[News] US & British Genocide - The Rape of East Timor
Anti-Imperialist News
news at freedomarchives.org
Fri Feb 26 11:36:05 EST 2016
*http://www.counterpunch.org/2016/02/26/the-rape-of-east-timor-sounds-like-fun/*
The Rape of East Timor: “Sounds Like Fun”
by John Pilger <http://www.counterpunch.org/author/john-pilger/>
February 26, 2016
Secret documents found in the Australian National Archives provide a
glimpse of how one of the greatest crimes of the 20th century was
executed and covered up. They also help us understand how and for whom
the world is run.
The documents refer to East Timor, now known as Timor-Leste, and were
written by diplomats in the Australian embassy in Jakarta. The date was
November 1976, less than a year after the Indonesian dictator General
Suharto seized the then Portuguese colony on the island of Timor.
The terror that followed has few parallels; not even Pol Pot succeeded
in killing, proportionally, as many Cambodians as Suharto and his fellow
generals killed in East Timor. Out of a population of almost a million,
up to a third were extinguished.
This was the second holocaust for which Suharto was responsible. A
decade earlier, in 1965, Suharto wrested power in Indonesia in a
bloodbath that took more than a million lives. The CIA reported: “In
terms of numbers killed, the massacres rank as one of the worst mass
murders of the 20th century.”
This was greeted in the Western press as “a gleam of light in Asia”
(/Time/).The BBC’s correspondent in South East Asia, Roland Challis,
later described the cover-up of the massacres as a triumph of media
complicity and silence; the “official line” was that Suharto had “saved”
Indonesia from a communist takeover.
“Of course my British sources knew what the American plan was,” he told
me. “There were bodies being washed up on the lawns of the British
consulate in Surabaya, and British warships escorted a ship full of
Indonesian troops, so that they could take part in this terrible
holocaust. It was only much later that we learned that the American
embassy was supplying [Suharto with] names and ticking them off as they
were killed. There was a deal, you see. In establishing the Suharto
regime, the involvement of the [US-dominated] International Monetary
Fund and the World Bank were part of it. That was the deal.”
I have interviewed many of the survivors of 1965, including the
acclaimed Indonesian novelist Pramoedya Ananta Toer, who bore witness to
an epic of suffering “forgotten” in the West because Suharto was “our
man”. A second holocaust in resource-rich East Timor, an undefended
colony, was almost inevitable.
In 1994, I filmed clandestinely in occupied East Timor; I found a land
of crosses and unforgettable grief. In my film, /Death of a Nation/,
there is a sequence shot on board an Australian aircraft flying over the
Timor Sea. A party is in progress. Two men in suits are toasting each
other in champagne. “This is a uniquely historical moment,” babbles one
of them, “that is truly, uniquely historical.”
This is Australia’s foreign minister, Gareth Evans. The other man is Ali
Alatas, the principal mouthpiece of Suharto. It is 1989 and they are
making a symbolic flight to celebrate a piratical deal they called a
“treaty”. This allowed Australia, the Suharto dictatorship and the
international oil companies to divide the spoils of East Timor’s oil and
gas resources.
Thanks to Evans, Australia’s then prime minister, Paul Keating — who
regarded Suharto as a father figure — and a gang that ran Australia’s
foreign policy establishment, Australia distinguished itself as the only
western country formally to recognise Suharto’s genocidal conquest. The
prize, said Evans, was “zillions” of dollars.
Members of this gang reappeared the other day in documents found in the
National Archives by two researchers from Monash University in
Melbourne, Sara Niner and Kim McGrath. In their own handwriting, senior
officials of the Department of Foreign Affairs mock reports of the rape,
torture and execution of East Timorese by Indonesian troops. In
scribbled annotations on a memorandum that refers to atrocities in a
concentration camp, one diplomat wrote: “sounds like fun”. Another
wrote: “sounds like the population are in raptures.”
Referring to a report by the Indonesian resistance, Fretilin, that
describes Indonesia as an “impotent” invader, another diplomat sneered:
“If ‘the enemy was impotent’, as stated, how come they are daily raping
the captured population? Or is the former a result of the latter?”
The documents, says Sarah Niner, are “vivid evidence of the lack of
empathy and concern for human rights abuses in East Timor” in the
Department of Foreign Affairs. “The archives reveal that this culture of
cover-up is closely tied to the DFA’s need to recognise Indonesian
sovereignty over East Timor so as to commence negotiations over the
petroleum in the East Timor Sea.”
This was a conspiracy to steal East Timor’s oil and gas. In leaked
diplomatic cables in August 1975, the Australian Ambassador to Jakarta,
Richard Woolcott, wrote to Canberra: “It would seem to me that the
Department [of Minerals and Energy] might well have an interest in
closing the present gap in the agreed sea border and this could be much
more readily negotiated with Indonesia … than with Portugal or
independent Portuguese Timor.” Woolcott revealed that he had been
briefed on Indonesia’s secret plans for an invasion. He cabled Canberra
that the government should “assist public understanding in Australia” to
counter “criticism of Indonesia”.
In 1993, I interviewed C. Philip Liechty, a former senior CIA operations
officer in the Jakarta embassy during the invasion of East Timor. He
told me: “Suharto was given the green light [by the US] to do what he
did. We supplied them with everything they needed [from] M16 rifles [to]
US military logistical support … maybe 200,000 people, almost all of
them non-combatants died. When the atrocities began to appear in the CIA
reporting, the way they dealt with these was to cover them up as long as
possible; and when they couldn’t be covered up any longer, they were
reported in a watered-down, very generalised way, so that even our own
sourcing was sabotaged.”
I asked Liechty what would have happened had someone spoken out. “Your
career would end,” he replied. He said his interview with me was one way
of making amends for “how badly I feel”.
The gang in the Australian embassy in Jakarta appear to suffer no such
anguish. One of the scribblers on the documents, Cavan Hogue, told the
/Sydney Morning Herald:/ “It does look like my handwriting. If I made a
comment like that, being the cynical bugger that I am, it would
certainly have been in the spirit of irony and sarcasm. It’s about the
[Fretilin] press release, not the Timorese.” Hogue said there were
“atrocities on all sides”.
As one who reported and filmed the evidence of genocide, I find this
last remark especially profane. The Fretilin “propaganda” he derides was
accurate. The subsequent report of the United Nations on East Timor
describes thousands of cases of summary execution and violence against
women by Suharto’s Kopassus special forces, many of whom were trained in
Australia. “Rape, sexual slavery and sexual violence were tools used as
part of the campaign designed to inflict a deep experience of terror,
powerlessness and hopelessness upon pro-independence supporters,” says
the UN.
Cavan Hogue, the joker and “cynical bugger”, was promoted to senior
ambassador and eventually retired on a generous pension. Richard
Woolcott was made head of the Department of Foreign Affairs in Canberra
and, in retirement, has lectured widely as a “respected diplomatic
intellectual”.
Journalists watered at the Australian embassy in Jakarta, notably those
employed by Rupert Murdoch, who controls almost 70 per cent of
Australia’s capital city press. Murdoch’s correspondent in Indonesia
was Patrick Walters, who reported that Jakarta’s “economic achievements”
in East Timor were “impressive”, as was Jakarta’s “generous” development
of the blood-soaked territory. As for the East Timorese resistance, it
was “leaderless” and beaten. In any case, “no one was now arrested
without proper legal procedures”.
In December 1993, one of Murdoch’s veteran retainers, Paul Kelly, then
editor-in-chief of /The Australian,/ was appointed by Foreign Minister
Evans to the Australia-Indonesia Institute, a body funded by the
Australian government to promote the “common interests” of Canberra and
the Suharto dictatorship. Kelly led a group of Australian newspaper
editors to Jakarta for an audience with the mass murderer. There is a
photograph of one of them bowing.
East Timor won its independence in 1999 with the blood and courage of
its ordinary people. The tiny, fragile democracy was immediately
subjected to a relentless campaign of bullying by the Australian
government which sought to manoeuvre it out of its legal ownership of
the sea bed’s oil and gas revenue. To get its way, Australia refused to
recognise the jurisdiction of the International Court of Justice and the
Law of the Sea and unilaterally changed the maritime boundary in its own
favour.
In 2006, a deal was finally signed, Mafia-style, largely on Australia’s
terms. Soon afterwards, Prime Minister Mari Alkitiri, a nationalist who
had stood up to Canberra, was effectively deposed in what he called an
“attempted coup” by “outsiders”. The Australian military, which had
“peace-keeping” troops in East Timor, had trained his opponents.
In the 17 years since East Timor won its independence, the Australian
government has taken nearly $5 billion in oil and gas revenue — money
that belongs to its impoverished neighbour.
Australia has been called America’s “deputy sheriff” in the South
Pacific. One man with the badge is Gareth Evans, the foreign minister
filmed lifting his champagne glass to toast the theft of East Timor’s
natural resources. Today, Evans is a lectern-trotting zealot promoting a
brand of war-mongering known as “RTP”, or “Responsibility to Protect”.
As co-chair of a New York-based “Global Centre”, he runs a US-backed
lobby group that urges the “international community” to attack countries
where “the Security Council rejects a proposal or fails to deal with it
in a reasonable time”. The man for the job, as the East Timorese might say.
--
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