[News] Cuban double agent reveals CIA machinations in Cuba

Anti-Imperialist News news at freedomarchives.org
Thu Aug 19 02:30:03 EDT 2021


Must
<https://palgrave.typepad.com/yaffe/2014/07/cuban-double-agent-reveals-cia-machinations-in-cuba-.html>watch
interview <https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=G1qezipvu5E>of Raul Capote, the
Cuban double agent, who infiltrated the CIA between 2004-2010.  This August
13, 2021 timely video by Abby Martin of the Empire Files
<http://theempirefiles.tv/>  reveals the long history of the types of
tactics that are being used today by the U.S. to promote regime change in
Cuba.

Capote published a book in 2011, *Enemigos, *that tells the story of his
work inside the CIA as a double agent.  Here is a review of the book
<https://palgrave.typepad.com/yaffe/2014/07/cuban-double-agent-reveals-cia-machinations-in-cuba-.html>
in English which provides a fascinating synopsis.

palgrave.typepad.com
<https://palgrave.typepad.com/yaffe/2014/07/cuban-double-agent-reveals-cia-machinations-in-cuba-.html>
Cuban
double agent reveals CIA machinations in Cuba
By Helen Yaffe Jul 1, 2014 10:20:36 PM

------------------------------

*Enemigo by Raúl Capote, Editorial Jose Marti, 2011* (in Spanish).

[image: Enemigo_raul_capote]
<https://palgrave.typepad.com/.a/6a00d8345162d569e201a73de4681a970d-pi>

*Review by Raidel López*

In Enemigo (Enemy), Cuban writer and university professor of history, Raúl
Capote, reveals his life as a double agent; agent Pablo for the CIA, and
agent Daniel for Cuban intelligence. This is not a work of fiction or a
classic spy novel. It is the real experience narrated by the protagonist
about plans by the CIA and its allies to destroy the Cuban Revolution. His
story reveals one of the many facets of the US war against Cuba. For over
half a century plans of espionage, sabotage, terrorist attacks,
assassination, subversion, military, economic and political aggression,
have been made and executed from the US. Most of these plans have failed,
thanks to the work and sacrifice of men like Capote.

Capote does not consider himself to be anything but an ordinary Cuban. In
the 1980s Capote was vice-director of the cultural association Hermanos
Saiz, in Cienfuegos province. This organisation brings together artists,
musicians, writers and others in the cultural field. Capote had published
literature, which was known outside Cuba and was considered to be critical
of Cuban society, even though it had been published by Cuban state
publishers. This had caught the attention of the US Interests Section
(USIS), a substitute for an embassy, in Havana. By the late 1980s, US
officials had approached Capote offering him the chance to earn a lot of
money by publishing ‘critical’ literature. Capote began working at the
University Enrique José Barona in Havana as a history professor. CIA
officials were interested in this work which allowed Capote to influence
students. In the 1990s, USIS officials visited Capote with increasing
frequency.

In May 2004, Capote was invited to dine at the home of Francisco Saen, a
USIS official. The dinner was attended by diplomats and functionaries from
several countries. There Capote met USIS officials Louis John Nigro Jr,
Deputy Chief between June 2001 and June 2004, and Kelly Ann Keiderling,
First Secretary of Press and Culture between July 2003 and June 2005.
Keiderling befriended Capote and attempted to influence him and his family,
inviting them to private dinners, giving them presents, promising them a
prosperous future in the US, inculcating them with US ‘values’ and
generally trying to influence their thinking. Keiderling was trying to
recruit Capote to the CIA as part of a comprehensive plan to convert young
Cuban intellectuals into enemies of the Revolution.

[image: Kelly-keiderling-franz_001]
<https://palgrave.typepad.com/.a/6a00d8345162d569e201a3fd296f63970b-pi>Kelly
Keiderling at a press conference after being expelled from Venezuela in
October 2013

In 2005, the CIA concluded its studies and tests of Capote and he was
officially recruited by Rene Greenwald, who used the pseudo name ‘El Gran
Amigo’ (the great friend). Greenwald is a CIA veteran who participated in
undercover actions against Cuba in the 1960s and worked in Bolivia, Ecuador
and Peru, in dirty war operations to assist military dictatorships allied
to the US government (p75). Meanwhile, Capote had signed up to work for
Cuban intelligence, reflecting where his real loyalties lay. Capote recalls
that the CIA tests never stopped, including putting him in threatening
situations to see whether he would break. He never did.

Throughout 2004 and 2005, diplomats from other countries allied to the US
also invited Capote behind closed doors at their residences and embassies.
The first of these interviews took place in the British embassy in Havana
in July 2004. Capote was ‘interrogated’ by Nigel Baker, Deputy Head of
Mission (2003-2006) for four hours of probing questions about his life;
more difficult questions than those faced in the USIS. Finally, Baker
offered to help Capote but pointed out that such assistance would be
limited because the British embassy maintains good relations with the Cuban
government. A few days later, Capote returned to the embassy, this time to
meet with William (Eddie) Edmundson, embassy staff and Director of the
British Council in Cuba, to discuss how the British Council could assist
Cuban writers with scholarships, courses and publications (p60). Obviously,
writers in the revolutionary genre would not be included. Capote heard
about another ‘dissident’, Hugo Arana receiving a box of ‘materials’ from
Melanie Hopkins, then Second Secretary of the British embassy in Havana.
The many invitations Capote received from diplomats from Britain, Chile,
Austria, Germany, Poland, Chechoslovakia, came with offers of help and
advice about how to achieve regime change based on the experiences of other
countries.

One of the strategies promoted by the US Interest Section and its allies is
the so-called colour revolutions, carried out with finance by Washington
agencies and institutions, including the International Center on
Non-Violent Conflict, Freedom House, USAID, the National Endowment for
Democracy and the International Republican Institute. This strategy
involves promoting destabilisation through the mobilisation of youth on the
streets and to provoke state repression. Its success has been seen in the
former Yugoslavia, Georgia, Kyrgyzstan and Ukraine, among other countries.
Its application is being pursued in Venezuela.[1]
<http://www.revolutionarycommunist.org/index.php/cuba/3554-enemigo#ftn1>

The USIS worked hard to promote this approach among Cuban youth. In 2006
they organised a documentary showing on this theme for the youth opposition
in Cuba. Capote was invited to an event at the ‘Eagle Bar’, inside the
USIS, along with the so-called independent journalists for a teleconference
with a professor in Florida. During the debate with the professor, US
functionaries laughed at the stupidity of the Cuban ‘journalists’ present
and one of them declared ‘with enemies like this, Castro will be in power
for a hundred years.’ After the conference every participant was given a
digital recorder, a bag of books, notebooks, a manual with instructions on
how to create a press agency, pens, pencils and a portable radio.
Keiderling subsequently told Capote that none of them could be trusted and
was extremely dismissive of the Cuban ‘dissidents’.

The mercenary character of these individuals led to fights between them
over their share of USIS presents. During a US Independence Day celebration
at the house of James Cason, Chief of USIS (2002–2005), ‘dissidents’ fought
over portable radios. Keiderling told Capote that they sell the radios to
ordinary Cubans for $10. Capote asked ‘if you know that why do you give
them out?’ No-one responded (p45).

*Capote’s work for the CIA*

One of Capote’s first tasks as the CIA’s agent Pablo was to create a
literary agency grouping together Cuban writers who were discontented or
felt that their work was insufficiently promoted by Cuba’s cultural
institutions. The idea was to promote counter-revolutionary ideas, offering
them financial support. Capote was also instructed to create a foundation
to be called Genesis, which, he was told, would function as an NGO in the
education sector. Its role would be to create future politicians, leaders
and above all ‘democratic citizens’. Capote was the key player in this
task, as his work within the universities would facilitate the CIA
penetration of this sector, university students, which was considered vital
to their plans (p102).

The foundation’s profile would vary in the course of its work, but it would
be ready to function at full capacity after the collapse of the socialist
system, it was explained. It should be the future guarantor of democracy, a
Think Tank of the new Cuban right-wing, able to train a leadership, prepare
democratic citizens and create an ethic (axiology) to impede the return of
socialist ideas in Cuba by educating the youth in ultraconservative,
right-wing Catholic values. All the finances and resources necessary would
be received via NGOs and CIA-front organisations including USAID and the
Pan-American Development Foundation. Capote reveals that much of this money
did not reach the Cubans identified, however, as those people linked to the
CIA who travelled to Cuba as tourists, or students, bringing the resources
and finance with them, used the money for holidaying in Cuba.

Capote was given sophisticated technology equipment for sending reports to
the CIA and for connecting to the internet via satellite without detection,
quickly and efficiently, including a Bgan 9201 (like that used by mercenary
Alan Gross), and a laptop computer. Capote’s reports were to contain
information and analysis about the situation in Cuba: the youth, students,
the education system, intellectuals and artists. He was to gather
statements of opinion, technical information on communications networks in
Cuba, new technologies, self-employed workers – anything to that could
facilitate covert operations by the US government.

*A Cuban girl*

Capote’s experience of working with the enemy and the insight this gave him
into their attitudes, ethics, morals and intentions for Cuba, strengthened
his commitment to his parallel work to defend the Cuban Revolution. This
resolve was strengthened after a road trip he took with Greenwald. They
were joined by Lesvia, a 14-year old Cuban girl from the countryside who
was travelling to Trinidad and agreed to serve as their guide. When
Greenwald spoke badly about the Revolution, she told him why she was a
revolutionary and informed him about her schooling and future plans. When
he spoke badly about Fidel, she replied: ‘Fidel is father to all Cubans,
his death will be the greatest misfortune that could happen and I will not
let anyone speak badly about him!’ Capote proudly thought to himself ‘these
are the people I struggle for, it is worth sacrificing everything, even my
life if necessary.’ When they arrived at their destination, Greenwald
offered Lesvia money as payment. She rejected it ‘My parents taught me not
to accept money from foreigners, and what’s more, one should not accept
money that has not been the fruit of their labour.’

[image: Raul_capote_and_rene]
<https://palgrave.typepad.com/.a/6a00d8345162d569e201a511d8fe81970c-pi>

Secretly filmed footage in Raul Capote's house showing him with CIA agent
Rene Greenwald

*The popular uprising*

On 31 July 2006, Cuban television announced that Comandante Fidel Castro
was seriously ill and had delegated his responsibilities to Raul Castro and
other comrades. Capote was immediately contacted by Rene Greenwald who
wanted to know what was happening. The US had always believed that the
Fidel’s demise could mean the end of the Revolution and speculated about a
possible power struggle, dreaming of a military rebellion or minimally
civil disobedience that would serve as a pretext for US intervention. The
US was ready, Greenwald affirmed, to ‘help’ the Cuban people. But the days
passed and nothing happened.

On 13 August 2006, Capote was summonsed to the USIS and instructed to write
a proclamation in the name of the Cuban people asking the US government to
militarily occupy the country. They would ensure it reached the main media
outlets. ‘You will read the proclamation in front of the cameras of the
news channels’, Drew Blackeney, the USIS’s spokesman, told him (p87). The
CIA regarded Capote as their most skilled and staunch recruit inside Cuba.
He was to ‘request US Army intervention, in the name of the Cuban people,
to guarantee transition without chaos, because as you know, this is the
only guarantee of a peaceful change. We have to avoid lawlessness, to avoid
a crisis’ (p87). ‘What about the people in Miami?’ Capote asked. ‘Neither
Miami or Havana, we are the only ones who can guarantee the necessary
peace, stability and governability. But it has to come from the Cubans, it
has to be a Cuban who asked for US help.’

Blackeney explained that ‘the first measure of our government will be to
guard the coastlines, to avoid the [Cuban-American] exiles from leaving for
the island and the second will be to locate and control the main exile
leaders.’ Blackeney described their immediately future plans; three years
of military occupation, and to designate and establish a provisional
government, incorporating Cuban-Americans and the internal opposition.
Washington would create a Commission to take charge of the restructuring of
Cuba’s economy, redrafting the Constitution, creating new armed bodies, to
put on trial the old members of Cuba’s Revolutionary Armed Forces, the
Ministry of the Interior, members of the Cuban Communist Party and
revolutionary leaders and militants in general.

Blackeney said they had prepared a popular uprising in Central Havana by
‘someone who is prepared to sacrifice himself’. When Capote expressed his
scepticism that the Cuban people would respond, Blackeney said: ‘We don’t
need Central Havana to rise up, its enough to have a group who goes out to
protest. They will have the main media outlets covering the news.
Afterwards you make your statement to our government in the name of the
Cubans’ (p88). The popular uprising never happened. The
counter-revolutionary ‘hero’, Darsi Ferre chose an isolated spot at a time
it was almost deserted, sheepishly shouted a slogan, threw a handful of
leaflets and left. Two elderly Cubans on their way to buy a newspaper saw
him and concluded he was crazy (p89). Capote makes clear that if the moment
had come for him to read the proclamation in front of the international
media, he would instead have shouted a revolutionary slogan. Following the
detention of Alan Gross, the CIA’s contact with Capote via the use of
messengers decreased and they instructed him to hide his HBgan securely or,
if possible, get rid of it.

*Conclusion*

In 2010, Cuban state security asked Capote to publicly reveal his work and
denounce the dirty war being waged against Cuba by imperialism. Capote made
his denunciation in a video published on the website Razones de Cuba
<http://razonesdecuba.cubadebate.cu/noticias/en-busca-de-caras-nuevas-video/>
(Cuba’s Reasons) In Capote’s words: ‘We are witnessing the development of a
cultural war waged by the Empire against Cuba to perpetuate their hegemonic
designs. Young people are the main target of that battle and young Cubans,
of course the number one interest. If we treat the grandchildren of the
revolution trivially, there will be no more Revolution and this bulwark
that Cuba represents today would cease to exist; if we make mistakes, if we
are corrupted, if they steal our souls. To achieve this they spend
millions, employing their best professionals, ideologues, psychologists,
philosophers, specialists, hundreds of capable people… this is the war that
does not need arms, rocket launchers or armoured vehicles…the central
paradigm of this struggle was, and still is, a war for people’s minds. It
is a battle to impose the values of capitalist, consumer society.’

US imperialism continues its actions against Cuba, using diverse mechanisms
including the USAID, which Capote describes as the visible face of the CIA
(p188).[2]
<http://www.revolutionarycommunist.org/index.php/cuba/3554-enemigo#ftn2>
Cuba will continue to defend itself from these attacks with the commitment
and sacrifice of people like Capote.
------------------------------

1. As Charge d'Affairs of the US embassy in Venezuela, Keiderling and two
other US embassy officials, were expelled from the country by President
Nicolas Maduro in October 2013 for conspiring with the right-wing
opposition to sabotage the economy and power grid.

2. See ‘Tweets, terrorists and mercenaries: renewed attacks on Cuba’ about
recent projects to promote counter-revolution by USAID and other
organisations, in FRFI 239, June/July 2014.

US ‘democracy’ programme Exposed
<http://www.revolutionarycommunist.org/index.php/cuba/2875-us-democracy-programme-exposed>

CIA, spies and videotapes – Cuba exposes US programme of subversion
<http://www.revolutionarycommunist.org/index.php/cuba/2138-cia-spies-and-videotapes-cuba-exposes-us-programme-of-subversion-frfi-220-aprilmay-2011>

Cuban agents prove US finances 'dissidents'
<http://www.revolutionarycommunist.org/index.php/cuba/2080-cuban-agents-prove-us-finances-dissidents-28-february-2011.html>

WikiLeaks exposes US attacks on Cuba
<http://www.revolutionarycommunist.org/index.php/cuba/2050-wikileaks-exposes-us-attacks-on-cuba-frfi-219-febmar-2011>

Defend Socialist Cuba Against Media Lies
<http://www.revolutionarycommunist.org/index.php/cuba/1814-defend-socialist-cuba-against-media-lies>
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