[News] Threats of Military Intervention Against Venezuela - US Disregard for International Law Is a Menace to Latin America

Anti-Imperialist News news at freedomarchives.org
Thu Sep 20 11:12:04 EDT 2018


https://venezuelanalysis.com/analysis/14060


  US Disregard for International Law Is a Menace to Latin America

By Nino Pagliccia - Sep 20th 2018
------------------------------------------------------------------------


      International Community Principles

At the 25th U.N. session of October 1970, the General Assembly adopted a 
resolution titled 'Declaration on Principles of International Law 
Concerning Friendly Relations and Co-operation Among States in 
Accordance with the Charter of the United Nations 
<http://www.un-documents.net/a25r2625.htm>.' Not too many people would 
know that, therefore I think it is important to remember what those 
principles are (emphasis added):

* The principle that states shall refrain in their international 
relations from the /threat or use of force against the territorial 
integrity or political independence of any state/or in any other manner 
inconsistent with the purposes of the United Nations.

* The principle that/ states shall settle their international disputes 
by peaceful means/in such a manner that international peace and security 
and justice are not endangered.

* The principle concerning the /duty not to intervene in matters within 
the domestic jurisdiction of any state/, in accordance with the Charter.

* The duty of states to co-operate with one another in accordance with 
the Charter.

* The principle of /equal rights and self-determination of peoples/.

* The principle of /sovereign equality of states/.

* The principle that states shall fulfill in good faith the obligations 
assumed by them in accordance with the Charter.

The OAS Charter has similar principles.

I have often criticized the U.N. for being ineffective and I still stand 
by that. I am going out on a limb by saying that the more 'principles' 
and 'resolutions' the U.N. issues, the more military interventions, 
invasions, terrorist actions, incitation to violence, wars, and of 
course punitive economic sanctions have occurred in the last 40 or more 
years.

However, I must clarify that a world organization like the U.N. is 
necessary, albeit one that should be radically modified to really live 
up to its promise stated in the principles listed above. At least one 
principle should be essential: the principle of sovereign equality of 
states.

But I don't think I am going out on a limb when I say that only one 
country, among the 193 U.N. member states, stands out as having 
committed consistently and relentlessly the large majority of 
international infractions: the United States.

Many of its infractions are clearly apparent. Many others occur behind 
the cover of 'diplomacy,' such as incitement to rebellion and coups, 
bribery and corruption. Often, the U.N. and other international bodies, 
including embassies, are the preferred venues for fomenting subversion. 
It is not unusual that this type of unlawful activity would also be 
'delegated' to some so-called civil society organization or NGO.

Today we are seeing blatant examples of U.S. unlawful behavior to the 
point that it is a serious menace to Venezuela and the rest of Latin 
America.


      Overcoming Sanctions

I have already referred to the U.S. sanctions and their connection to 
the U.S.-centered financial system in the context of the recent monetary 
conversion in Venezuela 
<https://www.telesurtv.net/english/opinion/Venezuelas-Monetary-Revolution-Vis-a-Vis-Economic-Sanctions-20180808-0023.html>. But 
unilateral U.S. sanctions have become the economic version of an 
epidemic. Cuba, Russia, Iran, Syria, and North Korea are current targets.

It is to be noted that the United States and other countries have 
consistently issued sanctions against Venezuela every time the Maduro 
government has undertaken important policy measures, the last one being 
issued on May 21 a day after Nicolas Maduro was re-elected president.

What is striking this time is that after the major monetary revolution, 
initiated by the Maduro government on Aug. 21, not a single new sanction 
has been issued. Surprisingly, one can say that U.S. sanctions stand out 
for their absence. This can have two possible interpretations.

The immediate one is that the Venezuelan monetary conversion, pegging 
their currency to the largest Venezuelan oil resources through the 
cryptocurrency Petro, is successfully rendering sanctions avoidable to a 
certain extent, and therefore less effective economic weapons. The 
United States dollar may be losing its thunder as the world's reserve 
currency with the consequent weakening of the U.S. financial system that 
is at the core of economic sanctions.

Other countries threatened by U.S. sanctions like Iran and Iraq are 
taking notice and are considering similar monetary policies dropping the 
dollar in their bilateral trade transactions. China and U.S.-sanctioned 
Russia are also increasing their financial interaction away from the 
dollar 
<https://actualidad.rt.com/actualidad/287735-expulsar-dolar-mercado-asiatico>. The 
president of Turkey, Recep Tayyip Erdogan, was more adamant, declaring: 
"Now we have to gradually end the domination of the dollar 
<https://actualidad.rt.com/actualidad/287339-erdogan-acabar-dominio-dolar>once 
and for all by using national money among us."

Even some opposition economists foresee that a more independent 
Venezuelan economy 
<http://sakerlatam.es/america-latina-y-el-caribe/analisis-informal-de-las-medidas-economicas-adoptadas-en-venezuela/> will 
free itself of the crippling foreign-induced inflation 
<http://www.simpatizantesfmln.org/blog/?p=56528>. And this can only lead 
to a healthy recovery in terms of availability of essential products. 
The prospect of economic recovery is quite real, as suggested by the 
positive response of the Venezuelan private sector. But a more 
encouraging sign is the willingness of many Venezuelans, who had left, 
to return home and are now receiving logistical support from the Maduro 
government to come back. We are seeing a 'migration crisis' myth destroyed.

This scenario will not only be a bad example for other nations, but it 
will also destroy other myths to justify a regime change in Venezuela 
such as 'humanitarian crisis.' No such thing has any real foundation, as 
recently reported by the U.N. independent expert on the promotion of a 
democratic and equitable international order, Alfred de Zayas, to the 
39th session of the U.N. Human Rights Council 
<https://chicagoalbasolidarity.files.wordpress.com/2018/08/un-report-on-venezuela-and-ecuador-alfred-de-zayas.pdf>.


      Military Intervention & Proxy War

So, given that sanctions are being overcome and are not anymore, at 
least for now, the weapon of choice of the United States for regime 
change in Venezuela, we are left with a second possible scenario that 
the United States is preparing for another course of action: military 
intervention or, equivalently, a proxy war. This would be a tragic 
decision and should sound an alarm to all Venezuela observers and 
governments of the region. There has never been a U.S. military 
intervention that has brought any positive outcome to the population 
anywhere. All 'gains' are only assured for U.S. corporations.

The latest report that the United States is somehow involved in building 
a Venezuelan military rebellion comes from the New York Times 
<https://www.nytimes.com/2018/09/08/world/americas/donald-trump-venezuela-military-coup.html>: 
"The Trump administration held secret meetings with rebellious military 
officers from Venezuela over the last year to discuss their plans to 
overthrow President Nicolás Maduro."

How is the military intervention to take place and what would the 
reaction be?

If we are to learn from past U.S. interventions in other conflict zones, 
the United States may not put its own troops on the ground in Venezuela, 
at least initially, but more likely will provide full logistic, 
intelligence and weaponry support to 'rebels.' This requires a 'rebel 
force' that is so far non-existent, despite attempts to manufacture one 
that gives the impression of 'hundreds' of Venezuelan military 
'disaffected' with the Maduro administration.

However, in this possible scenario, infiltration attacks, including 
sabotage, would come from Colombia and less likely, for now, from Brazil 
due to the upcoming elections in October. But in the likelihood that 
Jair Bolsonaro is the winning Brazilian candidate, Venezuela will face 
two right-wing governments in the two border countries. They would be 
fully-prompted by the United States to act and they would comply. The 
Venezuelan border states to watch are Tachira, Zulia and Bolivar.

Ahead of an overt military intervention or proxy war, we will see an 
increase in the infowar that is already being waged against Venezuela. 
The current infowar is the overstated 'exodus' of Venezuelans. 
One detailed study clearly shows that there is no 'migration crisis.' 
<https://actualidad.rt.com/actualidad/287848-vecindad-incomoda-dimension-real-migracion-venezuela> 


Although no conclusion can be drawn at this point about a U.S. military 
intervention, the history of Latin America shows that it cannot be 
excluded. It is dependent on three main conditions: the creation of a 
U.S.-style 'plausible reason' to intervene (mostly done), a local real 
or made-up rebel group (still underway), and enough support from a 
majority of regional and international governments (not quite likely 
yet). The Venezuelan representative at the U.N., Samuel Moncada, tweeted 
a few days ago that the "United States is pushing Brazil, Chile, Peru 
and Colombia to war, demanding to make the tough decision to start the 
aggression."

This leads to the question of what the reaction in the Latin American 
and Caribbean region and beyond would be.

So far, the little over a dozen countries of the so-called Lima Group 
have hijacked the voice of the OAS, inciting regime change at all cost. 
But that is still a minority of the 35 OAS member states.

The Trump administration must weigh its decision very carefully. Tilting 
the balance towards a military intervention could create a serious 
backlash in the region, not only political, but also social, with 
prolonged conflicts.

Beyond the region, Washington must consider the possible reactions from 
Moscow and Beijing. Russia and China have developed close economic and 
business ties in Latin America and Venezuela in particular. China is now 
the fourth-largest destination for Venezuelan oil.

Realistically, the most important point for the United States to 
consider is the reaction of the Venezuelan people. The U.S. government 
is misinforming the international community about the lack of support 
for the Maduro government in Venezuela, however, it must have firsthand 
information about the following facts: 1) a large majority of the 
Venezuelan population is indeed a very cohesive democratic and 
constitutional society; 2) Venezuela has a loyal National Bolivarian 
Militia with about half a million personnel whose main function is to 
'establish permanent links between the National Bolivarian Armed Forces 
and the Venezuelan people, in order to contribute to ensuring the 
overall defense of Venezuela.'


      Concluding Thoughts

In a fair international community of nations truly based on U.N. 
principles for the sake of peace, the United States would abide by the 
first principle listed above: “that states shall refrain in their 
international relations from the threat or use of force against the 
territorial integrity or political independence of any State”. But the 
United States has not and will not. Its only principle seems to be that 
of exceptionalism. It is determined to suffer the isolation of a bully 
state.

Unfortunately, the United States' reckless actions have consequences not 
only for the 30 million people of Venezuela but also for the rest of the 
region.

Venezuela has initiated a process that promises to effectively reduce 
the impact of unilateral and punitive economic sanctions slapped on the 
country, and begin an economic recovery process. A possible sign that 
Venezuela's monetary reform may have outmaneuvered the United States is 
that there have been no new sanctions against Venezuela since May from 
the United States or other countries.

However, this is not a complete victory for Venezuela. A more serious 
threat may lie ahead. Based on a recent report by the New York Times, 
this danger has been brewing for some time, and judging by at least one 
analysis, it is fast approaching in the form of a possible military 
intervention 
<http://resumen-english.org/2018/09/the-next-90-days-will-define-the-future-of-venezuela-and-south-america/>whose 
final outcome is not clear yet.

There have been several threats from the Trump administration in the 
past so it is clear that today military action against Venezuela cannot 
be ruled out. Venezuela has always taken any threat to its national 
security seriously and has responded diplomatically and publicly with 
protests. It has just done so once again, with the stated intention of 
informing public opinion that the United States is breaking 
international law on top of U.N. and OAS principles.

A military intervention, direct or through proxies, will not be a 
guaranteed success for the United States. The claim in the New York 
Times that a "few hundred" Venezuelan troops may be disaffected is 
neither credible nor sufficient to confront a loyal population as the 
attempted coup against Hugo Chavez in 2002 proved. Further, it would 
trigger a chain reaction of events never seen before. In this emerging 
multipolar world, the involvement of Russia and China cannot be 
excluded; if not militarily, at least politically.

But this is a situation where Venezuela cannot wait or hope for any 
immediate help except from its own people, and it has to lean on the 
side of caution. The price of misjudging the danger may be too high.

There can be no doubt that the Bolivarian Armed Forces and the National 
Bolivarian Militia are on full alert and ready.

/Nino Pagliccia is a Venezuelan-Canadian activist and writer based in 
Vancouver, Canada. He writes about international relations with a focus 
on the Americas and is editor of 'Cuba Solidarity in Canada 
<http://www.cubasolidarityincanada.ca/>– Five Decades of 
People-to-People Foreign Relations.'/

-- 
Freedom Archives 522 Valencia Street San Francisco, CA 94110 415 
863.9977 https://freedomarchives.org/
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