[News] From Wounded Latin America, a Demand Comes to Put an End to the Irrational War on Drugs

Tue Oct 4 12:30:26 EDT 2022

 From Wounded Latin America, a Demand Comes to Put an End to the 
Irrational War on Drugs: The Thirty-Ninth Newsletter (2022)
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*From Wounded Latin America, a Demand Comes to Put an End to the 
Irrational War on Drugs: The Thirty-Ninth Newsletter (2022)*

Óscar Muñoz (Colombia), Línea del destino (‘Line of Destiny’), 2006.

Óscar Muñoz (Colombia), /Línea del destino /(‘Line of Destiny’), 2006.

Dear friends,

Greetings from the desk of Tricontinental: Institute for Social Research 
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Each year, in the last weeks of September, the world’s leaders gather in 
New York City to speak at the podium of the United Nations General 
Assembly. The speeches can usually be forecasted well in advance, either 
tired articulations of values that do not get acted upon or belligerent 
voices that threaten war in an institution built to prevent war.

However, every once in a while, a speech shines through, a voice 
emanates from the chamber and echoes around the world for its clarity 
and sincerity. This year, that voice belongs to Colombia’s recently 
inaugurated president, Gustavo Petro, whose brief remarks 
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distilled with poetic precision the problems in our world and the 
cascading crises of social distress, the addiction to money and power, 
the climate catastrophe and environmental destruction. ‘It is time for 
peace’, President Petro said. ‘We are also at war with the planet. 
Without peace with the planet, there will be no peace among nations. 
Without social justice, there is no social peace’.

Heriberto Cogollo (Colombia), Carnival Los Cabildos de Cartagena (‘The 
Carnival of Cartagena’s Cabildos’), 1999.

Heriberto Cogollo (Colombia), /Carnival Los Cabildos de Cartagena /(‘The 
Carnival of Cartagena’s Cabildos’), 1999.

Colombia has been gripped by violence since it won its independence from 
Spain in 1810. This violence emanated from Colombia’s elites, whose 
insatiable desire for wealth has meant the absolute impoverishment of 
the people and the failure of the country to develop anything that 
resembles liberalism. Decades of political action to build the 
confidence of the masses in Colombia culminated in a cycle of protests 
beginning in 2019 that led to Petro’s electoral victory. The new 
centre-left government has pledged to build social democratic 
institutions in Colombia and to banish the country’s culture of 
violence. Though the Colombian army, like armed forces around the world, 
prepares for war, President Petro told 
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them in August 2022 that they must now ‘prepare for peace’ and must 
become ‘an army of peace’.

When thinking about violence in a country like Colombia, there is a 
temptation to focus on drugs, cocaine in particular. The violence, it is 
often suggested, is an outgrowth of the illicit cocaine trade. But this 
is an ahistorical assessment. Colombia experienced terrible bloodshed 
long before highly processed cocaine became increasingly popular from 
the 1960s onwards. The country’s elite has used murderous force to 
prevent any dilution of its power, including the 1948 assassination of 
Jorge Gaitán, the former mayor of Colombia’s capital of Bogotá, that led 
to a period known as /La Violencia /(‘The Violence’). Liberal 
politicians and communist militants faced the steel of the Colombian 
army and police on behalf of this granite block of power backed by the 
United States, which has used Colombia to extend its power into South 
America. Fig leaves of various types were used to cover over the 
ambitions of the Colombian elite and their benefactors in Washington. In 
the 1990s, one such cover was the War on Drugs.

Enrique Grau Araújo (Colombia), Prima Colazione a Firenze (‘Breakfast in 
Florence’), 1964.

Enrique Grau Araújo (Colombia), /Prima Colazione a Firenze/ (‘Breakfast 
in Florence’), 1964.

By all accounts – whether of the United Nations Office on Drugs and 
Crime 
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or the US government’s Drug Enforcement Agency 
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(DEA) – the largest consumers of illegal narcotics (cannabis, opioids, 
and cocaine) are in North America and Western Europe. A recent UN study 
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shows that ‘cocaine use in the United States has been fluctuating and 
increasing after 2013 with a more stable trend observed in 2019’. The 
War on Drugs strategy, initiated by the United States and Western 
countries, has had a two-pronged approach to the drug crisis: first, to 
criminalise retailers in Western countries and, second, to go to war 
against the peasants who produce the raw material in these drugs in 
countries such as Colombia.

In the United States, for instance, almost two million people – 
disproportionately Black and Latino – are caught in the prison 
industrial complex 
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with 400,000 of them imprisoned or on probation for nonviolent drug 
offences (mostly as petty dealers in a vastly profitable drug empire). 
The collapse of employment opportunities for young people in 
working-class areas and the allure of wages from the drug economy 
continue to attract low-level employees of the global drug commodity 
chain, despite the dangers of this profession. The War on Drugs has made 
a negligible impact on this pipeline, which is why many countries have 
now begun to decriminalise 
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drug possession and drug use (particularly cannabis).

Débora Arango (Colombia), Rojas Pinilla, 1957.

Débora Arango (Colombia),/Rojas Pinilla/, 1957.

The obduracy of the Colombian elite – backed by the US government – to 
allow any democratic space to open in the country led the left to take 
up armed struggle in 1964 and then return to the gun when the elite shut 
down the promise of the democratic path in the 1990s. In the name of the 
war against the armed left as well as the War on Drugs, the Colombian 
military and police have crushed any dissent in the country. Despite 
evidence 
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of the financial and political ties between the Colombian elite, 
narco-paramilitaries, and drug cartels, the United States government 
initiated Plan Colombia in 1999 to funnel $12 billion to the Colombian 
military to deepen this war (in 2006, when he was a senator, Petro 
revealed 
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the nexus between these diabolical forces, for which his family was 
threatened with violence).

As part of this war, the Colombian armed forces dropped the terrible 
chemical weapon glyphosate on the peasantry (in 2015, the World Health 
Organisation said 
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that this chemical is ‘probably carcinogenic to humans’ and, in 2017, 
the Colombian Constitutional Court ruled 
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that its use must be restricted). In 2020, the following assessment 
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was offered in the Harvard International Review: ‘Instead of reducing 
cocaine production, Plan Colombia has actually caused cocaine production 
and transport to shift into other areas. Additionally, militarisation in 
the war on drugs has caused violence in the country to increase’. This 
is precisely what President Petro told the world at the United Nations.

Sandra Vásquez de la Horra (Chile), Los Vientos (’The Winds’), 2016.

Sandra Vásquez de la Horra 
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(Chile), /Los Vientos/ (’The Winds’), 2016.

The most recent DEA report 
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notes that cocaine use in the United States remains steady and that 
‘deaths from drug poisoning involving cocaine have increased every year 
since 2013’. US drug policy is focused on law enforcement, aiming merely 
to reduce the domestic availability of cocaine. Washington will spend 
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45% of its drug budget on law enforcement, 49% on treatment for drug 
addicts, and a mere 6% on prevention. The lack of emphasis on prevention 
is revealing. Rather than tackle the drug crisis as a demand-side 
problem, the US and other Western governments pretend that it is a 
supply-side problem that can be dealt with by using military force 
against petty drug dealers and peasants who grow the coca plant. Petro’s 
cry 
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from the heart at the United Nations attempted to call attention to the 
root causes of the drug crisis:

According to the irrational power of the world, the market that razes 
existence is not to blame; it is the jungle and those who live in it 
that are to blame. Bank accounts have become unlimited; the money saved 
by the most powerful people on Earth could not even be spent over the 
course of centuries. The empty existence produced by the artificiality 
of competition is filled with noise and drugs. The addiction to money 
and to possessions has another face: the drug addiction of people who 
lose the competition in the artificial race that humanity has become. 
The sickness of loneliness is not cured by [dousing] the forests with 
glyphosate; the forest is not to blame. To blame is your society 
educated by endless consumption, by the stupid confusion between 
consumption and happiness that allows the pockets of the powerful to 
fill with money.

The War on Drugs, Petro said, is a war on the Colombian peasantry and a 
war on the precarious poor in Western countries. We do not need this 
war, he said; instead, we need to struggle to build a peaceful society 
that does not sap meaning from the hearts of people who are treated as a 
surplus to society’s logic.

Fernando Botero (Colombia), La Calle (‘The Street’), 2013.

Fernando Botero (Colombia), /La Calle/ (‘The Street’), 2013.

As a young man, Petro was part of the M-19 guerrilla movement, one of 
the organisations that attempted to break the chokehold that Colombia’s 
elites held over the country’s democracy. One of his comrades was the 
poet María Mercedes Carranza (1945–2003), who wrote searingly about the 
violence thrust upon her country in her book /Hola, Soledad/ (‘Hello, 
Solitude’) (1987), capturing the desolation in her poem ‘La Patria’ 
(‘The Homeland’):

In this house, everything is in ruins,
in ruins are hugs and music,
each morning, destiny, laughter are in ruins,
tears, silence, dreams.
The windows show destroyed landscapes,
flesh and ash on people’s faces,
words combine with fear in their mouths.
In this house, we are all buried alive.

Carranza took her life when the fires of hell swept through Colombia.

A peace agreement in 2016, a cycle of protests from 2019, and now the 
election of Petro and Francia Márquez in 2022 have wiped the ash off the 
faces of the Colombian people and provided them with an opportunity to 
try and rebuild their house. The end of the War on Drugs, that is, the 
war on the Colombian peasantry, will only advance Colombia’s fragile 
struggle towards peace and democracy.

Warmly,

Vijay

Website <www.eltricontinental.org>

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