[News] Without Culture, Freedom Is Impossible
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Thu Sep 22 11:52:22 EDT 2022
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*Without Culture, Freedom Is Impossible: The Thirty-Eighth Newsletter
(2022)*
Roberto Matta (Chile), Cuba es la capital (‘Cuba Is the Capital’), 1963.
Roberto Matta (Chile), /Cuba es la capital /(‘Cuba Is the Capital’), 1963.
Dear friends,
Greetings from the desk of Tricontinental: Institute for Social Research
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In 2002, Cuba’s President Fidel Castro Ruz visited the country’s
National Ballet School to inaugurate the 18th Havana International
Ballet Festival. Founded in 1948 by the /prima ballerina assoluta/
Alicia Alonso
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(1920–2019), the school struggled financially until the Cuban Revolution
decided that ballet – like other art forms – must be available to
everyone and so must be socially financed. At the school in 2002, Castro
remembered
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that the first festival, held in 1960, ‘asserted Cuba’s cultural
vocation, identity, and nationality, even under the most adverse
circumstances, when major dangers and threats loomed over the country’.
Ballet, like so many cultural forms, had been stolen from popular
participation and enjoyment. The Cuban Revolution wanted to return this
artistic practice to the people as part of its determination to advance
human dignity. To build a revolution in a country assaulted by colonial
barbarism, the new revolutionary process had to both establish the
country’s sovereignty and build the dignity of each of its people. This
dual task is the work of national liberation. ‘Without culture’, Castro
said, ‘freedom is not possible’.
Enrique Tábara (Ecuador), Coloquio de frívolos (‘Colloquium of the
Frivolous’), 1982. Acrylic on canvas,140.5 x 140.5 cm.
Enrique Tábara (Ecuador), /Coloquio de frívolos /(‘Colloquium of the
Frivolous’), 1982.
In many languages, the word ‘culture’ has at least two meanings. In
bourgeois society, culture has come to mean both refinement and the high
arts. A property of the dominant classes, this culture is inherited
through the transmission of manners and higher education. The second
meaning of culture is the way of life, including beliefs and practices,
of a people who are part of a community (from a tribe to a nation). The
Cuban Revolution’s democratisation of ballet and classical music, for
instance, was part of its attempt to socialise all forms of human life,
from the economic to the cultural. Furthermore, the revolutionary
processes attempted to protect the cultural heritage of the Cuban people
from the pernicious influence of the culture of colonialism. To be
precise, to ‘protect’ did not mean to reject the entirety of the
coloniser’s culture, since that would enforce a parochial life on a
people who must have access to all forms of culture. Cuba’s Revolution
adopted baseball, for instance, despite its roots in the United States,
the very country that has sought to suffocate Cuba for six decades.
A socialist approach to culture, therefore, requires four aspects: the
democratisation of forms of high culture, the protection of the cultural
heritage of formerly colonised peoples, the advancement of the basic
elements of cultural literacy, and the domestication of cultural forms
that come from the colonising power.
Violeta Parra (Chile), Untitled (unfinished), 1966. Embroidery on
sackcloth, 136 x 200 cm.
Violeta Parra (Chile). /Untitled/ (unfinished), 1966.
In July 2022, I delivered a lecture at Cuba’s Casa de las Américas, a
major institution in Havana’s cultural life and a heartbeat of cultural
developments from Chile to Mexico, that centred on ten theses on Marxism
and decolonisation. A few days later, Casa’s director, Abel Prieto, also
a former minister of culture, convened a seminar there to discuss some
of these themes, principally how Cuban society had to both defend itself
from the onrush of imperialist cultural forms and from the pernicious
inheritance of racism and patriarchy. This discussion provoked a series
of reflections on the process of the National Programme Against Racism
and Racial Discrimination announced by President Miguel Díaz-Canel in
November 2019 and on the process that led to the 2022 Family Code
referendum (which will come to a popular vote on 25 September) – two
dynamics that have the capacity to transform Cuban society in an
anti-colonial direction.
Dossier no. 56 (September 2022) from Tricontinental: Institute for
Social Research and Casa de las Américas, /Ten Theses on Marxism and
Decolonisation/
<https://thetricontinental.us11.list-manage.com/track/click?u=6a79324d3b4acfde1e7e546c6&id=6e150e3839&e=d206d0a40d>,
contains an expanded version of that lecture with a foreword by Abel
Prieto. To give you a taste of it, here is thesis nine on the Battle of
Emotions:
Antonio Berni (Argentina), /Juanito Laguna/, n.d.
*Thesis Nine: The Battle of Emotions*. Fidel Castro provoked a debate in
the 1990s around the concept of the Battle of Ideas, the class struggle
in thought against the banalities of neoliberal conceptions of human
life. A key part of Fidel’s speeches from this period was not just what
he said but how he said it, each word suffused with the great compassion
of a man committed to the liberation of humanity from the tentacles of
property, privilege, and power. In fact, the Battle of Ideas was not
merely about the ideas themselves, but also about a ‘battle of
emotions’, an attempt to shift the palate of emotions from a fixation on
greed to considerations of empathy and hope.
One of the true challenges of our time is the bourgeoisie’s use of the
culture industries and the institutions of education and faith to divert
attention away from any substantial discussion about /real/ problems –
and about finding common solutions to social dilemmas – and towards an
obsession with /fantasy/ problems. In 1935, the Marxist philosopher
Ernst Bloch called this the ‘swindle of fulfilment’, the seeding of a
range of fantasies to mask their impossible realisation. The benefit of
social production, Bloch wrote, ‘is reaped by the big capitalist upper
stratum, which employs gothic dreams against proletarian realities’. The
entertainment industry erodes proletarian culture with the acid of
aspirations that cannot be fulfilled under the capitalist system. But
these aspirations are enough to weaken any working-class project.
A degraded society under capitalism produces a social life that is
suffused with atomisation and alienation, desolation and fear, anger and
hate, resentment and failure. These are ugly emotions that are shaped
and promoted by the culture industries (‘you can have it too!’),
educational establishments (‘greed is the prime mover’), and
neo-fascists (‘hate immigrants, sexual minorities, and anyone else who
denies you your dreams’). The grip of these emotions on society is
almost absolute, and the rise of neo-fascists is premised upon this
fact. Meaning feels emptied, perhaps the result of a society of
spectacles that has now run its course.
>From a Marxist perspective, culture is not seen as an isolated and
timeless aspect of human reality, nor are emotions seen as a world of
their own or as being outside of the developments of history. Since
human experiences are defined by the conditions of material life, ideas
of fate will linger on as long as poverty is a feature of human life. If
poverty is transcended, then fatalism will have a less secure
ideological foundation, but it does not automatically get displaced.
Cultures are contradictory, bringing together a range of elements in
uneven ways out of the social fabric of an unequal society that
oscillates between reproducing class hierarchy and resisting elements of
social hierarchy. Dominant ideologies suffuse culture through the
tentacles of ideological apparatuses like a tidal wave, overwhelming the
actual experiences of the working class and the peasantry. It is, after
all, through class struggle and through the new social formations
created by socialist projects that new cultures will be created – not
merely by wishful thinking.
It is important to recall that, in the early years of each of the
revolutionary processes – from Russia in 1917 to Cuba in 1959 – cultural
efflorescence was saturated with the emotions of joy and possibility, of
intense creativity and experimentation. It is this sensibility that
offers a window into something other than the ghoulish emotions of greed
and hatred.
Nicolás Guillén honours Alicia Alonso at the Unión Nacional de
Escritores y Artistas de Cuba (‘National Union of Writers and Artists of
Cuba’), Havana, 1961.
Nicolás Guillén honours Alicia Alonso at the National Union of Writers
and Artists of Cuba (UNEAC), Havana, 1961.
In the early years after 1959, Cuba convulsed with such surges of
creativity and experimentation. Nicolás Guillén (1902–1969), a great
revolutionary poet who had been imprisoned during Fulgencio Batista’s
dictatorship, captured the harshness of life and the great desire for
the revolutionary process to emancipate the Cuban people from the
wretchedness of hunger and social hierarchies. His poem ‘Tengo’ (‘I
Have’) from 1964 tells us that the new culture of the revolution was
elemental – the feeling that one did not have to bow one’s shoulders
before a superior, to say to workers in offices that they too are
comrades and not ‘sir’ and ‘ma’am’, to walk as a Black man into a hotel
without being told to stop at the door. His great anti-colonial poem
alerts us to culture’s material foundations:
I have, let’s see,
I’ve learned to read,
to count.
I’ve learned to write,
and to think,
and to laugh.
I have, yes, I have
a place to work
and earn
what I have to eat.
I have, let’s see,
I have what I have to have.
At the close of his foreword to the dossier, Abel Prieto writes, ‘we
must turn the meaning of anti-colonial into an instinct’. Reflect on
that for a moment: anti-colonialism is not just the ending of formal
colonial rule, but a deeper process, one that must become ingrained at
the instinctual level so that we can build the capacity to solve our
basic needs (such as transcending hunger and illiteracy, for instance)
and build our alertness to the need for cultures that emancipate us and
do not bind us to the flashy world of unaffordable commodities.
Warmly,
Vijay
Website <www.eltricontinental.org>
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