, a
father of three, and a former fighter during the Second Intifada; he asked
to use a pseudonym for his safety.

At the same time, the continuous violence and destruction has created a
humanitarian crisis. The camp suffers from frequent power blackouts,
shortages of essential supplies, and breakdown of public infrastructure.
And with each army incursion deepening the resentment among the local
population, Israel is not only failing to weaken the militant groups, but
serving to drive recruitment
<https://www.972mag.com/jenin-refugee-camp-israeli-raids-palestinian-resistance/>
for armed resistance.

As a result, many have also grown weary and fearful
<https://www.972mag.com/jenin-refugee-camp-armed-resistance/> of the
situation in the camp. Abu Hosni, who was once a member of the
Fatah-aligned Al-Aqsa Martyrs Brigades, lived through the Second Intifada
and was imprisoned by Israel three times. He described himself as a
“servant” of the Jenin Brigade, but also lamented the tragedy that, years
after he had taken up arms, so many youth were still being met with a
violent fate.

“I see the younger men gearing up and joining ranks; I don’t know how to
describe my feelings, but it doesn’t make me happy,” Abu Hosni said. “I
always tell them: let us think of how to serve, rather than how to be
replaced.”

[image: Mourners and armed Palestinians attend the funeral of Palestinians
killed during an Israeli military operation in Jenin, June 6, 2024. (Nasser
Ishtayeh/Flash90)]
<https://static.972mag.com/www/uploads/2024/08/F240606NI08-1.jpg>

Mourners and armed Palestinians attend the funeral of Palestinians killed
during an Israeli military operation in Jenin, June 6, 2024. (Nasser
Ishtayeh/Flash90)
*Resistance and refugeehood*

Jenin refugee camp holds significant symbolic value
<https://www.972mag.com/israel-war-refugee-camps-jenin/> for Palestinians,
with a legacy of defiance dating back to the Second Intifada and “Operation
Defensive Shield,” the notoriously brutal campaign led by Israeli Prime
Minister Ariel Sharon in 2002. This history reinforces the determination of
many local fighters and civilians to resist the Israeli military. It also
inspires solidarity and support from across the Palestinian territories,
turning the camp into a focal point of the broader struggle against the
occupation.

Today, the resistance in Jenin is marked both by its diversity and its
unity. The Jenin Brigade — which encompasses members from various
Palestinian factions such as Palestinian Islamic Jihad (PIJ), Hamas, Fatah,
and the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine (PFLP) — represents
the joint front against Israeli incursions.

The formation of the Jenin Brigade coincided with the famous escape of six
Palestinian prisoners
<https://www.972mag.com/edition/zubeidi-prison-israel/> from Israel’s
Gilboa Prison, which came on the heels of a violent summer that followed
the “Unity Intifada
<https://www.972mag.com/palestinian-citizens-israel-unity-podcast/>” of May
2021. That uprising saw a mass mobilization across historic Palestine,
sparked by violent Israeli encroachments around the Haram al-Sharif/Temple
Mount and in the Jerusalem neighborhood of Sheikh Jarrah — and an 11-day
war on Gaza after Hamas launched rockets
<https://www.972mag.com/hamas-gaza-jerusalem-protests/> in retaliation for
Israel’s provocations in Jerusalem.

As Israeli military violence escalated in the West Bank during that summer,
many Palestinian youth in cities like Jenin and Nablus turned to armed
resistance; older and dormant militias, such as Fatah’s Al-Aqsa Martyrs
Brigades, were also resurrected
<https://www.972mag.com/aqsa-martyrs-brigades-jenin-nablus/>.

[image: Palestinian mourners carry the body of Raed Abu Seif and Saleh
Ammar, one of four Palestinians killed in early morning clashes with
Israeli security forces in Jenin, August 16, 2021 (Nasser Ishtayeh/Flash90)]
<https://static.972mag.com/www/uploads/2024/08/F210816NI09.jpg>

Palestinian mourners carry the body of Raed Abu Seif and Saleh Ammar, one
of four Palestinians killed in early morning clashes with Israeli security
forces in Jenin, August 16, 2021 (Nasser Ishtayeh/Flash90)

Just as important for sustaining Jenin’s resistance has been its strong
identity as a refugee camp
<https://www.972mag.com/palestinian-refugees-hasbara-myths-jenin/> — one of
many established in the years following the 1948 Nakba, when Zionist forces
expelled hundreds of thousands of Palestinians from their homeland.

“There is a profound sense of refugeehood in the communities of Jenin,
Tulkarem, and elsewhere,” said Mohammad Sabbagh, the chairman of the Jenin
camp’s Popular Services Committee, which oversees day-to-day affairs in the
area and liaises with the UN Relief and Works Agency (UNRWA) and the
Palestinian Authority (PA).

Like other Palestinians, the shared experience of the Nakba — not just as a
historical moment, but as an ongoing phenomenon — fosters Jenin’s communal
*sumud*, or steadfastness, in the face of Israeli oppression. And with the
intergenerational trauma resulting from the Nakba, Sabbagh argues that, as
difficult as conditions may get, it is almost impossible for many refugees
and their descendants to ever consider leaving the camp.

According to political analyst Jihad Harb, the camp’s identity “is deeply
intertwined with the right of return — even if residents may not believe it
will materialize.” For Palestinian refugees, he explained, the right of
return is more than a political stance; it is a moral imperative that
acknowledges their historical plight and the pain they have endured since
their displacement in 1948. It is a symbol of recognition and justice that
they cling to, reinforcing their collective memory and their ongoing
struggle for dignity.

[image: A mural in Jenin. (Fatima AbdulKarim)]
<https://static.972mag.com/www/uploads/2024/08/IMG_2438.jpeg>

A mural in Jenin. (Fatima AbdulKarim)

“The demand for acknowledgement of their suffering is pivotal in sustaining
their resilience and solidarity in the face of continuous adversity,” Harb
added.
*‘Not one house isn’t hit with bullets’*

Against Israel’s increasingly aggressive incursions, Palestinian militants
and residents see armed resistance as a form of self-defense, both to
protect their lives and to thwart attempts to uproot the refugees yet
again. “We are now facing a policy of destruction aimed at forcing people
to voluntarily leave the camp,” Sabbagh told +972.

“The military incursions are clearly aimed at creating a coercive
atmosphere for a new Nakba, the weakening of the PA’s sovereignty, and
[undermining] the work of local community bodies to face our own issues,”
he continued. “The occupation is leaving us no choice but to defend
ourselves with all possible means.”

This discourse of self-defense is echoed by the militants themselves. “The
camp is only trying, with its most basic means, to defend itself,” said one
armed fighter in his 20s, who grew up witnessing the total collapse of
Jenin camp in 2002. The Israeli army’s relentless targeting of the camp, he
continued, was an attempt at turning the residents into “slaves” under
military rule. “Our youth don’t see any life other than the occupation,” he
said, but they are driven to join the resistance because “we are a nation
of free-willed people.”

[image: Palestinian youth confront Israeli forces during a raid in the
occupied West Bank city of Jenin, December 13, 2023. (Nasser
Ishtayeh/Flash90)]
<https://static.972mag.com/www/uploads/2024/02/F231213NI101.jpg>

Palestinian youth confront Israeli forces during a raid in the occupied
West Bank city of Jenin, December 13, 2023. (Nasser Ishtayeh/Flash90)

“If [the Israelis] left us alone, there would be no need for [the Brigades]
— we would be focused on ourselves, on our prosperity, on education,” the
young fighter told +972 as he stood by the side of the road, manning a
roadblock at an entrance to the camp to inspect cars in anticipation of
infiltration of Israeli special forces. “Now, we are left to repair the
streets and connect the water and electricity.”

“Every time the Israeli army raids the Jenin refugee camp, it puts us under
a total blackout,” he continued. “It’s like in Gaza: they know that no one
can reach us because of the checkpoints, and people are afraid, so they
isolate us and start assaulting us. But not one house isn’t hit with
bullets in this camp, and because of that, we are all united.”

Israel’s dozens of operations since October — which deploy artillery,
ground forces, drones, and other advanced technologies — have devastated
<https://t.me/jenencamb/57875> the refugee camp. D9 bulldozers frequently
rampage through the narrow alleys, with soldiers opening fire, breaking
into and searching homes, while aircrafts launch missiles into the camp.

According to Sabbagh, over 70 Palestinians from the Jenin refugee camp, and
about 80 more from the Jenin region, have been killed since October 7; 180
homes in the camp have been totally destroyed, and almost every one of the
camp’s 3,800 homes has suffered some kind of damage. Some families have
been displaced, and daily life has been disrupted for all.

[image: The damage caused from an Israeli military raid in Jenin, May 23,
2024. (Nasser Ishtayeh/Flash90)]
<https://static.972mag.com/www/uploads/2024/08/F240523NI08.jpg>

The damage caused from an Israeli military raid in Jenin, May 23, 2024.
(Nasser Ishtayeh/Flash90)

“Right now, we are focused on trying to rebuild
<https://www.972mag.com/jenin-refugee-camp-palestinian-solidarity/> the
basic infrastructure [for residents] to be able to carry on with their
lives and businesses in the camp,” Sabbagh told +972.

“The soldiers have no boundaries,” said paramedic Hazem Masarweh,
explaining that the work of emergency services in Jenin has become nearly
impossible. At the start of almost every Israeli incursion, according to
Masarweh, Israeli forces surround the entrances of the city’s hospital,
close off roads leading to the refugee camp, and impose a power outage and
communications blackout to facilitate the infiltration of army vehicles and
troop units.

In addition to these open military operations, the Israeli army has carried
out undercover operations and extrajudicial assassinations against
Palestinian fighters. This generated international headlines
<https://www.cnn.com/2024/01/30/middleeast/israel-undercover-raid-jenin-west-bank-hamas-intl/index.html>
in January when Israeli commandos, disguised as medical workers and Muslim
women, infiltrated the Ibn Sina hospital in Jenin and killed three
Palestinian militants.

The Israeli army said one of the militants killed was Mohammad Walid
Jalamna, whom they identified as a member of Hamas planning an attack
inspired by the October 7 assault. The commandos also killed Mohammad and
Basel Al-Ghazzawi, two brothers who were associated with the Jenin Brigade;
Basel had been injured by an Israeli drone strike in October, and was
recovering in the hospital when he was assassinated.

Yet none of this has succeeded in eradicating the Jenin Brigade. Instead, a
younger generation is continuing to emerge, often carrying guns plastered
with stickers of their slain friends, vowing revenge against the army.

[image: A Palestinian nurse stands next to a hospital bed and pillow
covered in blood following an Israeli military operation at the Ibn Sina
Hospital, in the occupied West Bank city of Jenin, January 30, 2024.
(Nasser Ishtayeh/Flash90)]
<https://static.972mag.com/www/uploads/2024/02/F240130NI02.jpg>

A Palestinian nurse stands next to a hospital bed and pillow covered in
blood following an Israeli military operation at the Ibn Sina Hospital, in
the occupied West Bank city of Jenin, January 30, 2024. (Nasser
Ishtayeh/Flash90)
*‘The PA is trying to contain the resistance without understanding it’*

Similar developments are taking place in the nearby city of Tulkarem, which
was once known for its vibrant community. Enforced closures, raids,
and the demolition
of public infrastructure <https://t.me/mokem_tolkarm/31511> — including the
city’s main vegetable market — have left Tulkarem’s once-thriving economy
suffering, with businesses closing down due to the unsafe environment and
the disruption of supply chains.

In the city’s twin refugee camps of Tulkarem and Nur Shams, like in Jenin,
Palestinian residents have voiced their fury at the Israeli army and
support for the local resistance. The Israeli army has displaced families
as it destroys homes or renders them uninhabitable. The local healthcare
system is also struggling, and there is a major need for psychological
support for those traumatized. Children, in particular, are bearing the
brunt of the violence, with their education disrupted and sense of security
shattered.

In these camps, too, young Palestinians have been turning to armed groups
to fight the occupation. The camp’s dense and narrow alleyways provide a
challenging terrain for conventional military operations, allowing local
fighters to employ guerrilla tactics effectively. These tactics,
characterized by hit-and-run attacks, ambushes, and the use of improvized
explosive devices, have made it difficult for Israeli forces to maintain
control.

The Israeli army says its incursions in Tulkarem, like in Jenin, are aimed
at rooting out these resistance fighters. But Palestinians say that the
constant and stifling presence of Israeli military vehicles and checkpoints
is deliberately disrupting their normal flow of life, making it difficult
for residents to go about their daily routines.

“This is pure revenge,” said Lubna Shahin, a local resident of Nur Shams
refugee camp. “They are clearly not after the local resistance, because the
resistance to injustice can never die. But they are taking advantage of the
war on Gaza to carry out the same atrocity on a smaller scale.”

[image: The damage caused from an Israeli military raid in Nur Shams
refugee camp, Tulkarem, March 21, 2024. (Nasser Ishtayeh/Flash90)]
<https://static.972mag.com/www/uploads/2024/08/F240321NI09.jpg>

The damage caused from an Israeli military raid in Nur Shams refugee camp,
Tulkarem, March 21, 2024. (Nasser Ishtayeh/Flash90)

“If they wanted to end the local resistance, they should leave us alone,”
she continued. “This way, our youth will not think of taking up arms,
because all we want is peace.”

To make matters worse, the PA — which is meant to govern Jenin and other
Palestinian cities in “Area A,” as designated by the Oslo Accords — has
been unable to restore security or rehabilitate the destroyed refugee
camps, Palestinians say. According to one PA security source, who requested
anonymity, the PA feels burdened by Israel’s repeated incursions, which
leave a massive cost as local authorities are forced to repair streets,
water pipes, and other basic infrastructure.

But the PA is also using its own security forces to crack down on militants
— solidifying its reputation as a subcontractor of the Israeli occupation.
On July 26, PA forces sent an armed unit into a hospital in Tulkarem,
attempting to arrest <https://t.me/mokem_tolkarmm/21957> Mohammad Jaber, a
leader of the Tulkarem Brigades who was receiving treatment, according to
several local sources. Jaber, also known as Abu Shuja, is known to be
affiliated with the Islamic Jihad movement, and is wanted by the Israeli
authorities. Sources said that Abu Shuja was admitted to hospital after
injuring his fingers while handling an explosive device.

As the incident unraveled, videos <https://t.me/mokem_tolkarmm/21962> began
to circulate over social media showing Abu Shuja being escorted by a
supportive crowd, including prominent Fatah members from the Tulkarem
refugee camp, amid gunfire between militants and PA security forces outside
the hospital. Ultimately, Tulkarem Governor Mustafa Taqtaqa said in a
statement <https://www.wafa.ps/pages/details/100207>: “The security forces
withdrew without making any arrests, to avoid Palestinian bloodshed and to
maintain civil peace.”

[image: Palestinian gunmen seen in Tulkarem, May 7, 2024. (Nasser
Ishtayeh/Flash90)]
<https://static.972mag.com/www/uploads/2024/08/F240507NI15.jpg>

Palestinian gunmen seen in Tulkarem, May 7, 2024. (Nasser Ishtayeh/Flash90)

Soon afterward, however, militants in Tulkarem and Jenin fired at security
forces guarding local PA headquarters in both cities, in protest. “The PA
is trying to contain the resistance without understanding it,” said a young
activist from Tulkarem refugee camp, who is affiliated with Fatah. ”It is
acting like a stepfather trying to discipline its disobedient children, but
it is unable to convince them.”
*‘Injustice and betrayal’*

Since the Abu Shuja incident, according to officials from the camp,
simmering discontent has thus far been contained. But the potential for an
internal explosion looms large.

A recent poll <https://www.pcpsr.org/en/node/985> by the Palestinian Center
for Policy and Survey Research (PCPSR), for example, showed growing support
for armed resistance against Israel, at 63 percent, while 62 percent
support the dissolution of the PA.

“The PA must understand that the resistance is driven by a sense of
injustice under the occupation, but the sense of betrayal from their own
people could shift their focus from Israeli forces to PA security
personnel,” the young Fatah activist said.

[image: Palestinian gunmen seen in Tulkarem, May 7, 2024. (Nasser
Ishtayeh/Flash90)]
<https://static.972mag.com/www/uploads/2024/08/F240507NI16.jpg>

Palestinian gunmen seen in Tulkarem, May 7, 2024. (Nasser Ishtayeh/Flash90)

According to Harb, the political analyst, the PA’s challenge is to navigate
this precarious situation, balancing its security responsibilities while
addressing the legitimate grievances of its population. “The public image
of Abu Shuja over people’s shoulders symbolizes defiance against the PA,”
he said. “The PA is trying to shield itself from the rising opposition that
supports the image of militants and armed resistance.”

The situation in Tulkarem and Jenin is thus a microcosm of the broader
situation in the West Bank. The Israeli military, which claims to be
reaching its last phase in the war on Gaza before it pursues so-called “day
after” plans, is clearly failing in its counterinsurgency campaign in the
West Bank.

“The massive killings and destruction through surgical operations cannot
uproot the resistance as long as the occupation persists,” Harb said. “The
personal stories of those young militants is part of a long history of the
struggle of their parents and grandparents, and of their sacrifices ever
since they lost everything in 1948.”

The IDF Spokesperson responded to our request for comment with the
following statement: “The IDF operates wherever necessary, especially in
areas with high levels of terrorism, such as Jenin. The IDF apprehends
individuals wanted for suspected terrorist activities, incitement of
terrorism, and terrorists who have carried out or are planning to carry out
attacks.

“Most counter-terrorism operations are conducted at night to reduce
friction between IDF troops and the civilian population, as well as for the
safety of our forces. It should be noted that similar to other places, in
Judea and Samaria [the West Bank], terrorists also use civilian
infrastructure, including medical or religious facilities, for terrorist
purposes, thereby directly endangering uninvolved civilians.”
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