[News] A Call for Clarity on the Afghanistan War
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Tue Nov 3 10:19:07 EST 2009
<http://www.fpif.org/fpiftxt/6542>http://www.fpif.org/fpiftxt/6542
A Call for Clarity on the Afghanistan War
Sonali Kolhatkar | November 2, 2009
Foreign Policy In Focus
While President Barack Obama reviews his strategy
on Afghanistan, a perfect moment to send a strong
unified message to end the war is slipping
through our fingers. Whether it's because we seem
to have bought into the lies about the goals of
this war or because we mistakenly feel that a
Democratic president is going to come to the
right conclusion on his own, one thing is clear:
There's no debate within the Democratic Party or
in the White House about whether to end the war.
The only thing being debated is how to continue the war.
Similarly, there's little debate among
progressives about how this is a bad war, and at
the very least we need an exit strategy.
Paralysis has set in on the particular manner of
ending the war: whether to wait for some sort of
"peace process," to pull out troops now versus
later, to preserve troop levels until
Afghanistan's women are safe, or some variation
of these questions. We're in a bizarre situation:
As Obama waffles on how to continue the war in
Afghanistan, progressives are waffling on how to end the war.
Despite some major differences between the Afghan
and Iraq wars, U.S. military operations and their
consequences in both countries are the same.
Similar to Iraq, this war kills civilians and
soldiers causing misery on all sides. Similar to
Iraq, this war has made women less safe. Similar
to Iraq, this occupation has become unpopular on
the ground. Similar to Iraq, our actions are
leading to greater instability. And similar to
Iraq, our tax dollars are being disappeared into
a sinkhole of destruction rather than human
needs. Yet, unlike Iraq, where progressives were
clear right from the start on ending the war,
Afghanistan seems to confuse our moral compass.
Our actions in Afghanistan have caused a perfect
storm of untold numbers of civilian deaths,
fundamentalist resurgence, and women's
oppression. We're protecting a corrupt government
with a puppet president and criminal warlords,
and our deadly bombing raids have led to a
devastated and rightly bitter population and a
stronger Taliban. There's no promising indication
that our military operations can improve the
situation, no matter how many troops are added.
If ever the Afghanistan war ever had any legitimacy, it's irreversibly gone.
Enabling Women's Oppression
One of the original justifications for the war in
2001 that seemed to resonate most with liberal
Americans was the liberation of Afghan women from
a misogynist regime. This is now being
resurrected as the following: If the U.S. forces
withdraw, any gains made by Afghan women will be
reversed and they'll be at the mercy of
fundamentalist forces. In fact, the fear of
abandoning Afghan women seems to have caused the
greatest confusion and paralysis in the antiwar movement.
What this logic misses is that the United States
chose right from the start to sell out Afghan
women to its misogynist fundamentalist allies on
the ground. The U.S. armed the Mujahadeen leaders
in the 1980s against the Soviet occupation,
opening the door to successive fundamentalist
governments including the Taliban. In 2001, the
United States then armed the same men, now called
the Northern Alliance, to fight the Taliban and
then welcomed them into the newly formed
government as a reward. The American puppet
president Hamid Karzai, in concert with a cabinet
and parliament of thugs and criminals, passed one
misogynist law after another, appointed one
fundamentalist zealot after another to the
judiciary, and literally enabled the downfall of
Afghan women's rights over eight long years.
Any token gains have been countered by setbacks.
For example, while women are considered equal to
men in Afghanistan's constitution, there have
been vicious and deadly attacks against women's
rights activists, the legalization of rape within
marriage in the Shia community, and a shockingly
high rate of women's imprisonment for so-called
honor crimes all under the watch of the U.S.
occupation and the government we are protecting
against the Taliban. Add to this the unacceptably
high number of innocent women and children killed
in U.S. bombing raids, which has also increased
the Taliban's numbers and clout, and it makes the
case that for eight years the United States has
enabled the oppression of Afghan women and only added to their miseries.
This is why grassroots political and feminist
activists have called for an immediate U.S.
withdrawal from their country. After eight years
of American-enabled oppression, they would rather
fight for their liberation without our help. The
anti-fundamentalist progressive organization,
Revolutionary Association of the Women of
Afghanistan (RAWA), has called for an immediate
end to the war. Echoing their call is independent
dissident member of Parliament
<http://www.fpif.org/fpiftxt/6505>Malalai Joya,
who tells her story in her new political memoir,
A Woman Among Warlords. The members of RAWA and
women like Joya are openly targeted by the
U.S.-backed Afghan government for their feminism
and political activism. RAWA and Joya have worked
on the ground, risking their lives for political
change and echo the vast majority of poor and
ordinary Afghan women. It's they whom we ought to
listen to and express solidarity with. If
American progressives think they know better than
Afghanistan's brave feminist activists on how
liberation can be achieved, we're just as guilty
as the U.S. government for subjecting them to the
mercy of women-hating criminals.
No Negotiations with Fundamentalist Criminals
Some on the left have made the case that the
Afghanistan war can come to an end through a
negotiated peace process where everyone has a
seat at the table, including women. But this
ensures that only those within the corrupt clique
of Afghan politics remain involved in the future
of Afghanistan such as a few female allies of
the fundamentalists who are plentiful in the current government.
Joya struggled her way into getting a "seat at
the table" through the 2005 elections. For
representing her people's views that war
criminals ought to be brought to justice, she has
been rewarded with death threats, assassination
attempts, and the loss of her electoral title.
Asking ordinary women and men to have a seat at a
negotiating table with war criminals is akin to
asking them to silence themselves or mark their foreheads with a target.
The reason why democratic forces in Afghanistan
are completely underground and constantly living
in fear of being killed is that time and again
the U.S. government has insisted on bringing
warlords and even Taliban leaders to the
negotiating table. Asking the Obama
administration to sponsor a "peace process"
between civilian representatives and our warlord
allies whose private militias we have armed, is
the same as asking for exactly what President
George W. Bush did eight years ago in Bonn,
Germany after the fall of the Taliban. That
process predictably led to the establishment of
today's corrupt government. In fact, the Obama
administration is very likely to patch up the
recent failed presidential elections in the same
way: by creating a power-sharing deal between two
corrupt sides and their proxies and claiming that
all sides were represented at the negotiating table.
Given our violent role in Afghanistan over the
past three decades, the United States has scant
credibility in sponsoring any kind of "peace"
process. The most responsible action the U.S. can
take is to end its occupation immediately, and clean up its mess.
Let's Call for an Immediate End to the U.S. Occupation
Those who make the case that withdrawing U.S.
troops will unleash another bloody civil war
where Afghan women and men will be at the mercy
of the Taliban and warlords, are raising the
exact same justification made for the war in
2001: that it's our moral duty to protect Afghans
from fundamentalist violence. This logic ignores
the fact that we have nurtured and created the
very fundamentalist violence that targets Afghans
as explained above. By empowering war criminals
and protecting a corrupt government that has
forgiven the crimes of all sides including the
Taliban, and that even includes some Taliban
leaders, all we have done is complicate a war
that was on-going. "A member of RAWA who goes by
the pseudonym Zoya in a U.S. speaking tour last
month made it clear that it's hard to imagine
things getting worse if the U.S. does pull out
immediately. The damage isn't being prevented by
the United States it's being carried out by the United States.
Instead of subjecting Afghans to the three
oppressive forces of a stronger Taliban, a
corrupt and criminal government, and a deadly
foreign occupation, the first thing we Americans
can control most directly is to end our
occupation immediately. This alone won't address
the Taliban and Northern Alliance. But it will
reduce the oppressive forces at work, and
potentially reduce the legitimacy of the warlords
and the motives driving the Taliban.
How do we undo the damage we have subjected
innocent Afghans to? Afghans themselves have the
answers to that. Surveys have shown that a
majority of Afghans want a complete disarmament
of our warlord allies essentially that the U.S.
needs to take back the guns we put into the hands
of the Northern Alliance and their private
militias. Surveys have also shown that Afghans
want war crimes tribunals to hold all the corrupt
and criminal fundamentalists accountable in some
sort of court, perhaps even the International
Criminal Court (U.S. government officials
shouldn't be exempt from this type of
accountability either). With weapons, warlords,
and U.S. troops gone, real democracy could
potentially take root and pro-democracy forces
could someday operate freely. Many have also
called for a massive Marshall Plan for
poverty-stricken Afghanistan, to flood the
country with money in the hands of small groups,
organizations, and civil society, and eventually
to help rebuild the country with a strong,
non-drug-based economy. With all the money freed
up from military operations that would be fairly feasible.
As for the Taliban, even the U.S. government
publicly admits that the Pakistani government's
own agencies have long supported the renegade
army as a tool for national and regional
stability. With the U.S. troops gone, the
Taliban's raison d'être inside Afghanistan would
be greatly weakened. If the United States were to
take the lead in regional talks between Pakistan,
India, Iran, Russia, and China to address the
Pakistani government's fears of a hostile regime
in Afghanistan, it would go a very long way toward undermining the Taliban.
These measures are necessary but may not
guarantee stability for Afghanistan. Still the
current occupation only guarantees instability,
so at the very least the time for a non-military
solution is now. In other words, we can choose to
repeat a failed experiment with predictably
negative results by extending the war in any
number of ways. Or we can implement the complex,
constructive measures that could potentially help
stabilize Afghanistan, undermine the
fundamentalist misogynist criminals, help the
Afghan people take back their country, and
undermine the conditions for violence.
These are complex demands to make of the Obama
administration. But it has taken a complex set of
destructive American policies and many years to
destroy Afghanistan. It will take a similar
amount of time and complexity, as well as trial
and error, to help rebuild Afghanistan for
ordinary Afghans, and by extension make Americans
safer. We can make these demands as secondary
points in our call for an end to the war. But the
primary demand easily fits on a protest placard:
"End the U.S. War in Afghanistan NOW." Let's make
that call loudly, clearly, and ubiquitously, as
soon as possible, so that Obama and Congress can't ignore us any longer.
Sonali Kolhatkar, a <http://www.fpif.org/>Foreign
Policy In Focus contributor, is co-director of
the Afghan Women's Mission and co-author of
Bleeding Afghanistan: Washington, Warlords, and
the Propaganda of Silence. She has worked in
solidarity with RAWA (Revolutionary Association
of the Women of Afghanistan) for nearly 10 years.
For more information about Afghan Women's
Mission, RAWA, and how to support Afghan
activists, visit
<http://www.afghanwomensmission.org>www.afghanwomensmission.org.
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