[News] The Premises of the Diplomatic Mission Shall Be Inviolable
Anti-Imperialist News
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Thu Apr 11 08:32:21 EDT 2024
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*The Premises of the Diplomatic Mission Shall Be Inviolable: The
Fifteenth Newsletter (2024)*
Afshin Pirhashemi (Iran), /Untitled/, 2017.
Dear friends,
Greetings from the desk of Tricontinental: Institute for Social Research
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We live in dishonest times, where certainties have crumbled, and
malevolence stalks the landscape. There is Gaza, of course. Gaza above
all else is on our minds. Over 33,000 Palestinians have been killed
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by Israel since 7 October, with more than 7,000 people missing (5,000 of
them children). The Israeli government has brutally disregarded the
global public opinion mounted against them. Billions of people are
outraged by the stark fact of their violence and yet we are unable to
force a ceasefire from an army that has decided to raze an entire
people. Global North governments speak from two sides of their mouths:
clichéd phrases of concern to ameliorate their own disheartened
populations, and then vetoes at the United Nations and arms transfers to
the Israeli army. It is this two-faced behaviour that bolsters the
confidence of people like Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and
enables their impunity.
That same impunity allowed Israel to violate the UN Charter (1945) and
Vienna Convention on Diplomatic Relations
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(1961) on 1 April 2024 when it bombed the Iranian embassy in Damascus,
Syria, killing sixteen people – including senior Iranian military
officers. This impunity is infectious, spreading amongst leaders who
feel emboldened by Washington’s arrogance. Among them is Ecuador’s
President Daniel Noboa, who sent his paramilitary forces into the
Mexican embassy in Quito on 5 April to seize the country’s former Vice
President Jorge Glas, who had been granted political asylum by the
Mexican authorities. Noboa’s government, like Netanyahu’s, set aside the
long history of international respect for diplomatic relations with
scant regard for the dangerous implications of this kind of action.
There is a feeling amongst leaders such as Netanyahu and Noboa that they
can get away with anything because they are protected by the Global
North, which anyway gets away with everything.
Lucía Chiriboga (Ecuador), /Untitled/ from the series ‘Del fondo de la
memoria, vengo’ (‘I Come from the Depths of Memory’), 1993.
Diplomatic customs go back hundreds of thousands of years and across
cultures and continents. Ancient texts written by Zhuang Zhou in China
and his contemporary in India, Kautilya, in the fourth century BCE set
the terms for honourable relationships between states through their
emissaries. These terms appear in almost every region of the world, with
evidence of conflicts resulting in agreements that include the exchange
of envoys to maintain peace. These ideas from the ancient world,
including Roman law, influenced the early European writers of customary
international law: Hugo Grotius (1583–1645), Cornelis van Bijnkershoek
(1673–1743), and Emer de Vattel (1714–1767). It was this global
understanding of the necessity of diplomatic courtesy that formed the
idea of diplomatic immunity.
In 1952, the government of Yugoslavia proposed that the International
Law Commission (ILC), set up by the UN, codify diplomatic relations. To
assist the ILC, the UN appointed Emil Sandström, a Swedish lawyer who
had chaired the UN Special Committee on Palestine (1947), as special
rapporteur. The ILC, with Sandström’s assistance, drafted articles on
diplomatic relations, which were studied and amended by the 81 member
states of the UN. At a month-long meeting in Vienna in 1961, all the
member states participated in the Convention on Diplomatic Relations.
Amongst the 61 states that became signatories were Ecuador and Israel,
as well as the United States. All three countries are, therefore, among
the founding states of the 1961 Vienna Convention.
Article 22.1 of the Vienna Convention says: ‘The premises of the mission
shall be inviolable. The agents of the receiving State may not enter
them, except with the consent of the head of the mission’.
Safwan Dahoul (Syria), /Dream 77/, 2014.
At a briefing
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in the UN Security Council about Israel’s recent strike on the Iranian
embassy in Syria, Deputy Ambassador Geng Shuang of China reminded his
colleagues that 25 years ago, the US-led NATO bombing of Yugoslavia
resulted in an attack on the Chinese embassy in Belgrade. At the time,
US President Bill Clinton apologised
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for the attack, calling it an ‘isolated, tragic event’. No such apology
has come from Israel or Ecuador for their violations of the Iranian and
Mexican embassies. Geng Shuang told the chamber, ‘The red line of
international law and the basic norms of international relations have
been breached time and again. And the moral bottom line of human
conscience has also been crushed time and again’. At that briefing,
Ecuador’s Ambassador José De la Gasca condemned the attack on the
Iranian embassy in Damascus. ‘Nothing justifies these types of attacks’,
he said. A few days later, his government violated the 1961 Vienna
Convention and the 1954 Organisation of American States’ Convention on
Diplomatic Asylum
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when it arrested Jorge Glas in the Mexican embassy, an act that was
swiftly condemned
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by the UN secretary-general.
Such violations of embassy protections are not new. There are many
examples of radical groups – from the left and the right – attacking
embassies to make a political point. This includes the 1979 takeover of
the US embassy in Tehran, when students held 53 staff hostage for 444
days. But there are also several examples of governments forcibly
entering the premises of foreign embassies, such as in 1985 when the
South African apartheid regime sent its forces to the Dutch embassy to
arrest
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a Dutch national who had assisted the African National Congress and in
1989 when the invading US army searched
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the residence of the Nicaraguan ambassador in Panama City. None of these
interventions went by without sanction and a demand for an apology.
Neither Israel nor Ecuador, however – both signatories of the 1961
Vienna Convention – have made any gesture towards an apology. Neither
Iran nor Syria had any diplomatic relations with Israel, and Mexico
broke diplomatic ties with Ecuador in the wake of recent events.
Graciela Iturbide (Mexico), /Mujer Ángel, Desierto de Sonora, México
/(‘Angel Woman, Sonoran Desert, Mexico’), 1979.
Violence traverses the world like a new pandemic not only in Gaza, but
spreading outward to this brewing conflict around Ecuador and the
ugliness of the wars in the eastern Democratic Republic of the Congo,
Sudan, and the continuing stalemate in Ukraine. War breaks the human
spirit, but it also invokes an enormous instinct to go the streets and
stop the trigger from being pulled. Again and again, this great anti-war
feeling is met with the wrath of powers that arrest the peacemakers and
treat them – and not the merchants of death – as the criminals.
Parviz Tanavoli (Iran), /Last Poet of Iran/, 1968.
Iran has a glorious tradition of poetry that goes back to Abu Abdallah
Rudaki (858–941) and then shines in the /Diwan/ of Khwaja Shams al-Din
Muhammad Hafiz Shirazi (1320–1390), who gave us this bitter thought: /in
the world of dust, no human being shines; it is necessary to build
another world, to make a new Adam/.
In this tradition of Farsi poetry comes Garous Abdolmalekian (b. 1980),
whose poems are saturated with war and its impact. But, even amidst the
bullets and the tanks sits the powerful desire for peace and love, as in
his ‘Poem for Stillness’ (2020):
He stirs his tea with a gun barrel
He solves the puzzle with a gun barrel
He scratches his thoughts with a gun barrel
And sometimes
he sits facing himself
and pulls bullet-memories
out of his brain
He’s fought in many wars
but is no match for his own despair
These white pills
have left him so colourless
his shadow must stand up
to fetch him water
We ought to accept
that no soldier
has ever returned
from war
alive
Warmly,
Vijay
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