[News] When the Pentagon "Kill Machines" Came to an Okinawan Paradise
Anti-Imperialist News
news at freedomarchives.org
Tue Nov 2 11:44:37 EDT 2010
http://www.counterpunch.org/driscoll11022010.html
November 2, 2010
The Undermining of Democracy in Japan
When the Pentagon "Kill Machines" Came to an Okinawan Paradise
By MARK DRISCOLL
When I arrived at the small village of Takae in
the northernmost part of the main island of
Okinawa to spend 5 days at a sit-in protest there
in mid-July, my first image of the place was the
unusual municipal charter that greeted me as I
got off the bus. Codified in 1996, the residents
pledge to: 1. Love nature and strive to create a
beautiful environment resplendent with flowers
and water; 2. Value our traditional culture,
while always striving to learn new things; and 3.
Create a municipality in which people can
interact in a spirit of vitality and joy. The
charter mentioned no human founding fathers of
Takae, rather it followed with lavish
descriptions of the village flower (azalea) and
bird (sea woodpecker) in addition to details
about the gorgeous waterfalls and the rare
combination of seacoast and mountains that
creates a strong impression of a tropical
paradise; UNESCO has identified the ecological
diversity of this area as among the richest in
the world. The sense of paradise is what brought
Ashimine Genji to Takae ten years ago. Ashimine,
a native of Okinawa who moved to the Japanese
mainland during the economic bubble period in the
mid-1980s, moved back to Okinawa when he got
tired of the frenetic Tokyo life and exhausting
wage labor. With his lover he bought some land in
the mountains amidst waterfalls, animals and
birds and started raising their 3 kids, while
constructing a small organic restaurant. During
my interview with him he insisted that the family
was committed to living as simply, slowly, and
sustainably as possible, and they deliberately
spent the first two years in Takae without
electricity, reluctantly attaching to a grid only
when their oldest kids complaints wouldnt stop.
Its hard to avoid the descriptive mantra of
Okinawan life as simple and slow in Japanese
lifestyle magazines (with, in the last two years,
sustainable [saiseisan] commonly appended) and
perusal of these magazines convinced Naoko and
Kôji Morioka to relocate to Takae four years ago.
Amateur organic farmers and part-time artists
raised in Tokyo, they had lived in Africa, India
and Nepal before relocating with their two small
kids to Takae to start full-time organic rice
farming. Also refusing electricity, they built a
small house from scratch just 30 yards north of a
gorgeous waterfall and 300 yards from the sea,
determined both to pioneer a new path of zero
growth against Japanese postmodern capitalism and
to enjoy the close community of Takae, consisting
of farmers, fisherfolk and several convivial
story-tellers/drunks. While about a fourth of
Takaes 160 residents are eco-conscious
transplants from Tokyo and their kids, several
claim descendants going back a millennium who
have enjoyed the fruits (mango) and vegetables
that grow wild in the area. Right smack in the
middle of this sustainable paradise is where a
large part of the newest US military base is about to be built.
Takae residents were kept in the dark about the
base until just before construction was to begin.
Leaks, reported in the Okinawa Times in late
2006, forced the Japanese Defense Ministry to
hold an information session in early 2007. It was
only here that the Ashimines and Moriokas were
informed that the main helicopter base for the US
military in Japan was about to be built in their
backyard, including facilities for 3 Osprey
heli-planes. When the Defense Ministry showed the
people of Takae a Power Point slide of the
projected base area, they realized that two of
their homes would be within 400 meters of the
proposed new base. Ashimine recalled how he felt
after the session. One minute I was living a
life of harmony with nature with my family and
friends, and the next minute I was being told
that these killing machines (kiru- mashin) were
coming to within a few hundred meters of my
house; the disconnect (iwakan) was overwhelming
(Ku-yon June 2010; 101). Within a few months,
Takae locals obtained a fuller picture of what
was going on: based on a secret agreement between
the Japanese Foreign Ministry and the US Pentagon
made in 1996finally signed into a dubious kind
of legality in February 2009the large, but
increasingly obsolete US military base Futenma in
central Okinawa was to be relocated with
completely new infrastructure to northern
Okinawa. The plan was to transfer the
infrastructure of Futenma to the smaller US base
Camp Schwab located 20 miles from Takae. But
airport and helicopter facilities were necessary
to fill out Futenmas capacity and this is where
Takae and the equally pristine fishing village of
Henoko, 30 minutes southeast of Takae, would come
into play. The old airport at Futenma would be
replaced with a new V-shaped one carved out of
the beach in Henoko, while Takae would get all
the CH-47 and CH-54 helicopters together with the behemoth Ospreys.
Henokos proximity to Camp Schwab has created a
palpable anti-base sentiment there, and local
activists started mobilizing opposition to the
proposed airport construction in 2004. With help
from the all-women anti-base group Naha Broccoli,
situated in the Okinawan capital of Naha,
activist information sessions and bus tours of
the proposed base areas began in June 2007 which
jumpstarted regular contact among Takae, Henoko
and Naha. Encouraged by activist friends in Tokyo
to go Okinawa to look around, in July 2007, with
about 40 others, I participated in the second
Broccoli bus tour and was stunnedbut I should
have known better. The lack of transparency on
the side of the Pentagon and the deafness to
local Japanese concerns were standard neocolonial
postures of US base presence in Asia going back
to just after World War II. But witnessing the
sustained protest in Henoko by anti-war activists
spanning 3 generations inspired all of us on the
tour. The required environmental assessment for
new base construction had been underway for over
a year and Henoko activists were doing their best
to disrupt it, including a blockade of Japanese
Navy vessels with cordons of local fishing boats
and, with air tanks and wet suits, conducting
underwater direction action against young
Japanese Navy divers trying to complete the
seabed assessment. In November 2007 a Henoko
activist almost died when the breathing line to his airtank was severed.
Just after our bus tour, protest signs and
colorful anti-base paintings started to show up
around the two main gates to the newly fenced-in
Takae helicopter facility. By August 2007, Rie
Ishihara, a Takae mother of two started daily
sit-ins in front of the main entrance by herself;
soon she was joined by other locals and then by
Naha activists. Quickly, anti-base Japanese
started coming from the mainland, often devoting
one day of their Okinawa vacation week sitting in
at Takae. The mushrooming anti-base movement in
Takae caught the Japanese Defense Ministry in
Okinawa off-guard and when the environment
assessment group started its two-year survey at
the Takae site a year later, the Okinawan office
of the Japanese Defense Ministrythe local
defender of the US bases preemptively took the
whole town to court, serving 15 Takae residents a
summons for disrupting traffic on Dec. 16,
2008. Ishihara told me that when she got the
summons she thought it was a practical joke as
everyone knows there is no traffic in Takae and a
few local residents even refuse to drive cars
because of the impact on the environment. But
this was no joke, as the drawn-out legal hearings
lasted a year and forced the Takae farmers to
spend money on lawyers and court fees. On
December 11, the provincial court in Naha ruled
in favor of 13 defendants, although it ruled
against Ashimine and the head of the Takae
residents anti-base group Toshio Isa. Isa and
Ashimine can now be forced to stand trial in
Tokyo at any point the Japanese government decides.
While the events were unfolding in Okinawa,
politics on Japans mainland were revealing
similar anti-US patterns. During the campaigning
for the crucial Lower House elections in July
2009, the upstart Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ)
promised in their manifesto to establish a
different policy with respect to the US-Japan
alliance, one central aspect of which would be a
significant re-thinking (minaoshi) of the US
military in Japan including the situation of all
the US bases. Soon to be Prime Minister Yukio
Hatoyama refined his critique of the US-Japan
security framework by focusing on the unfair
burden placed on Okinawa by having some 24,000
US troops stationed there, including 18,000
Marines65% of the US military presence in Japan
installed on a land mass less than 1% of Japans
total. The party in power for all but one year
since the end of the US Occupation of Japan, the
right-wing Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) had
been losing support since it ordered Japanese
soldiers to deploy to war-zones in Iraq and
Afghanistan in 2002-03 in the face of Japanese
public opposition polling at 80-90%.
The historic victory of the DPJ over the LDP in
August 2009 should be seen as the culmination of
multiple forms of opposition to the LDPs blind
allegiance to the US, together with a pragmatic
understanding that Japans economic future lies
more closely entwined with China. In addition to
pledging to reform aspects of Japans
military-security framework with the US, the DPJ
Secretary General Ichiro Ozawa promised to
enhance ties to China beyond the economic sphere,
where China is now Japans largest trading
partner. The double whammy of a confirmation that
closer ties with China are beneficial together
with a groundswell of resistance to the US
military swept the DPJ into power. Right away,
new Prime Minister Hatoyama went to work on his
partys campaign promise and started exploring
ways to reform the US-Japan alliance; in a flush
of post-victory confidence he wondered out loud
what a future security framework would look like
with zero US troops stationed in Japan (chûryû
naki ampô). Several months earlier, Ozawa
insisted that, the [US Navy] 7th Fleet alone is
sufficient, meaning that as far as the DPJ
leaders were concerned, the remaining 35,000 US
troops should begin packing up their things to leave Japan permanently.
Although the US media underplayed this challenge,
the Pentagon understood exactly what was at stake
and wasnt liking it. Despite President Obamas
cautious wait and see approach to the democratic
regime change in Japan, the Pentagon immediately
starting sparring with the Japanese Ambassador to
the US Ichiro Fujisaki in Washington over issues
like the Guam Treaty signed by the weakened LDP
in early 2009, which dictated the terms of the
new base construction in Henoko/Takae and the
planned move of somewhere between 3000 to 9000 of
the 18,000 Marines in Okinawa to new facilities
in Guamwith Japanese taxpayers forced to pay
65-70% of the costs for both the move and the new
base in Guam. During the July 2009 campaign
several DPJ candidates echoed the argument made
by Okinawan critics that the Guam Treaty was
clearly unequal because it obliged the Japanese
to construct one new base in Okinawa and to
contribute most of the money toward building
another in Guam, while the American side merely
offered an ambiguous pledge to withdraw some
troops while reserving the right to change its
commitments when it wanted. Furthermore, critics
argued that the Guam Treaty was illegal as it
violated Article 95 of Japans constitution,
which stipulates that any law applicable only to
one locale requires the consent of the majority
of the voters of that province, and support for
the construction of the new base among Okinawans
had been almost completely absent. Defense
Secretary Robert Gates traveled to Tokyo for two
days of meetings in late October 2009 clearly
intending to muzzle the critiques of the US
presence in Japan and to remind the new DPJ
leaders of the post-WW II status quo, where
senior (US) and junior (Japan) partners would
continue to work together to contain China and
North Korea. It is time to move on, Gates
scolded the new Japanese leaders on October 22,
calling DPJ proposals to reopen the base issues
counterproductive. Then, deliberately insulting
the DPJ in the eyes of almost all Japanese
commentators Gates refused to attend the
welcoming ceremony and formal dinner organized
for him at the Defense Ministry in Tokyo on
October 23. In enumerating the insults and behind
the scenes threats made by Gates in Tokyo a few
days after his departure, the Okinawan newspaper
the Ryukyu Shimpo lambasted the diplomacy of
intimidation practiced by the US in its editorial of October 26.
By several accounts, Defense Secretary Gates
intimidation in late October 2009 ended the
honeymoon Hatoyama and the DPJ were enjoying with
the Japanese public. From that point on, the
Japanese media grew increasingly vocal in
criticizing Hatoyamas sudden lack of political
focus as cluelessly running all over the place
(meitô). With respect to the issue of the new US
base in Okinawa, he actually was running all over
Japan trying to find an alternative location to
Henoko/Takae since he was informed by Gates that
the US Pentagon was unwilling to give up its
plans for a new base there in Henoko/Takae. For
his part, the DPJs pro-China leader Ichiro Ozawa
responded to the Pentagons intimidation with a
little of his own, and in November arranged a
high-level trip to Beijing bringing 140 DPJ
politicians and 400 other supporters to meet his
friends. But the US and its LDP allies in Japan
held the trump card in this high-stakes game as
just a few weeks after Ozawas return from China
in December he was greeted with a deafening
chorus of accusations of financial impropriety.
Based on rumors that dogged Ozawa months before
the DPJ victory, on January 16, 2010 three of his
former secretaries were indicted on charges that
Ozawa neglected to publicly report the dormitory
he purchased for them in Tokyo. During the
ensuing trial it turned out that he didnt
declare it the first year, but did so properly
from the second year on. The prosecutors never
had any evidence of Ozawas direct involvement
and his main secretary testified that Ozawa
himself knew nothing about the failure to report.
It became clear during the trial in March that
the prosecutors were trying to use this court
case to uncover facts in a second, potentially
more serious case involving kickbacks from
Nishimatsu Construction. Ozawa has been cleared
of the first charge and has yet to be indicted for the second.
But the damage to the DPJ had been done. With
Hatoyama unable to fulfill his campaign promise
to prevent new base construction in Okinawa and
reduce the US militarys footprint in Japan, the
well-covered allegations of dirty money involving
Ozawa and other DPJ leaders made the Japanese
public think that the modus operandi of the
corruption-prone LDP and the new DPJ were
ultimately indistinguishable. The week after
Ozawas secretaries were indicted, support for
the DPJ dropped below 50%, and continued to
plummet thereafter. Less than 9 months after
their overwhelming victory, on May 25, 2010
Hatoyama announced that with all other options
exhausted, construction on the new US base in
Henoko/Takae would move forward. In dramatic
contrast to their position of August 20009,
Hatoyama spoke for the DPJ in saying that now,
the US and Japan are in complete agreement on
military-security matters. The DPJs coalition
party, the leftist Social-Democratic Party,
subsequently withdrew from the government;
finally on June 2, Hatoyama himself was forced to
resign. The Democratic Party, along with the
democratic process, has been successfully undermined in Japan.
Japanese taxpayers continue to foot the bill for
the US military presence in their own country. In
Okinawa in recent decades, 80% of base costs are
payed by Japans Foreign Ministry directly to the
US who then pay rent to a few Okinawan
landowners, a situation designed originally to
camouflage the fact that the US military simply
took at gunpoint the Okinawan land it wanted for
new base construction. As the respected historian
of post-WW II Okinawa Moriteru Arasaki has
described in several books, the forced seizures
(kyôsei sesshû) of Okinawan land by the US were
largely of lush agricultural flatlands in the
center of the main island, where the Futenma,
Hanson and Kadena bases are located today.
Arasaki explains that 44% of the pre-WW II rice
farming area in Okinawa was stolen by the US, and
these fields were filled in with sea water, sand
and cement, a combination guaranteeing that they
can never again be used as farmland. This
situation transformed Okinawa from being an
exporter of agricultural goods for 500 years into
an importer overnight and made Okinawa dependent
on shrinking development assistance from Tokyo.
Moreover, the Marines have not proven to be the
roles models for the new post-WW II democratic
order that the US Occupation promised the
Japanese people they would be. But in fairness to
individual Marines, the legal structure of the
Status of Forces (SOFA) agreement excuses outlaw
behavior as soldiers are largely shielded from
Japanese law. It took the gang rape of a
5th-grade Okinawan girl by 3 Marines in 1995 to
slightly alter the situation of total
extraterritoriality enjoyed until then.
Furthermore, as Okinawa Times journalist Tomohiro
Yara puts it in his 2009 book The US-Japan
Alliance of Sand, the absurd fiction of owner
(Japan) and renter (US military) encourages bad
boy behavior in Okinawa. What do you expect,
Yara quips, when what has to be the most lenient
landlord in the world pays 80% of the rent,
doesnt charge for any of the utilities, and then
has to do the repairs himself when the renter decides to trash the place?
But the last three years of anti-US sentiment in
Okinawa has brought with it a renewed desire for
independencefrom the US military and from the
Japanese government. The economic austerity
facing Japan means that the old LDP mode of
silencing Okinawan opposition through bribes and
development assistancewhat Okinawan leftists
call sweets (ame) to make us forget the
whippings (muchi) handed out by the Marinesis
no longer feasible. Tokyo started being stingy
about handing out sweet treats to Okinawa over a
decade ago, leaving only the whip of the US
military for Okinawans. The predictable outcome
of the withdrawal of the sweets is the almost
complete absence of Okinawan support for the new
US base; a May 31, 2010 poll conducted by the
Ryukyu Shimpo newspaper found only 6.3% of Okinawans supporting it.
Mark Driscoll is an Associate Professor of East
Asian History at the University of North
Carolina, Chapel Hill. He can be reached at:
<mailto:mdriscol at email.unc.edu>mdriscol at email.unc.edu
Freedom Archives
522 Valencia Street
San Francisco, CA 94110
415 863-9977
www.Freedomarchives.org
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