[News] In Hurricane Matthew’s Aftermath:Is Washington Again Using Disaster Aid to Haiti as a Trojan Horse?
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In Hurricane Matthew’s Aftermath:Is Washington Again Using Disaster
Aid to Haiti as a Trojan Horse?
Kim Ives - October 12, 2016
The images and accounts of Haiti’s devastation following Hurricane
Matthew’s passage on Oct. 4 are gut-wrenching. The death toll is in the
hundreds and continues to rise. Entire villages in the country's
southwest were obliterated. The response of a Haitian government, left
besieged and without resources by decades of foreign plunder, is anemic.
The victims’ anguished appeals for help are heart-rending. The United
Nations now says 1.4 million people are in need of assistance, urgent
and immediate for half of them. Distressed onlookers around the world
want to do something, anything, and fast.
But the greatest danger in the hurricane's aftermath may not come from
the destruction of crops and infrastructure, the inevitable spike in
cholera cases, or the sudden homelessness of tens of thousands. It may
come from the aircraft carriers, foreign troops, food shipments, and
hordes of NGO workers which are now descending on Haiti ostensibly to
help the storm’s victims.
This supposed aid may end up undermining local food production,
sabotaging pending elections, reinforcing the foreign military
intervention in the country, and generally subverting Haiti’s recent
moves to regain its sovereignty.
We saw this scenario almost seven years ago, following the 7.0
earthquake that leveled the town of Léogâne and the region around the
capital city of Port-au-Prince on Jan. 12, 2010. In the days after the
earthquake, the United States deployed 22,000 troops to Haiti without
the permission of the national government, took over the Port-au-Prince
airport, and militarized the humanitarian response
<http://www.haiti-liberte.com/archives/volume4-48/U.S.%20Worried%20about%20International.asp>.
“Marines armed as if they were going to war,” exclaimed the late
Venezuelan president Hugo Chavez in early 2010. “There is not a shortage
of guns there, my God. Doctors, medicine, fuel, field hospitals, that is
what the United States should send. They are occupying Haiti in an
undercover manner.”
(That intervention and much else about U.S. meddling in Haiti have been
detailed in a joint publishing project begun in 2011 between Wikileaks
and /Haiti Liberté/weekly newspaper/,/which partnered with/The
Nation/magazine on many English language articles.
<http://canadahaitiaction.ca/wikileaks>)
Today, the U.S. has sent the aircraft carrier USS George Washington and
an amphibious transport vessel, the Mesa Verde, with 300 Marines
<https://www.washingtonpost.com/world/devastation-in-haiti-after-hurricane-matthew-pounds-the-country/2016/10/05/76041fe2-8a66-1>on
board, as well as 100 Marines
<http://www.haiti-liberte.com/archives/volume10-13/Hurricane%20Matthew%20Devastates.asp>with
nine helicopters from Honduras.
Richard Morse, who runs Port-au-Prince’s iconic Oloffson Hotel, returned
to Haiti on Oct. 9 and tweeted: “Lots of U.S. military on the plane.”
In contrast, the day after the hurricane hit, Venezuela flew 20 tons of
humanitarian aid to Haiti – food, water, blankets, sheets, and
medicines. It dispatched two more shipments in the following days,
including a ship containing 660 tons of material that includes 450 tons
of machinery to remove debris and fix roads and bridges and 90 tons of
non-perishable foods and medicines, supplies, tents, blankets, and
drinking water. It has also dispatched 300 doctors, many of them
Cuban-trained. All this despite very difficult economic conditions in
Venezuela as well as a relentless political assault by Washington
against the Venezuelan government.
In this latest disaster, “Venezuela was the first to help Haiti,” said
the Haitian Ambassador to Caracas, Lesly David.
Cuba, meanwhile, has supplemented
<http://www.telesurtv.net/english/news/Venezuela-Cuba-Show-Solidarity-with-Haiti-After-the-Hurricane-20161008-0002.html>its
revered 1,200-doctor medical mission to Haiti
<http://medicc.org/ns/>with 38 personnel from the Henry Reeve
International Contingent of Physicians Specialized in Disaster
Situations and Serious Epidemics, which set up field hospitals in Haiti
in 2010 as well. As Washington sends soldiers, Venezuela and Cuba send
doctors.
In the longer term, it is likely that Washington will seek to use the
post-hurricane crisis to bolster its proxy force, the UN Mission to
Stabilize Haiti (MINUSTAH), which has occupied Haiti in violation of
Haitian and international law for 12 years, following the overthrow of
Haiti's elected president on Feb. 29, 2004. (MINUSTAH was expanded
<http://www.un.org/en/peacekeeping/missions/minustah/documents/minustah_press_factsheet_012011.pdf>from
7,000 to 11,500 soldiers and police officers after the 2010 earthquake.)
MINUSTAH's mandate expires on Oct. 15. In the face of Haitian and
international outcry and the withdrawal from the force of several key
Latin American nations – Argentina, Uruguay and Chile – outgoing UN
Secretary General Ban Ki-moon recommended on Aug. 31
<http://www.securitycouncilreport.org/atf/cf/%7B65BFCF9B-6D27-4E9C-8CD3-CF6E4FF96FF9%7D/s_2016_753.pdf>extending
the mandate by only six months, less than the customary one-year
renewal. He says a “a strategic assessment of the situation in Haiti” is
needed.
However, Ban conditioned this shorter mandate on the hope that “the
current electoral calendar will be maintained” so that a “strategic
assessment mission would be deployed to Haiti after Feb. 7, 2017,” the
date on which a new elected president is supposed to be sworn in.
As a result of Hurricane Matthew, it is now unlikely that an elected
president will be inaugurated on that date. Haiti’s Provisional
Electoral Council (CEP) has postponed indefinitely the elections which
were to take place on Oct. 9, involving a re-do of a first-round
presidential vote (that of Oct. 25, 2015 was patently fraudulent) and a
run-off for several Haitian legislature seats.
The CEP is due to announce on Oct. 12 the new electoral schedule. (Leaks
suggest it may propose Oct. 30, 2016.) It may prove impossible to hold
the postponed pollings in time for a February presidential inauguration
because tens of thousands of would-be voters on Haiti’s southern
peninsula have surely lost their electoral cards while many polling
places – mostly schools – will need repairs or complete rebuilding.
The potential absence of an elected president in time for the
constitutionally-mandated inauguration date would surely be used as an
excuse for the extension of MINUSTAH’s mandate, despite Haitians being
almost unanimously opposed to the troops’ presence. The MINUSTAH, now
numbering 5,000 soldiers and police officers, is reviled due to its
massacres, murders, rapes, and other crimes against Haitians, but mostly
because its Nepalese contingent introduced cholera into Haiti in October
2010.
Nearly 10,000 Haitians have died from cholera and more than one million
have been infected. The UN has fiercely resisted any culpability for the
cholera disaster.
The disease spreads when cholera-infected sewage mixes with drinking and
washing water, a situation which arises more easily when there is
massive flooding, as after Matthew.
As for the relationship between post-hurricane rebuilding and the
upcoming elections, the earthquake’s aftermath is instructive. Then-U.S.
Secretary of State Hillary Clinton and former President Bill Clinton
took command
<http://www.haiti-liberte.com/archives/volume10-11/Haiti%20s%20Pay-to-Play%20IHRC.asp>of
Haiti’s post-earthquake reconstruction through the Interim Haiti
Recovery Commission (IHRC), sidelining the Haitian government and
Haitian President René Préval. The resentful Préval became something of
a figurehead, with the Clintons and their coterie running the show.
The powers behind MINUSTAH – the U.S., France, and Canada – intervened
aggressively following the 2010 earthquake to install a pliant
president. As Préval's electoral mandate was finishing, his party’s
successor candidate, Jude Célestin, finished the first-round
presidential vote in November 2010 in second place. But Washington
intervened, led by Secretary of State Clinton, and replaced Célestin
with the third place finisher, Michel Martelly, a ribald musical
performer of the political extreme-right. He went on to win the March
2011 run-off vote.
Could a similar power-play take place in Haiti’s next election,
especially with the likely election in November of Hillary Clinton as
the next U.S. president?
Then there is the question of emergency aid – food, water, shelter, and
medical supplies. There is an obvious need for all of this in the
immediate term, such as that sent by Venezuela. However, in the past,
Washington has used its food aid to crush and debilitate local Haitian
food production. Former CARE employee and Haiti-resident researcher Tim
Schwartz documented this at length in his book /Travesty in Haiti: A
True Account of Christian Missions, Orphanages, Fraud, Food Aid and Drug
Trafficking/. He wrote that the role of food aid “was not principally to
help people but to promote overseas sales of U.S. agricultural produce.
The consequences have been devastating throughout the world.” That aid,
he argued, brought ruin to small Haitian farmers.
“Westerners wanting to help shouldn’t assume that there are no resources
available to Haitians in country,” writes Haitian Jocelyn McCalla in
/The Guardianon Oct. 6
<https://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2016/oct/06/hurricane-matthew-haiti-aid-long-term-economic-investment>/.
“While charitable goods may provide temporary relief, they can hinder
recovery in the long run to the extent that they can have a negative
impact on the local economy.”
In 2010, most of the humanitarian disaster aid was funneled through
international non-governmental organizations (INGOs) and the result was
disastrous. Even the Clintons’ own daughter, Chelsea, was “profoundly
disturbed” by what she saw on the ground. She wrote in a declassified
email
<http://www.haiti-liberte.com/archives/volume9-10/The%20Mysterious%20Gap%20in%20Hillary.asp>in
early 2010 that the “incompetence is mind numbing,” that “Haitians want
to help themselves and want the international community to help them
help themselves,” and that “there is NO accountability in the UN system
or international humanitarian system (including for/ among INGOs).”
The current Haitian government, headed by interim President Jocelerme
Privert, is trying to take control of the disaster relief efforts and
funds. Following the earthquake, only one per cent of aid funds went to
Haitian authorities. This time, the president’s office has reinforced
the Permanent National Office for Risk and Disaster Relief
<http://www.alterpresse.org/spip.php?article20693#.V_r8TvkrLDd>(SNGRD)
through which all national and international disaster relief is to be
channeled and coordinated. What will be Washington’s response to this
initiative?
The U.S. was angered earlier this year when the Privert government
resisted its pressure not to form an independent verification commission
to investigate the fraud-plagued Aug. 9 and Oct. 25, 2015 elections.
Anger became outrage when Privert’s CEP respectedthe verification
commission’s recommendation to redo the 2015 presidential first-round,
and Washington and the European Union said they would withhold all
financial support. Commendably, cash-strapped Haiti was undeterred and
has managed to fund the elections by itself.
Haitian government leadership of the relief efforts should begin with
its being able to establish the death toll. The Haitian government and
foreign media are differing over how many people have died from
Hurricane Matthew. As of this writing, the international media is saying
that more than 900 people perished, while the Haitian government’s Civil
Protection Directorate (DPC) gives an official nationwide count of 372
dead, four missing, 246 injured, and 175,509 persons housed in 224
temporary shelters.
Writing on Oct. 8, Haitian journalist Dady Chery has reported
<http://newsjunkiepost.com/2016/10/08/haiti-facts-about-hurricane-matthew-vs-media-poetic-truth/>,
“Once the United States military and journalists began to assess the
hurricane’s damage by some counting system of their own invention, the
number of Haitian casualties skyrocketed, and there were no longer any
reports of how the dead met their fates. Indeed, the number of the
Haitian dead from Hurricane Matthew has doubled approximately every 12
hours since Tuesday [Oct. 4] morning and is now estimated to be 800.”
The higher “casualty counts should be examined carefully and with great
skepticism,” Chery continues. “For one, there no longer appears to be a
distinction between the missing and the dead. For example, the children
from a collapsed orphanage are presumed to have died, but no evidence of
their deaths has been offered.”
“It is in the interest of the occupying powers to pressure Haiti to
exaggerate the human and material costs of the hurricane,” Chery concludes.
Indeed, Washington will likely use this latest Haitian crisis to further
its own economic and political agenda and to bully and undercut
President Privert, who has shown some temerity and independence since
his interim appointment by redoing the 2015 presidential election in the
face of fierce opposition from Washington, Ottawa, and Paris. After
their experience of the last six years, the Haitian people are justified
in being wary of foreigners bearing gifts but whose policies have always
undermined Haiti's democracy and sovereignty.
“If people are concerned about the long-term sovereignty and capacity of
the country of Haiti to develop its own resources, I would recommend
against the large charities, which in my view just perpetuate the
conditions of poverty and of political instability that cause the
country to be so vulnerable in the first place,” Roger Annis of the
Canada Haiti Action Network (CHAN) told the Globe & Mail on Oct. 9.
International aid by whatever agency able to deliver it is being
welcomed by Hurricane Matthew’s Haitian victims and their government.
But the lesson of the 2010 earthquake is that aid and reconstruction
must be directed by Haitians and for Haitians. Otherwise, this latest
disaster will only aggravate the long disaster of big-power intervention
into the country. That, not inevitable storms and earthquakes, is the
largest obstacle facing Haiti in its struggle for development and
sovereignty.
(Readers are encouraged to contact local Haitian consulates or
embassies to find out how to contribute directly to the Haitian
government or its affiliated agencies.)
/Roger Annis contributed to this article, which is also published on
CounterPunch <http://www.counterpunch.org/>. For background to the long
history of foreign interference in Haiti, read 'Haiti’s humanitarian
crisis: Rooted in history of military coups and occupations
<http://www.canadahaitiaction.ca/content/haiti%92s-humanitarian-crisis-rooted-history-military-coups-and-occupations>',
by Kim Ives and Roger Annis, May 2011. For an assessment of 2010
earthquake aid five years on, read, 'Haiti's promised rebuilding
unrealized as Haitians challenge authoritarian rule
<http://canadahaitiaction.ca/content/haitis-promised-rebuilding-unrealized-haitians-challenge-authoritarian-rule>,’
by Roger Annis and Travis Ross, Jan 12, 2015. The website project 'Haiti
Relief and Reconstruction Watch
<http://cepr.net/blogs/haiti-relief-and-reconstruction-watch/>'
documents Haiti's difficult experiences following the January 2010
earthquake./
--
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