[News] America’s Child Soldiers - JROTC and the Militarizing of America
Anti-Imperialist News
news at freedomarchives.org
Tue Dec 17 14:45:42 EST 2013
*America’s Child Soldiers *
*JROTC and the Militarizing of America*
*http://www.tomdispatch.com/post/175784/tomgram%3A_ann_jones%2C_suffer_the_children/#more*
By Ann Jones <http://www.tomdispatch.com/authors/annjones>
Congress surely meant to do the right thing when, in the fall of
2008, it passed the Child Soldiers Prevention Act
<http://www.state.gov/documents/organization/135981.pdf> (CSPA). The
law was designed to protect kids worldwide from being forced to
fight the wars of Big Men. From then on, any country that coerced
children into becoming soldiers was supposed to lose all U.S.
military aid.
It turned out, however, that Congress -- in its rare moment of
concern for the next generation -- had it all wrong. In its greater
wisdom, the White House
<http://www.whitehouse.gov/the-press-office/2012/09/28/presidential-memorandum-presidential-determination-respect-child-soldier>
found countries like Chad and Yemen so vital to the national
interest of the United States that it preferred to overlook what
happened to the children in their midst.
As required by CSPA, this year the State Department once again
listed
<http://antiwar.com/blog/2013/10/01/obama-waives-ban-on-sending-military-aid-to-countries-with-child-soldiers/>
10 countries that use child soldiers: Burma (Myanmar), the Central
African Republic, Chad, the Democratic Republic of the Congo,
Rwanda, Somalia, South Sudan, Sudan, Syria, and Yemen. Seven of
them were scheduled to receive millions of dollars in U.S. military
aid as well as what’s called <http://www.state.gov/t/pm/65531.htm>
“U.S. Foreign Military Financing.” That’s a shell game aimed at
supporting the Pentagon and American weapons makers by handing
millions of taxpayer dollars over to such dodgy “allies,” who must
then turn around and buy “services” from the Pentagon or “materiel”
from the usual merchants of death. You know the crowd: Lockheed
Martin, McDonnell Douglas, Northrop Grumman, and so on.
Here was a chance for Washington to teach a set of countries to
cherish their young people, not lead them to the slaughter. But in
October, as it has done every year since CSPA became law, the White
House again granted
<http://washingtonexaminer.com/obama-waives-ban-on-aiding-regimes-that-use-child-soldiers/article/2536609>
whole or partial “waivers” to five countries on the State
Department’s “do not aid” list: Chad, South Sudan, Yemen, the
Democratic Republic of the Congo, and Somalia.
Too bad for the young -- and the future -- of those countries. But
look at it this way: Why should Washington help the children of
Sudan or Yemen escape war when it spares no expense right here at
home to press our own impressionable, idealistic, ambitious American
kids into military “service”?
It should be no secret that the United States has the biggest, most
efficiently organized, most effective system for recruiting child
soldiers in the world. With uncharacteristic modesty, however, the
Pentagon doesn’t call it that. Its term is “youth development
program.”
Pushed by multiple high-powered, highly paid public relations and
advertising firms under contract to the Department of Defense, the
program is a many splendored thing. Its major public face is the
Junior Reserve Officers Training Corps or JROTC.
What makes this child-soldier recruiting program so striking is that
the Pentagon carries it out in plain sight in hundreds and hundreds
of private, military, and public high schools across the U.S.
Unlike the notorious West African warlords Foday Sankoh
<http://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/obituaries/1437579/Foday-Sankoh.html>
and Charles Taylor
<http://www.nytimes.com/2013/09/27/world/africa/charles-taylor-sierra-leone-war-crimes-case.html>
(both brought before international tribunals on charges of war
crimes), the Pentagon doesn’t actually kidnap children and drag them
bodily into battle. It seeks instead to make its young “cadets”
what John Stuart Mill once termed “willing slaves,” so taken in by
the master’s script that they accept their parts with a gusto that
passes for personal choice. To that end, JROTC works on their
not-yet-fully-developed minds, instilling what the program’s
textbooks call “patriotism” and “leadership,” as well as a reflexive
attention to authoritarian commands.
The scheme is much more sophisticated -- so much more "civilized" --
than any ever devised in Liberia or Sierra Leone, and it works. The
result is the same, however: kids get swept into soldiering, a job
they will not be free to leave, and in the course of which they may
be forced to commit spirit-breaking atrocities. When they start to
complain or crack under pressure, in the U.S. as in West Africa, out
come the drugs.
The JROTC program, still spreading in high schools across the
country, costs
<http://cyberspacei.com/jesusi/focus/co/cows/afsc/youthmill/jrotc/jrotcost.htm>
U.S. taxpayers hundreds of millions of dollars annually. It has
cost some unknown number of taxpayers their children.
*The Acne and Braces Brigades*
I first stumbled upon JROTC kids a few years ago at a Veterans Day
parade in Boston. Before it got underway, I wandered among the
uniformed groups taking their places along the Boston Common. There
were some old geezers sporting the banners of their American Legion
posts, a few high school bands, and some sharp young men in smart
dress uniforms: greater Boston’s military recruiters.
Then there were the kids. The acne and braces brigades, 14- and
15-year-olds in military uniforms carrying rifles against their
shoulders. Some of the girl groups sported snazzy white gloves.
Far too many such groups, with far too many underage children,
stretched the length of Boston Common. They represented all
branches of the military and many different local communities,
though almost all of them were brown or black in hue: African
Americans, Hispanics, the children of immigrants from Vietnam and
other points South. Just last month in New York City, I watched
similarly color-coded JROTC squads march up Fifth Avenue on
Veterans’ Day. One thing JROTC is not is a rainbow coalition.
In Boston, I asked a 14-year-old boy why he had joined JROTC. He
wore a junior Army uniform and toted a rifle nearly as big as
himself. He said, “My dad, he left us, and my mom, she works two
jobs, and when she gets home, well, she’s not big on structure. But
they told us at school you gotta have a lot of structure if you want
to get somewhere. So I guess you could say I joined up for that.”
A group of girls, all Army JROTC members, told me they took classes
with the boys but had their own all-girl (all-black) drill team that
competed against others as far away as New Jersey. They showed me
their medals and invited me to their high school to see their
trophies. They, too, were 14 or 15. They jumped up and down like
the enthusiastic young teens they were as we talked. One said, “I
never got no prizes before.”
Their excitement took me back. When I was their age, growing up in
the Midwest, I rose before daybreak to march around a football field
and practice close formation maneuvers in the dark before the school
day began. Nothing would have kept me from that “structure,” that
“drill,” that “team,” but I was in a marching band and the weapon I
carried was a clarinet. JROTC has entrapped that eternal youthful
yearning to be part of something bigger and more important than
one’s own pitiful, neglected, acne-spattered self. JROTC captures
youthful idealism and ambition, twists it, trains it, arms it, and
sets it on the path to war.
*A Little History*
The U.S. Army Junior Reserve Officers’ Training Corps was conceived
as part of the National Defense Act of 1916 in the midst of World
War I. In the aftermath of that war, however, only six high schools
took up the military's offer of equipment and instructors. A senior
version <http://www.encyclopedia.com/topic/ROTC.aspx> of ROTC, was
made compulsory on many state college and university campuses,
despite the then-controversial question of whether the government
could compel students to take military training.
By 1961, ROTC had become an optional program, popular at some
schools, but unwelcome on others. It soon disappeared altogether
<http://www.legion.org/magazine/213230/return-rotc> from the
campuses of many elite colleges and progressive state universities,
pushed out by protest against the war in Vietnam and pulled out by
the Pentagon, which insisted on maintaining discriminatory policies
(especially regarding sexual preference and gender) outlawed in
university codes of conduct. When it gave up “Don’t Ask, Don’t Tell
<http://www.defense.gov/home/features/2010/0610_dadt/>” in 2011 and
offered a menu of substantial research grants for such institutions,
elite universities like Harvard and Yale welcomed the military back
with unbecoming deference.
During ROTC’s exile from such institutions, however, it put down
roots on college campuses in states that made no fuss about
discrimination, while the Pentagon expanded its recruitment program
in high schools. Almost half a century after Army JROTC was
established, the Reserve Officers Training Corps Vitalization Act of
1964 opened <http://www.usarmyjrotc.com/jrotc-history> such junior
training to all branches of the military. What’s more, the number of
JROTC units nationwide, previously capped
<http://www.legion.org/magazine/213230/return-rotc> at 1,200,
climbed rapidly until 2001, when the very idea of imposing limits on
the program disappeared.
The reason was clear enough. In 1973, the Nixon administration
discarded the draft in favor of a standing professional
“all-volunteer” army. But where were those professionals to be
found? And how exactly were they to be persuaded to “volunteer”?
Since World War II, ROTC programs at institutions of higher
education had provided about 60% of commissioned officers. But an
army needs foot soldiers.
Officially, the Pentagon claims that JROTC is not a recruiting
program. Privately, it never considered it to be anything else. Army
JROTC now describes itself
<http://www.usarmyjrotc.com/jrotc-history> as having “evolved from a
source of enlisted recruits and officer candidates to a citizenship
program devoted to the moral, physical, and educational uplift of
American youth.” Yet former Defense Secretary William Cohen,
testifying before the House Armed Services Committee in 2000, named
JROTC
<http://www.experts123.com/q/is-there-a-link-between-jrotc-and-military-recruiting.html>
“one of the best recruiting devices that we could have.”
With that unacknowledged mission in hand, the Pentagon pushed for a
goal first advanced in 1991 by Colin Powell, then chairman of the
Joint Chiefs of Staff: the establishment of 3,500 JROTC units to
“uplift” students in high schools nationwide. The plan was to
expand
<http://www.whitehouse.gov/sites/default/files/omb/assets/omb/expectmore/detail/10003233.2006.html>
into "educationally and economically deprived areas.” The shoddy
schools of the inner cities, the rust belt, the deep South, and
Texas became rich hunting grounds. By the start of 2013, the Army
alone was recycling 4,000 retired officers to run its programs in
1,731 high schools. All together, Army, Air Force, Navy, and Marine
JROTC units now flourish in 3,402 high schools nationwide -- 65% of
them in the South -- with a total enrollment of 557,129 kids.
*Getting With the Program*
Here’s how the program works. The Department of Defense spends
several hundred million dollars -- $365 million in 2013 -- to
provide uniforms, Pentagon-approved textbooks, and equipment to
JROTC, as well as part of the instructors’ salaries. Those
instructors, assigned by the military (not the schools), are retired
officers. They continue to collect federal retirement pay, even
though the schools are required to cover their salaries at levels
they would receive on active duty. The military then reimburses the
school for about half of that hefty pay, but the school is still out
a bundle.
Ten years ago, the American Friends Service Committee found
<http://www.peaceworkmagazine.org/pwork/0410/041021.htm> that the
true cost of JROTC programs to local school districts was “often
much higher -- in some cases more than double -- the cost claimed by
the Department of Defense.” In 2004, local school districts were
shelling out “more than $222 million in personnel costs alone.”
Several principals who spoke to me about the program praised the
Pentagon for subsidizing the school budget, but in this matter they
evidently don’t grasp their own school finances. The fact is that
public schools offering JROTC programs actually subsidize the
Pentagon’s recruitment drive. In fact, a JROTC class costs schools
(and taxpayers) significantly more than would a regular physical
education or American history course -- for both of which it is
often considered a suitable substitute.
Local schools have no control over the Pentagon’s prescribed JROTC
curricula, which are inherently biased toward militarism. Many
school systems simply adopt JROTC programs without so much as a peek
at what the students will be taught. The American Friends Service
Committee, Veterans for Peace, and other civic groups have compiled
evidence that these classes are not only more costly than regular
school courses, but also inferior in quality.
What else but inferior quality might be expected from self-serving
textbooks written by competing branches of the military and used by
retired military men with no teaching qualifications or experience?
For one thing, neither the texts nor the instructors teach the sort
of critical thinking central to the best school curricula today.
Instead, they inculcate obedience to authority, inspire fear of
“enemies,” and advance the primacy of military might in American
foreign policy.
Civic groups have raised a number of other objections
<http://peaceworker.org/2009/09/jrotc-to-target-many-more-schools/>
to JROTC, ranging from discriminatory practices -- against gays,
immigrants, and Muslims, for example -- to dangerous ones, such as
bringing guns into schools (of all places). Some units even set up
shooting ranges where automatic rifles and live ammunition are used.
JROTC embellishes the dangerous mystique of such weapons, making
them objects to covet, embrace, and jump at the chance to use.
In its own defense, the program publicizes a selling point widely
accepted across the United States: that it provides "structure,"
keeps kids from dropping out of school, and turns boys (and now
girls) of "troubled" background into "men" who, without JROTC to
save them (and the rest of us /from /them), would become junkies or
criminals or worse. Colin Powell, the first ROTC grad ever to rise
to the military’s top job, peddled just this line in his memoir /My
American Journey/. "Inner-city kids," he wrote, "many from broken
homes, [find] stability and role models in Junior ROTC."
No evidence exists to prove these claims, however, apart from
student testimonials like that offered by the 14-year-old who told
me he joined up for “structure.” That kids (and their parents) fall
for this sales pitch is a measure of their own limited options. The
great majority of students find better, more life-affirming
“structure” in school itself through academic courses, sports,
choirs, bands, science or language clubs, internships -- you name it
-- in schools where such opportunities exist. Yet it is precisely
in schools with such programs that administrators, teachers,
parents, and kids working together are most likely to succeed in
keeping JROTC out. It is left to the “economically and
educationally deprived” school systems targeted by the Pentagon to
cut such “frills” and blow their budgets on a colonel or two who can
offer students in need of “stability and role models” a promising,
though perhaps very short, future as soldiers.
*School Days*
In one such Boston inner city school, predominantly black, I sat in
on JROTC classes where kids watched endless films of soldiers on
parade, then had a go at it themselves in the school gym, rifles in
hand. (I have to admit that they could march far better than squads
of the Afghan National Army, which I’ve also observed
<http://www.tomdispatch.com/blog/175128/tomgram%3A_ann_jones,_us_or_them_in_afghanistan>,
but is that something to be proud of?) Since those classes often
seemed to consist of hanging out, students had lots of time to chat
with the Army recruiter whose desk was conveniently located in the
JROTC classroom.
They chatted with me, too. A 16-year-old African American girl, who
was first in her class and had already signed up for the Army, told
me she would make the military her career. Her instructor -- a
white colonel she regarded as the father she never had at home --
had led the class to believe that “our war” would go on for a very
long time, or as he put it, “until we’ve killed every last Muslim on
Earth.” She wanted to help save America by devoting her life to that
“big job ahead.”
Stunned, I blurted out, “But what about Malcolm X?” He grew up in
Boston and a boulevard not far from the school was named in his
honor. “Wasn’t he a Muslim?” I asked.
“Oh no, ma’am,” she said. “Malcolm X was an American.”
A senior boy, who had also signed up with the recruiter, wanted to
escape the violence of city streets. He joined up shortly after one
of his best friends, caught in the crossfire of somebody else’s
fight, was killed in a convenience store just down the block from
the school. He told me, “I’ve got no future here. I might as well
be in Afghanistan.” He thought his chances of survival would be
better there, but he worried about the fact that he had to finish
high school before reporting for “duty.” He said, “I just hope I
can make it to the war.”
What kind of school system gives boys and girls such “choices”?
What kind of country?
What goes on in schools in your town? Isn’t it time you found out?
/TomDispatch regular/ <http://www.tomdispatch.com/blog/175769/>/ Ann
Jones is the author of a new book, /They Were Soldiers: How the
Wounded Return from America’s Wars -- the Untold Story
<http://www.amazon.com/dp/1608463710/ref=nosim/?tag=tomdispatch-20>/, a
Dispatch Books project in cooperation with Haymarket Books. (Jeremy
Scahill just //chose it/
<http://www.publishersweekly.com/pw/by-topic/authors/profiles/article/60307-pw-s-top-10-authors-on-their-favorite-books-of-2013.html>/
as his favorite book of 2013.) Jones, who has reported from
Afghanistan since 2002, is also the author of two books about the
impact of war on civilians: /Kabul in Winter/ and /War Is Not Over
When It’s Over/. Her website is annjonesonline.com
<http://www.annjonesonline.com>.
/
Copyright 2013 Ann Jones
--
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