[News] Trump Versus the Venezuelan Revolution
Anti-Imperialist News
news at freedomarchives.org
Mon Aug 14 11:47:20 EDT 2017
https://www.counterpunch.org/2017/08/14/trump-versus-the-venezuelan-revolution/
Trump Versus the Venezuelan Revolution
by Shamus Cooke <https://www.counterpunch.org/author/shamus-cooke/> -
August 14, 2017
------------------------------------------------------------------------
Trump’s threats against Venezuela escalated recently from the economic
to the military: after announcing sanctions he threatened that all
military options were “on the table.” Trump’s actions were perfectly
timed to lend support to the U.S.-backed opposition in Venezuela, whose
ongoing violent rebellion aims to topple the government of
democratically elected President Nicolas Maduro.
The apex of violence was focused on stopping the recent elections to the
National Constituent Assembly (ANC), convened by President Maduro to
rewrite Venezuela’s constitution with the goal of resolving the current
social-economic crisis.
The ANC was tasked to become the most powerful governmental body while
in session. Part of Maduro’s motivation in convening the ANC was to
break the political deadlock that started when the U.S.-backed
opposition gained control of the Venezuelan parliament, the National
Assembly.
The wealthy opposition promised to prevent the ANC elections from taking
place, while Trump promised economic sanctions if the ANC election
wasn’t cancelled. The other usual suspects of Latin American
counter-revolution also condemned the ANC elections: Spain, the Vatican,
and the Organization of American States (OAS) were among other
governmental and western NGOs that denounced the ANC, since they
recognized that the U.S.-backed opposition would be deflated if the ANC
were successful.
The western media that condemned the ANC elections has consistently
failed to condemn the ongoing street violence by the U.S.-backed
opposition, who used attacks on voting centers, roadblocks, economic
sabotage and “general strikes” to prevent the election from taking place.
But the elections happened, and the unexpectedly high turnout rattled
the nerves of the opposition, who didn’t expect the traditional base of
Chavismo — the working and poor — would come out by the millions to
support a broad diversity of candidates within the Chavismo Left.
*The Chavismo Base Revived, For Now*
The international media covering the election took zero notice of the
enthusiasm from Venezuela’s poorest neighborhoods. A U.S. labor
delegation that travelled to Venezuela to witness the elections was
impressed by the broad participation and long lines at various voting
centers in poor neighborhoods. SEIU 1199 Executive Vice President Estela
Vasquez made notice of the lack of western media attention
<http://www.telesurtv.net/english/news/US-Trade-Unionist-Unmask-Mass-Media-Lies-on-Venezuela-Assembly-20170806-0014.html>:
“One thing that I did think was significant is that I didn’t see any
international media. No reporters from the New York Times, no cameras
from CNN, no cameras from Fox Television, or any other international
media… covering the poor working class neighborhoods that are the
backbone of this revolutionary process in this country,”
The enthusiasm for the election that Vasquez noticed was echoed by a
prominent left critic of Maduro, Stalin Perez Borges, who said
<https://tendanceclaire.org/breve.php?id=24782>:
“July 30 [the election] was also a tsunami within the ranks of Chavismo
that propelled even those who are unhappy with the government to
participate and send a message to the domestic and international right
that we have not yet surrendered to imperialism nor are we willing to
kneel before the neoliberal plans that the politicians and economists of
the [opposition] have prepared for us…the [election] result has led to a
recuperation of confidence as a social force, and provided a glimpse of
the possibility for Chavismo to once again be able to call itself the
majority.”
Because the opposition boycotted the elections, the ANC consists
overwhelmingly of representatives of the left, where there lives a
diversity of revolutionary political opinion. A third of the ANC was
specifically reserved for representatives of trade unions, communal
councils, indigenous groups, farmers, students, and pensioners, all
sectors that have been radicalized by their experience under Chavez and
by the violent actions of the opposition.
The class basis of the Constituent Assembly — the poor and working class
— provides hope that this governmental body can provide real
revolutionary initiative to resolve key issues that have been
demoralizing the Chavismo ranks while empowering the wealthy opposition.
The ANC will not fix every problem and it will likely not usher in a
socialist economy, but radical measures can precipitate a revolutionary
dynamic that carries with it a logic of its own. The left in Venezuela
is more dynamic than the Stalinist images accorded to it by the western
media and U.S. Left.
Ultimately, the very convening of the ANC means that Maduro has moved to
the left; and it was this leftward shift that provoked enthusiasm from
the Chavismo rank and file. Convening the ANC surprised everyone and
carried enormous political risks, especially in the middle of an
opposition uprising backed by U.S. imperialism: if the masses did not
participate in the elections the government would be exposed as lacking
a broad social base, and such a weakness would have been instantly
exploited by the Trump-supported opposition. But Maduro proved that he
has a bit of Chavez in him yet, having correctly predicted that the
masses would consider the ANC as a revolutionary tool to be used against
the oligarchy.
Much of the international left has either not recognized Maduro’s shift
to the left or not realized its significance. Their error is rooted in a
misunderstanding of the Venezuelan revolution, which has always been a
contradictory movement rooted in the poorest neighborhoods of Venezuela,
yet reflected through a bureaucratic prism at the top; a process that
under Chavez retained, at times, a call and responsive dynamic that
propelled the base to take action, which, in turn resulted in more
pressure on the leadership to move left. Such a fluctuating, complicated
phenomenon is difficult to pigeonhole, and requires a more nuanced
analysis than the intellectually lazy “pox on both houses” approach that
has long-infected the U.S. left.
It’s true that there are powerful sections of Maduro’s bureaucracy who
plan to use the ANC simply to out-maneuver the wealthy opposition and
maintain their power and, if possible, to strike a deal with the
opposition should the opportunity arise. Such a betrayal would, in
effect, mark the end of Chavismo and prepare the ground for total
victory of the opposition.
But the victory of the bureaucrats in the ANC isn’t a foregone
conclusion, as some cynics on the left would have you believe. Maduro
doesn’t command Chavez’s authority; he lacks the charisma and he’s been
lacking in revolutionary initiative. The divisions within Chavismo’s
upper layers opens up further opportunities for the impatient ranks that
can push the project forward against the will of even the more
conservative sections of leadership.
The job of the international left is to highlight the possibilities,
amplify the program of the revolutionary wing and to educate people
internationally about what’s at stake in order to reduce the
interventionist options of Trump’s imperialism.
The majority of left analysis regarding the Venezuelan crisis fails at
these basic tasks, focusing wasted energy on Maduro’s shortcomings while
proposing nothing of substance to win the fight in progress. The ranks
of Chavismo need concrete solutions not endless denunciations.
The central question is not whether one is pro-Maduro or pro-opposition,
the question is “how do the revolutionary forces resolve the current
crisis” and “what strategy should revolutionaries deploy?” Most of the
left has nothing to say about these basic questions, while refusing to
even discuss the relevance of the Constituent Assembly.
The working class in Venezuela recognizes that their fate depends on the
outcome of the current struggle; they are in a fight for their lives and
hope to use the Constituent Assembly as a weapon. The slogan “No
Volveran” remains a revolutionary demand of Chavismo that declares the
oligarchy will never return to power. But unless bold action is taken to
drive the revolution forward the victory of the opposition is
inevitable, and such a nightmare is currently trying to kick in the
front door.
*False Solutions From the Left*
The current intensified class fight cannot be wished away, it’s based on
the material conditions embedded in the economy: the unfulfilled needs
of the working poor versus the opposition’s demand to retake the state
apparatus and privatize public resources. The two sides cannot “make
peace” with another round of elections or negotiations, yet this is
exactly what many pro-revolution analysts are promoting as “solutions”
to the crisis.
One such mistake can be found in the analysis of Carlos Carcione from
Marea Socialista, a grouping who until recently was in coalition with
the other socialist parties inside of the ruling United Socialist Party
of Venezuela (PSUV).
The analysis put forward by Carcione contains some important critiques
of Maduro’s government, but a key error is his “solution” to the crisis,
which was put forward at the end of a recent interview:
<https://socialistworker.org/2017/08/09/how-should-the-left-respond-in-venezuela>
“…the only democratic road, which cannot be captured by either of the
two elites [Maduro’s government and the opposition] that are instigating
violence, is the struggle to renew the Constitution of 1999.”
The demand to “renew the Constitution” is a talking point taken directly
from the wealthy opposition. To renew the Constitution means to disband
the Constituent Assembly and carry on with the electoral process on its
normal timeline, as if a life or death crisis wasn’t engulfing the
nation that requires revolutionary action now. It’s as if Carcione
believes that erasing the ANC would be a “pause button” to the conflict.
Such a “demand” will find zero resonance in the Chavismo rank and file;
they’ve voted more in recent decades than any other population in the
world, and their voting for the Constituent Assembly was itself a
showcase of democracy that Carcione oddly fails to recognize as
important or legitimate.
The demand to “renew the Constitution” also fails to acknowledge that
the opposition is skillfully using the elections to the National
Assembly to retake power and undermine the government, by exacerbating
the crisis and talking openly of overthrowing Maduro.
Elections to the National Assembly have become the path to power for the
oligarchy, while a more directly democratic path has emerged with the
Constituent Assembly elections, an infinitely more representative body
than the National Assembly with actual capabilities of taking
revolutionary action.
Ultimately one’s attitude towards the situation in Venezuela shouldn’t
be decided by legal or so called democratic norms, but by which actions
promote the interests of the working class and poor and push the
revolution forward.
A similar non-solution to the crisis was put forth by Eva Gollinger
<https://www.counterpunch.org/2017/07/28/there-is-still-time-to-prevent-civil-war-in-venezuela/>,
a longtime promoter of Chavismo who has been an increasingly vocal
critic of Maduro. Gollinger’s critique of Maduro is often spot on, but
her solution falls into the fantasy realm, where both sides realize
they’re guilty of excess and thus agree to dampen the rhetoric for the
good of the country:
“Voices of moderation need to emerge without fear of being branded
traitors or opportunists, as has been happening to anyone publicly
criticizing the government or opposition. The opposition leadership and
its international backers must immediately condemn all violence….The
opposition must accept the legitimacy of President Maduro and his
administration and allow him to fulfill his presidential term, which
ends in 2019. In return, the parliament should be allowed to assume its
full mandate without further obstacles. Fair elections overseen by an
independent electoral council should be held within the timeframe
stipulated by law instead of being manipulated by political parties or
foreign pressure.”
Gollinger certainly has good intentions, but her “solutions” are
daydreams that ignore the material interests radicalizing both sides:
the ranks of Chavismo need radical solutions to the crisis and the U.S.
backed opposition will continue to take radical, right-wing action to
regain state power. There hasn’t been a “reasonable middle ground”
between these two extremes in decades, if ever, in Venezuela.
Revolutions are notoriously absent of moderation. Chavez himself was
accused of being an extremist every time he took action against the
oligarchy, which earned him the love and respect of the broader
population in Venezuela and inspired revolutionary movements across the
hemisphere.
Maduro’s moderation is precisely what has demoralized his base and
empowered the U.S.-backed opposition. The working class of Venezuela
does not have moderate demands, they require revolutionary action
against their class enemies before the wealthy regains the state power
to use against them. Moderate actions cannot attack the drastic
inequality that pervades Venezuela to this day.
The left “demand” to renew the Constitution is a return to a dead end:
one of the limitations of Chavismo was the over reliance on a
representative democracy, as opposed to direct democracy. The energy of
the revolution was funneled into constant electioneering, and the
representative system wasn’t representative enough, allowing politicians
to be unaccountable to the movement that opened the door to careerism,
while the slower moving legislative system allowed the demoralization to
creep in.
The Constituent Assembly is a legitimate tool of revolution that can be
used or wasted. Wishing for the return of the conditions that
precipitated the crisis is an odd “solution.” The opposition chose to
boycott the ANC elections because they hoped for a U.S.-backed coup. Let
their miscalculation be their undoing.
*What actions should the Constituent Assembly take?*
Instead of warning incessantly of authoritarianism the left should be
advocating revolutionary solutions: ones that stem the power of both the
oligarchy and Chavismo upper-bureaucrats, a “revolution within the
revolution.” Divisions among Chavismo’s leadership make such a scenario
possible, and it’s desperately needed.
Agitational demands from the Chavismo base in a time of flux can move
mountains. Economic solutions that incorporate more socialist policies
at the expense of the oligarchy-controlled private sector are also
crucial to advancing the revolution, since the capitalists have used
their ownership over important economic sectors — like food production —
to sabotage the economy.
Some of the below demands have been discussed in different sectors of
the Chavismo left, and may find expression in the Constituent Assembly
if left groups organize effectively. Ultimately demands that empower the
working class at the expense of the oligarchy have the potential to
inspire the broader population to action, keeping the revolutionary
flame lit:
*1. Remove the economic power of the oligarchy *by nationalizing the
sectors of the economy that have been used in economic sabotage,
especially food production, the banking sector and international trade.
*2. Strategically default on the foreign debt repayments *that are
bankrupting the nation, so that the money can be used for basic
necessities and rebuilding the economy. The high interest debt
repayments are shifting billions of dollars from the Venezuelan state
into the pockets of rich foreign investors.
*3. Fully fund and expand the key victories of Chavismo: education,
health care, pensions, and housing* while increasing the power of
localities to administer these programs. Ensure that wages are rising
above inflation for all wage workers. Pay for these initiatives by
drastically raising taxes on capital gains, property, inheritance, and
other oligarchy-targeted measures.
*4. Jail the oligarchs who promote street violence and participate in
economic sabotage*. A longstanding demand among the Chavismo ranks is to
take a firmer hand with an opposition who’s grown accustomed to no
consequences for violent behavior.
*5. Attack corruption* of black market dollar profiteering by
nationalizing foreign trade.
*6. No reconciliation with the oligarchy *and their patron, U.S.
imperialism. Any “deal” cut by the opposition will be intended to stall
the revolutionary process and require economic concessions that come at
the expense of the Chavismo base. The opposition has proven that they
will never accept a government they don’t directly control. With each
new uprising they test the resolve of the government and its popular
support, and when this support dissipates a successful coup — either
militarily or legislative — is inevitable.
*7. Use the National Constituent Assembly as a weapon of the revolution
*by taking the above actions while expanding direct democracy,
enshrining increased constitutional power of communal councils, labor
unions and other social-political bodies of the Chavismo rank and file
to directly exercise state power.
If the ANC doesn’t take bold actions soon, the new constitution won’t
survive the national referendum vote. And if the Chavismo rank and file
don’t see a pathway to a better, more stable life with the ANC they will
abstain, and the U.S.-backed opposition will have an unobstructed path
to power.
Another reason the ANC needs to take radical action immediately is the
upcoming gubernatorial elections that the opposition plans to
participate in. These elections can be easily won by the left if the ANC
takes swift action that inspires people to the polls.
*Conclusion*
Time is**short. The ANC gave itself two years to fulfill its mission,
but the enthusiasm generated by the election will fade quickly if
revolutionary action isn’t forthcoming, or if the masses conclude that
the new legislative body is content on maintaining the current balance
of power instead of smashing it. Maduro’s bureaucratic/administrative
maneuvers have outlived their usefulness, and projecting this strategy
onto the ANC will transfer the disease of demoralization onto an
otherwise healthy body.
The several co-occurring crises in Venezuela require a shift of power to
the masses at the expense of the capitalists: any action that the ANC
takes that promotes this while encouraging the self-activity of the
working class will help refresh the cycle of bottom-up activity that
flourished under Chavez but has waned under Maduro.
The street violence of the U.S.-backed opposition that has killed over
100 people and included two coup attempts will not subside on its own,
especially when Trump has prioritized Venezuela for regime change.
Successive U.S. presidents have understood the special “threat” to
imperialism that Venezuela has posed, even if much of the left doesn’t.
Defeating Trump requires that Venezuelans move towards socialism, while
requiring that socialists in the U.S. actively support this movement.
If the new constitution is a lifeless document it will fail the
referendum vote and catapult the opposition into power. However, if the
path to the constitution is full of revolutionary action the people will
respond enthusiastically, and the broader hemisphere will be re-infected
by the revolutionary energy that originally birthed the “pink tide.”
But the pink tide politics that eschewed western imperialism and
neoliberalism has reached its ideological limits, demanding deep
socialist inroads against the capitalists who’ve frustrated the project.
A “red tide” can rejuvenate the revolutionary forces across the
hemisphere and easily drown out the recent victories of various
counter-revolutions. Venezuela remains the focal point of hemispheric
revolution, to be won or lost, supported or ignored.
/*Shamus Cooke* is a social service worker, trade unionist, and writer
for Workers Action (www.workerscompass.org). He can be reached at
shamuscooke at gmail.com /
--
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863.9977 www.freedomarchives.org
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