[News] Explosions of Unrest Mark Puerto Rico's Economic Crisis
Anti-Imperialist News
news at freedomarchives.org
Wed Nov 18 12:44:03 EST 2009
Explosions of Unrest Mark Puerto Rico's Economic Crisis
Written by Juan A. Ocasio Rivera
Wednesday, 18 November 2009
Source: <https://nacla.org/node/6254>NACLA Report on the Americas
https://nacla.org/node/6254
The unsuspecting governor, smack in the middle of
an important press conference, missed being hit
by a projectile by mere inches. The projectile?
Not a bullet, but an egg. An outraged citizen
calling himself "The Common Guy" ("el tipo
común") interrupted the press conference by
screaming in outrage at Puerto Rico Governor Luis
Fortuño and by throwing a slider that landed on a
sign highlighting a new development project the
governor was announcing. As officers locked the
man in a bear hug and carted him off, and as the
press swarmed this "Common Guy," it became clear
that this public display of resistance was not
only transcendental for its raw expression of
pain and anger, but was also symbolic and
representative of everyone's frustration and open
outrage at the turn of events on the island.
Puerto Rico is witnessing the kind of social,
economic, and political upheaval not seen in
decades. Declaring a fiscal emergency, the
pro-statehood Fortuño administration recently
passed a Fiscal Emergency Law, which, among other
measures, implemented the layoff of over 20,000
government workers - nearly 10% of the total. In
addition to huge cuts in budgets and services,
the layoffs caused immediate shock and outrage
due to its massive breadth and potential effects.
Government officials contend that they inherited
a bankrupt government from previous
administrations along with a huge debt load. They
are scrambling to prevent their credit ratings to
be classified in the lowest of categories - the
junk rating - and contend that the measures were necessary.
With an unemployment rate of around 16%, it is
obvious that Puerto Rico confronts a serious
economic crisis. According to U.S. Census Bureau
2008 figures, the island's median household
income stands at $18,610 (compared with $52,175
in the United States) and median family income
stands at $21,639 ($63,211 in the U.S.). Per
capita income is $10,064 ($27,466 in the U.S.),
and 41.4% of families and 45.3% of individuals
fall below the federal poverty level. In 2007,
over 50% of families on the island received some
form of public assistance. The figures alone
provide a snapshot of the depth of the economic
crisis. Although solutions are not lacking -
several leading politicians and economists
continue to offer alternative fiscal policies -
citizens continue to express concern over their economic situation.
Coupled with a soaring crime rate - over 750
murders this year alone - alarming suicide rates,
increasing acts of domestic violence, and
worrisome mental health needs on the island,
emotions have reached a boiling point. Ordinary
citizens have begun to express the belief that
their government cannot control the social crisis.
Incidents of police abuse, including a recent
incident in which university students were
indiscriminately attacked with batons and tear
gas, are being denounced at an increasing rate
across the island. Squatter communities (also
known as developers of rescued lands) have
recently been targeted as lawbreakers by the
conservative administration, and families without
clear title to their properties are being forcibly evicted from their homes.
Part of the government's fiscal emergency
response has been an attempt to reverse the gains
previously won by collective bargaining
agreements, drawing a sharp outcry from the union
sector. Opposition political parties have called
for a larger burden to be borne by the rich and
by large corporations, only to be rebuked by the
administration, which has gone ahead with
significant increases in basic services. The
administration, whose governor identifies himself
as a U.S. Republican, also censured several books
by renowned authors for use in the island's
schools - including Antología personal by José
Luís González, El entierro de Cortijo by Edgardo
Rodríguez Juliá, and Aura by Carlos Fuentes - a
deed met with fierce opposition. A further
alarming development was the governor's signing
of an executive order authorizing the police
superintendent to activate the National Guard to
quell public disturbances and civil unrest - an
act undertaken immediately before the announcement of the layoffs.
Activists from across the political spectrum
joined forces to confront the fiscal emergency
law and called for a national strike that was
held this past October 15. The coalition, known
as All Puerto Rico For Puerto Rico (TPRPR), is
made up of political organizations, student
groups, and civic and religious organizations,
including churches. Among its more publicly
recognizable activists are priests and labor
leaders. Unions such as the Electrical Workers
Union (UTIER) and the labor coalition FASYL
(Front for Solidarity and Struggle) are also heavily involved.
Reverend Juan Vera, of the TPRPR Coalition, is
seen by most as one of the main organizers of the
coalition. He declared, during one of the massive
demonstrations linked to the national strike,
that "the streets will be our battleground. We
declare that there will only be tranquility when
our governors respect the will of the people.
Today we begin a new page in the history of Puerto Rico."
The demonstrations on October 15th, which
garnered approximately 200,000 people, were
centered in the San Juan area, and focused
principally on the largest avenues in the area
known as the Ponce de Leon. Schools in the area
were closed, government offices were at a
standstill, and public transportation was halted.
Remarkably, the largest shopping mall in the
Caribbean, Plaza Las Americas, closed for the
day, only the second time in its history, leading
some to claim that the national strike had the
desired effect of crippling business for the day.
Others hoped publicly that the government would
change course once confronted with the growing
demands for alternative solutions.
Special police intelligence units were deployed,
and Police Superintendent José Figueroa Sancha
confirmed that activists were recorded for
"intelligence purposes," drawing an outcry from
rights activists. Figueroa Sancha, previously
second-in-command of Puerto Rico's FBI office,
has been implicated in the agency's targeted
assassination of revolutionary leader Filiberto
Ojeda Rios in 2005. Ojeda Rios was the de facto
leader of Los Macheteros, an anti-colonial
guerrilla force advocating Puerto Rico's
political independence. He had been wanted by the
FBI for 15 years, having gone underground in 1990
after the infamous $7 million Wells Fargo heist by his organization in 1983.
Los Macheteros have re-appeared during the
current unrest, issuing a statement on September
23 calling for struggle and for solidarity with
the affected working class, warning that the
government's fiscal measures were designed to
satisfy the needs of corporations and to further
the statehood goals of the governor. The
pro-independence guerrillas called for "firm,
effective, and coordinated actions" designed "to
evolve into revolutionary action" in order to
obtain necessary democratic, labor, and political
rights. Calling for all pro-independence forces
to unite, the organization reiterated its
position and intent to utilize armed struggle as
simply one of the methods of struggle alongside the Puerto Rican working class.
At one point during the October 15 protests in
San Juan, several hundred students spontaneously
conducted an act of disobedience, stealing the
media limelight. Ordered by the police to
disperse, the students suddenly decided to resist
the order and promptly sat down in the middle of
"Las Americas" Expressway, one of the largest
highways in the country. Blocking traffic for
five hours, the students chose to display their
militancy and strength by sending a message in
action to the current administration. The
students haggled with the authorities for hours,
insisting that the police leave the area first,
while the police ordered the students' dispersal
as a condition. The tension was finally broken
when nationalist icon Rafael Cancel Miranda
arrived to speak with the students, and officers themselves began to disperse.
Cancel Miranda was one of four Puerto Ricans who
opened fire in the U.S. Congress in 1954 in a
dramatic demand for the island's independence,
serving 25 years in federal prison until
President Carter's clemency in 1979. The FUPI
(Pro-Independence University Federation) released
a statement after the demonstrations praising the
militancy of the students and the presence of
Cancel Miranda. The statement highlighted the
fact that the students present "recognized him
and listened to him, because Rafael Cancel
Miranda has the moral stature necessary to be
heard. It is indicative of the students'
recognition of our people's true leaders, who
with their lives have demonstrated commitment" and acted honorably.
Days after the National Strike, members of the
Hostosian National Independence Movement (MINH)
surprised the governor as he arrived at a
political party meeting in the town of Toa Baja.
Pro-independence activists, labor leaders, and
ordinary citizens who had been laid off via the
Fiscal Emergency Law all participated in the MINH
demonstration. In the days and weeks following
those actions, the governor and his entourage
have been met with consistent and repeated
demonstrations, protests, and acts of civil
disobedience. These acts are conducted by
different organizations, with different
interests, and different constituencies, but have
all been coordinated by the coalition and brought
together by labor leaders. They all continue to
demand the cancellation of the layoffs and of the
Fiscal Emergency Law. Pro-independence student
activists have indicated that they will now begin
a campaign to demand "more," an ominous though
unclear warning. In recent days, union leaders
have led visits and sit-ins at several offices of
elected officials in order to pressure for
changes to the Fiscal Emergency Law and continue
to confront the governor at every turn.
In the days after the demonstrations, the
governor declared that he would not reverse the
layoffs and would not repeal any of the
provisions of the Fiscal Emergency Law. In
response, student organizations and labor leaders
expressed their intention to move forward with a
general strike, one that would be held
indefinitely, designed to bring the country to a
standstill, with the political purpose of forcing
the administration to roll back some of the
harsher measures contained in the Fiscal Emergency Law.
Meanwhile, Governor Luis Fortuño continues to
misstep and provoke the growing activist
movement. During the last days of October, he
cancelled the Natural Reserve designation of
hundreds of acres of land that were to be
protected from contamination and development. The
removal of protection was opposed by
environmentalists, who saw it as a capitulation
to development interests. The explosion of unrest
on the island will likely deepen as ordinary
citizens identify and oppose the privatization efforts of the administration.
The Common Guy and his egg did not constitute the
only explosion on the island. On October 21, an
explosion occurred in the Gulf gasoline refinery
owned by Caribbean Petroleum Corporation (CAPECO)
in the town of Bayamon, drawing a frenzy of media
coverage and frantic conjecture by officials in
the Fortuño administration about whether it was
an act of sabotage. The fire burned for three
days, spewing thick black toxic smoke that,
luckily, was mostly blown out to sea by wind
gusts. The explosion was so severe that it marked
2.8 on the Richter scale, blowing out windows in
local homes and business, and seriously damaging
several homes in the area. Residents pointed out
that at midnight the explosion lit up the sky as
if it were noon, and were amazed, frightened, and
traumatized by the severity of the blast.
Those who opposed a hated development project in
the town of Peñuelas likely feel vindicated. The
"Gasoducto," recently abandoned, was a
development project designed to transport natural
gas throughout the southernmost towns of the
island, but met with unusually fierce community
opposition, most especially in the towns of Ponce
and Peñuelas. Anti-gasoducto arguments were based
on the fact that the gas line was to come
dangerously close to residential areas, and
activists called attention to serious accidental
blasts in other countries where gas lines are maintained.
The CAPECO blast was a haunting reminder that
overdevelopment coupled with a lack of oversight
and regulation is a serious threat to civilian
safety in residential areas. But it gave the
administration an opportunity to attempt to link
the blast to the growing protest movement. In
spite of having immediate confirmation from
CAPECO employees who reported seeing dangerous
flammable vapors being emitted from the oil and
gasoline transfer stations, and who ran from the
site in anticipation of the blast - and luckily
were not hurt because they fled in vehicles and
not on foot - the administration, along with FBI
officials, continued for days to report that they
could not rule out "terrorism" and "sabotage" as
a possible cause of the blast. Some saw this as a
feeble attempt to weaken the protest movement by
attempting to scare more moderate elements of the
organizations involved and so prevent further
unrest. Within days, firefighters were able to
contain the blaze and extinguish it, and the FBI
confirmed no evidence of sabotage was found,
instead finding a history of neglect and corruption.
What they cannot contain, however, is the true
explosion being witnessed on the island. The true
explosion is not the pyrotechnical type. It is
the explosion of dissent, of organization, and of
resistance on the part of hundreds of thousands
of ordinary citizens who, like the Common Guy,
are tired of coming in second place to big
business and global capital. Working class
families have been shocked into action by the
neoliberal policies of the Fortuño
administration, and have taken to public
demonstrations and civil disobedience to attempt
to roll back some of its more painful policies.
While corporations continue to repatriate
billions of dollars to their U.S. offices, and
while elected officials continue to pay six
figures to consultants and authorize salary
increases for themselves, the working class in
Puerto Rico has exploded in outrage and action.
While it may not result in immediate fundamental
political change, it certainly marks an exciting
and historical moment in the history of the United States' oldest colony.
Juan A. Ocasio Rivera is a social worker,
professor, and freelance writer based in
Mayaguez, Puerto Rico. He has been a contributor
to online publications such as CounterPunch and
Upside Down World, and has collaborated with
various progressive organizations, including the
September23.Org project and La Nueva Escuela.
Freedom Archives
522 Valencia Street
San Francisco, CA 94110
415 863-9977
www.Freedomarchives.org
-------------- next part --------------
An HTML attachment was scrubbed...
URL: <http://freedomarchives.org/pipermail/news_freedomarchives.org/attachments/20091118/516ba011/attachment.htm>
More information about the News
mailing list