[News] Cuba Libre, 2017
Anti-Imperialist News
news at freedomarchives.org
Wed Nov 22 11:08:57 EST 2017
https://www.counterpunch.org/2017/11/22/cuba-libre-2017/
Cuba Libre, 2017
by Lee Artz <https://www.counterpunch.org/author/lee-artz/> - November
22, 2017
------------------------------------------------------------------------
In early November this year, I was invited to participate in an
international conference in Havana on Global Capitalism in Latin
America, co-sponsored by the Cuban-based Asociación de Historiadores
Latinoamericanos y del Caribe. More than 75 scholars gave presentations
on a wide range of topics from transnational trade and investment and
the impact of capitalism on the environment, social inequality, and
indigenous rights to the resurgence of social movements across the
hemisphere.
Much of the work will soon appear in /Third World Quarterly/, /Monthly
Review/, and other journals. The conference was intense and engaging,
but participants also had ample time to witness Havana and interact with
Cuban citizens outside the tourist areas.
I was also personally fortunate to meet with Juan Jacamino from Radio
Havana Cuba and Ovidio Acosta, senior international editor at ACN
(Agencia Cubano Noticias—the Cuban national news agency). In addition to
some informative exchanges about the Cuban media practices and the
cultural adjustment occurring with increased foreign investment and
licensing of small business, we spent almost two days walking Havana and
its diverse neighborhoods. Having been to Cuba several times before,
most recently during the “special period” following the collapse of the
Soviet Union, several things stood out as I witnessed Cuba today.
*Construction*
Perhaps most striking was the widespread, large-scale construction
appearing across Havana. Cranes everywhere. Scaffolding everywhere. One
obvious and significant part was the United Nations’ restoration
projects in and around Old Havana—both small homes from the Spanish
colonial days and major projects on former colonial edifices,
castle-like structures and former colonial institutional structures.
The other noticeable major construction projects were Chinese and
Spanish hotels going up, especially near El Malecon, the main
thoroughfare by the Caribbean Sea. Again, multi-story buildings with
construction equipment, scores of workers, and cranes operating—even at
night.
The third noticeable construction activity around Havana was all of the
individual homes and apartments that were in various stages of repair
and improvement. Walking through most neighborhoods, there was a
remarkable number of homes with residents painting walls, refinishing
doors, laying floor tile. Given that most Cubans are economically
challenged, the level of home improvement was significant. As several
Cubans expressed along our journey, the socialist system in Cuban still
provides all with exceptional healthcare, education, housing, and basic
nutrition—but resources available for personal consumption are in short
supply.
Increased spending on home improvement and consumer goods reflects the
expansion of tourism (which brings dollars to those working in the
industry) and the licensing of small businesses (which also provides
additional income for some).
*Small business*
This was the second noticeable change in Cuba since the late 1990s:
individual Cubans can start and profit from small businesses, including
hiring employees. In almost every neighborhood, there are barbershops,
auto repair shops, food stalls, street vendors, tutors, and bars and
restaurants—and hundreds of self-employed taxi drivers.
Both Jacaminio and Acosta expressed some ambivalence with the new
“opening” of small enterprise, noting the nudging of social inequality
resulting from the increased income for some in a socialist cultural
economy that shares public resources with all. Acosta explained that all
small businesses need to be licensed, and a primary requirement is for
each enterprise to provide a social service to their local neighborhood.
Barbers in one neighborhood fund the local park—callled “barbeparque”—as
well as recreational and cultural programs in the park for families and
children. One bar we visited established a cooking
school—“gastronomique”—for local youth to learn culinary trades.
In every case, the enterprise applicant must meet with representatives
of the local neighborhood to discuss and agree on what programs or
projects will be provided. The local CDR (Committee for the Defense of
the Revolution) then monitors to assure the small business fulfills its
commitment. A small, perhaps even symbolic, recognition of the
collaborative culture of human solidarity that Cuban leaders (including
Raul Castro) still promote.
*Cultural diversity*
One of the most startling characteristics of Cuban society for visitors
unfamiliar with the dramatic changes following the Cuban Revolution is
the manifest desegregation of daily living. From tourist streets to
every neighborhood, the separation of black and white does not exist in
Havana. Sure, there are some more predominately black neighborhoods, but
none solely black streets, no exclusively “ghetto-ized” sections where
only blacks live and work. Likewise, there are a few remaining primarily
white sections, due to some families who have maintained the residence
of their ancestors from before Batista. (Contrary to US propaganda,
Cubans did not have their homes confiscated by the revolution. There is
no real estate market for home sales, but some Cubans still live in
their family homes).
More manifest and transparent is the natural interaction among Cubans of
all ethnicities as intermingling socially and culturally is common.
Couples hold hands, multiracial families share park benches and public
transportation, work together, laugh together, dance together. Truly
inspiring for the future of humanity—once the economic incentives (e.g.,
rent gouging, race-based pay scales, unemployment) and institutionalized
racism has been dismantled, citizens gravitate to each other in mutual
respect and exchange.
*Poverty?*
Following the loss of its primary trading partners in Eastern Europe and
the Soviet Union in the 1990s, Cuba suffered economically. It is not
possible to build a socialist paradise—even on a tropical island—if your
primary products are sugar and tobacco. Making matters much worse has
been the concerted US blockade that both threatens and undermines Cuba’s
ability to normalize relations for trade and finance—given US threatened
sanctions against those too friendly with Cuba. With the explosion of
tourism, Cuba has found an additional source of revenue, but serving
tourists does not serve domestic equality.
So Cuba is poor by many economic measures. Not poor in the Mexican
maquiladores, Brazilian favela or US urban blight social inequality
sense, but poor in the public appearance and private goods sense. It is
obvious everywhere. Streets are clean; kids are cheerful; but there are
severe limits on resources, so buildings and streets are in disrepair
(even as increased refurbishment takes place) and the notorious 1950s US
automobiles are everywhere. No luxury sports cars are around.
Free health care, free education, no rent, affordable public
transportation, and nutritional basics—but after that things are tight.
Art is everywhere. Museums, libraries, and schools are everywhere—even
if not posh. Music is everywhere, so local entertainment is available
and affordable. Almost everyone seemed to be carrying a cell phone.
Rice, sugar, flour, and milk for children is ample and available for
all. We had lunch of spaghetti, pizza, fruit, and pru (a Cuban fermented
beverage) for less than a dollar. Still the consumer goods, shiny
technology, and latest fashion options are in short supply.
The appeal of self-gratification offered by visiting relatives from
Miami and seen on television stands in quite a contrast to the adequate,
but seemingly mundane, bare necessities of Cuban daily life. There are
visceral, visible signs of shortages for décor, appearance, and
consumerist leisure, but the streets are safe, the quality of life is
high (educationally, public health, mortality, or most any other measure
from the United Nations).
*Security and democracy*
In my week in Havana, I saw very few police of any sort. A few walked
past a public park, stopping to kiss the cheeks of several
acquaintances. Each morning a couple of police chatted and rested at the
end of one main tourist street. This is no police state. No black youth
get shot down. One sees more cops in any US city before lunch than can
be seen in Havana in a week. Safety and security and resolution of
conflict is usually handled by citizens themselves, often through the
neighborhood CDRs with local residents who are known and respected.
Cuba is a democracy. In a few weeks, citizens will vote in local
elections for mayors and council reps. Acosta, the senior editor at ACN,
reported that there are more than 20,000 candidates in the 168 local
elections. Anyone can run; anyone can be elected. (A few years ago, a
Presbyterian was elected to a local city council, upending the US charge
of no religious freedom in Cuba). After the local voting, elected
representatives will vote for the National Assembly, a variance from
most other models, but still emblematic of democratic, representative
governments.
*Media*
As a media critic, I had some extended conversations with both Jacaminio
from Radio Havana Cuba and Acosta from ACN. Jacaminio explained his role
was different from commercial reporters—he does not write of spectacles
or the lives and pastimes of entertainers or politicians. Instead, he
writes of Cuban citizens, to “find the heroic meaning in the daily life
of the bricklayer.” Acosta, as senior editor for international news, on
the other hand, reports on global events, particularly as they affect
Cuba, including the Paris Accords, NATO and UN decisions, global trade
activities, and similar stories. Both of them agreed that public access
to Cuban media was limited—there are no community radio stations in
Cuba, like those that have sprung up as part of the socialist stirrings
in Venezuela, Bolivia, and Ecuador.While public and community media
across Latin America has been a site for educating and mobilizing social
movements for change, that recent history has not spurred changes in
Cuban media. Jacaminio and Acosta agreed that the lack of more direct
public participation in media is a missed opportunity to engage Cubans
in critiquing, proposing, and ultimately strengthening the revolution.
Both tempered their assessment with real concerns about US intervention,
the anti-Castro Miamians, and the general conditions of insecurity and
intimidation caused by the US blockade. Cuba is so close to the US and
such a target of North American intervention that caution and control
over communication are to be expected and almost justifiably the default
response.
*Cuba Libre 2017*
On the day of departure from Cuba, the US announced further restrictions
on trade and travel. It will be harder in the future for US residents to
visit Cuba, even for academic and educational activities. While
continuing to brutalize Cuba, the US policy is intended to prevent
Americans from witnessing what has been achieved on a small island 90
miles away. The threat of a good example is perhaps more disconcerting
to the Democratic and Republican party than any immediate challenge Cuba
might pose. They fear that if more Americans witnessed the cultural
diversity, education, health care, quality of life in Cuba—all under the
illegal US blockade that creates serious problems for further
improvements—more Americans might reject claims that more equitable
policies are possible in the US. They might ask why the richest country
in the world cannot provide adequate health care, free college
education, decent housing, and environmentally sustainable nutrition to
all. As pat of the conversation for which way forward for the US, we
have a vested interest in defending the Cuban example.
/Cuba Libre!/
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