[News] Torture has been routine practice from the early days of the Republic
Anti-Imperialist News
news at freedomarchives.org
Thu Jun 4 13:37:32 EDT 2009
The Torture Memos
Torture has been routine practice from the early days of the Republic
By Noam Chomsky
The torture memos released by the White House
in April elicited shock, indignation, and
surprise. The shock and indignation are
understandableparticularly the testimony in the
Senate Armed Services Committee report on the
Cheney-Rumsfeld desperation to find links between
Iraq and al-Qaeda, links that were later
concocted as justification for the invasion,
facts irrelevant. Former Army psychiatrist Major
Charles Burney testified that "a large part of
the time we were focused on trying to establish a
link between Al Qaeda and Iraq. The more
frustrated people got in not being able to
establish this link...there was more and more
pressure to resort to measures that might produce
more immediate results"that is, torture. The
McClatchy press reported that a former senior
intelligence official familiar with the
interrogation issue added that "The Bush
administration applied relentless pressure on
interrogators to use harsh methods on detainees
in part to find evidence of cooperation between
al Qaida and the late Iraqi dictator Saddam
Hussein's regime.... [Cheney and Rumsfeld]
demanded that the interrogators find evidence of
al Qaida-Iraq collaboration.... 'There was
constant pressure on the intelligence agencies
and the interrogators to do whatever it took to
get that information out of the detainees,
especially the few high-value ones we had, and
when people kept coming up empty, they were told
by Cheney's and Rumsfeld's people to push
harder'." These were the most significant revelations, barely reported.
While such testimony about the viciousness and
deceit of the Administration should indeed be
shocking, the surprise at the general picture
revealed is nonetheless surprising. A narrow
reason is that even without inquiry, it was
reasonable to suppose that Guantanamo was a
torture chamber. Why else send prisoners where
they would be beyond the reach of the
lawincidentally, a place that Washington is
using in violation of a treaty that was forced on
Cuba at the point of a gun? Security reasons are
alleged, but they are hard to take seriously. The
same expectations held for secret prisons and rendition, and were fulfilled.
A broader reason is that torture has been routine
practice from the early days of the conquest of
the national territory, and then beyond, as the
imperial ventures of the "infant empire"as
George Washington called the new
Republicextended to the Philippines, Haiti, and
elsewhere. Furthermore, torture is the least of
the many crimes of aggression, terror,
subversion, and economic strangulation that have
darkened U.S. history, much as in the case of
other great powers. Accordingly, it is surprising
to see the reactions even by some of the most
eloquent and forthright critics of Bush
malfeasance: for example, that we used to be "a
nation of moral ideals" and never before Bush
"have our leaders so utterly betrayed everything
our nation stands for" (Paul Krugman). To say the
least, that common view reflects a rather slanted version of history.
Occasionally the conflict between "what we stand
for" and "what we do" has been forthrightly
addressed. One distinguished scholar who
undertook the task is Hans Morgenthau, a founder
of realist international relations theory. In a
classic study written in the glow of Camelot,
Morgenthau developed the standard view that the
U.S. has a "transcendent purpose": establishing
peace and freedom at home and indeed everywhere,
since "the arena within which the United States
must defend and promote its purpose has become
world-wide." But as a scrupulous scholar, he
recognized that the historical record is
radically inconsistent with the "transcendent purpose" of America.
We should not, however, be misled by that
discrepancy, Morgenthau advises: in his words, we
should not "confound the abuse of reality with
reality itself." Reality is the unachieved
"national purpose" revealed by "the evidence of
history as our minds reflect it." What actually
happened is merely the "abuse of reality." To
confound abuse of reality with reality is akin to
"the error of atheism, which denies the validity
of religion on similar grounds." An apt comparison.
The release of the torture memos led others to
recognize the problem. In the New York Times,
columnist Roger Cohen reviewed a book by British
journalist Geoffrey Hodgson, who concludes that
the U.S. is "just one great, but imperfect,
country among others." Cohen agrees that the
evidence supports Hodgson's judgment, but regards
it as fundamentally mistaken. The reason is
Hodgson's failure to understand that "America was
born as an idea, and so it has to carry that idea
forward." The American idea is revealed by
America's birth as a "city on a hill," an
"inspirational notion" that resides "deep in the
American psyche"; and by "the distinctive spirit
of American individualism and enterprise"
demonstrated in the Western expansion. Hodgson's
error is that he is keeping to "the distortions
of the American idea in recent decades," the
"abuse of reality" in recent years.
A Legacy of Ghastly Crimes
Let us then turn to "reality itself": the "idea"
of America from its earliest days. The
inspirational phrase "city on a hill" was coined
by John Winthrop in 1630, borrowing from the
Gospels, and outlining the glorious future of a
new nation "ordained by God." One year earlier
his Massachusetts Bay Colony established its
Great Seal. It depicts an Indian with a scroll
coming out of his mouth. On it are the words
"Come over and help us." The British colonists
were thus benevolent humanists, responding to the
pleas of the "miserable" natives to be rescued from their bitter pagan fate.
The Great Seal is a graphic representation of
"the idea of America," from its birth. It should
be exhumed from the depths of the psyche and
displayed on the walls of every classroom. It
should certainly appear in the background of all
of the Kim Il-Sung-style worship of the savage
murderer and torturer Ronald Reagan, who
blissfully described himself as the leader of a
"shining city on the hill" while orchestrating
ghastly crimes and leaving a hideous legacy.
This early proclamation of "humanitarian
intervention," to use the currently fashionable
phrase, turned out to be very much like its
successors, facts that were not obscure to the
agents. The first Secretary of War, General Henry
Knox, described "the utter extirpation of all the
Indians in most populous parts of the Union" by
means "more destructive to the Indian natives
than the conduct of the conquerors of Mexico and
Peru." Long after his own significant
contributions to the process were past, John
Quincy Adams deplored the fate of "that hapless
race of native Americans, which we are
exterminating with such merciless and perfidious
cruelty...among the heinous sins of this nation,
for which I believe God will one day bring [it]
to judgment." The merciless and perfidious
cruelty continued until "the West was won."
Instead of God's judgment, the heinous sins bring
only praise for the fulfillment of the American
"idea" (Reginald Horsman, Expansion and American
Indian Policy, Michigan State, 1967; William Earl
Weeks, John Quincy Adams and American Global Empire, Kentucky, 1992).
There was, to be sure, a more convenient and
conventional version, expressed for example by
Supreme Court Justice Joseph Story, who mused
that "the wisdom of Providence" caused the
natives to disappear like "the withered leaves of
autumn" even though the colonists had "constantly
respected" them (see Nicholas Guyatt, Providence
and the Invention of the United States, 1607-1876, Cambridge 2007).
The conquest and settling of the West indeed
showed individualism and enterprise.
Settler-colonialist enterprises, the cruelest
form of imperialism, commonly do. The outcome was
hailed by the respected and influential Senator
Henry Cabot Lodge in 1898. Calling for
intervention in Cuba, Lodge lauded our record "of
conquest, colonization, and territorial expansion
unequalled by any people in the 19th century" and
urged that it is "not to be curbed now," as the
Cubans too are pleading with us to come over and
help them (cited by Lars Schoultz, That Infernal
Little Cuban Republic). Their plea was answered.
The U.S. sent troops, thereby preventing Cuba's
liberation from Spain and turning it into a
virtual colony, as it remained until 1959.
The "American idea" is illustrated further by a
remarkable campaign, initiated virtually at once,
to restore Cuba to its proper place: economic
warfare with the clearly articulated aim of
punishing the population so that they would
overthrow the disobedient government; invasion;
the dedication of the Kennedy brothers to bring
"the terrors of the earth" to Cuba (the phrase of
historian Arthur Schlesinger, in his biography of
Robert Kennedy, who took the task as one of his
highest priorities); and other crimes continuing
to the present, in defiance of virtually unanimous world opinion.
There are to be sure critics, who hold that our
efforts to bring democracy to Cuba have failed,
so we should turn to other ways to "come over and
help them." How do these critics know that the
goal was to bring democracy? There is evidence:
our leaders proclaim it. There is also
counter-evidence: the declassified internal
record, but that can be dismissed as just "the abuse of history."
American imperialism is often traced to the
takeover of Cuba, Puerto Rico, and Hawaii in
1898. But that is to succumb to what historian of
imperialism Bernard Porter calls "the salt water
fallacy," the idea that conquest only becomes
imperialism when it crosses salt water. Thus, if
the Mississippi had resembled the Irish Sea,
Western expansion would have been imperialism.
From Washington to Lodge, those engaged in the enterprise had a clearer grasp.
After the success of "humanitarian intervention"
in Cuba in 1898, the next step in the mission
assigned by Providence was to confer "the
blessings of liberty and civilization upon all
the rescued peoples" of the Philippines (in the
words of the platform of Lodge's Republican
Party)at least those who survived the murderous
onslaught and the large-scale torture and other
atrocities that accompanied it. These fortunate
souls were left to the mercies of the
U.S.-established Philippine constabulary within a
newly devised model of colonial domination,
relying on security forces trained and equipped
for sophisticated modes of surveillance,
intimidation, and violence (Alfred McCoy,
Policing America's Empire, 2009). Similar models
were adopted in many other areas where the U.S.
imposed brutal National Guards and other client
forces, with consequences that should be well-known.
In the past 60 years, victims worldwide have also
endured the CIA's "torture paradigm," developed
at a cost reaching $1 billion annually, according
to historian Alfred McCoy, who shows that the
methods surfaced with little change in Abu
Ghraib. There is no hyperbole when Jennifer
Harbury entitles her penetrating study of the
U.S. torture record Truth, Torture, and the
American Way. It is highly misleading, to say the
least, when investigators of the Bush gang's
descent into the sewer lament that "in waging the
war against terrorism, America had lost its way"
(McCoy, A Question of Torture, Metropolitan,
2006; also McCoy, "The U.S. Has a History of
Using Torture,"
http://hnn.us/articles/32497.html; Jane Mayer,
"The Battle for a Country's Soul," New York Review of Books, August 14, 2008).
Torture Innovations & Paradigms
Bush-Cheney-Rumsfeld et al. did introduce
important innovations. Ordinarily, torture is
farmed out to subsidiaries, not carried out by
Americans directly in their
government-established torture chambers. Alain
Nairn, who has conducted some of the most
revealing and courageous investigations of
torture, points out that "What the Obama [ban on
torture] ostensibly knocks off is that small
percentage of torture now done by Americans while
retaining the overwhelming bulk of the system's
torture, which is done by foreigners, under U.S.
patronage. Obama could stop backing foreign
forces that torture, but he has chosen not to do
so." Obama did not shut down the practice of
torture, Nairn observes, but "merely repositioned
it," restoring it to the norm, a matter of
indifference to the victims. Since Vietnam, "the
U.S. has mainly seen its torture done for it by
proxypaying, arming, training, and guiding
foreigners doing it, but usually being careful to
keep Americans at least one discreet step
removed." Obama's ban "doesn't even prohibit
direct torture by Americans outside environments
of 'armed conflict,' which is where much torture
happens anyway .... [H]is is a return to the
status quo ante, the torture regime of Ford
through Clinton, which, year by year, often
produced more U.S.-backed strapped-down agony
than was produced during the Bush/Cheney years"
(News and Comment, January 24, 2009, www.allannairn.com).
Sometimes engagement in torture is more indirect.
In a 1980 study, Latin Americanist Lars Schoultz
found that U.S. aid "has tended to flow
disproportionately to Latin American governments
which torture their citizens...to the
hemisphere's relatively egregious violators of
fundamental human rights." That includes military
aid, is independent of need, and runs through the
Carter years. Broader studies by Edward Herman
found the same correlation and also suggested an
explanation. Not surprisingly, U.S. aid tends to
correlate with a favorable climate for business
operations and this is commonly improved by
murder of labor and peasant organizers and human
rights activists, and other such actions,
yielding a secondary correlation between aid and
egregious violation of human rights (Schoultz,
Comparative Politics, Jan. 1981; Herman, in
Chomsky and Herman, Political Economy of Human
Rights I, South End, 1979; Herman, Real Terror Network, 1982).
These studies precede the Reagan years, when the
topic was not worth studying because the
correlations were so clear. And the tendencies
continue to the present. Small wonder that the
president advises us to look forward, not
backwarda convenient doctrine for those who hold
the clubs. Those who are beaten by them tend to
see the world differently, much to our annoyance.
An argument can be made that implementation of
the CIA's "torture paradigm" does not violate the
1984 Torture Convention, at least as Washington
interprets it. Alfred McCoy points out that the
highly sophisticated CIA paradigm, based on the
"KGB's most devastating torture technique," keeps
primarily to mental torture, not crude physical
torture, which is considered less effective in
turning people into pliant vegetables. McCoy
writes that the Reagan administration carefully
revised the international Torture Convention
"with four detailed diplomatic 'reservations'
focused on just one word in the convention's
26-printed pages"the word "mental." "[T]hese
intricately-constructed diplomatic reservations
re-defined torture, as interpreted by the United
States, to exclude sensory deprivation and
self-inflicted painthe very techniques the CIA
had refined at such great cost." When Clinton
sent the UN Convention to Congress for
ratification in 1994, he included the Reagan
reservations. The president and Congress,
therefore, exempted the core of the CIA torture
paradigm from the U.S. interpretation of the
Torture Convention. Those reservations, McCoy
observes, were "reproduced verbatim in domestic
legislation enacted to give legal force to the UN
Convention." That is the "political land mine"
that "detonated with such phenomenal force" in
the Abu Ghraib scandal and in the shameful
Military Commissions Act passed with bipartisan
support in 2006. Accordingly, after the first
exposure of Washington's latest resort to
torture, constitutional law professor Sanford
Levinson observed that it could perhaps be
justified in terms of the "interrogator-friendly"
definition of torture adopted by Reagan and
Clinton in their revision of international human
rights law (McCoy, "US has a history"; Levinson,
"Torture in Iraq & the Rule of Law in America," Daedalus, Summer 2004).
Bush/Obama & the Courts
Bush went beyond his predecessors in authorizing
prima facie violations of international law and
several of his extremist innovations were struck
down by the Courts. While Obama, like Bush,
affirms our unwavering commitment to
international law, he seems intent on
substantially reinstating the extremist Bush
measures. In the important case of Boumediene v.
Bush in June 2008, the Supreme Court rejected as
unconstitutional the Bush administration claim
that prisoners in Guantanamo are not entitled to
the right of habeas corpus. Glenn Greenwald
reviews the aftermath. Seeking to "preserve the
power to abduct people from around the world" and
imprison them without due process, the Bush
administration decided to ship them to Bagram,
treating "the Boumediene ruling, grounded in our
most basic constitutional guarantees, as though
it was some sort of a silly gamefly your
abducted prisoners to Guantanamo and they have
constitutional rights, but fly them instead to
Bagram and you can disappear them forever with no
judicial process." Obama adopted the Bush
position, "filing a brief in federal court that,
in two sentences, declared that it embraced the
most extremist Bush theory on this issue,"
arguing that prisoners flown to Bagram from
anywhere in the worldin the case in question,
Yemenis and Tunisians captured in Thailand and
the UAE"can be imprisoned indefinitely with no
rights of any kindas long as they are kept in Bagram rather than Guantanamo."
In March a Bush-appointed federal judge "rejected
the Bush/Obama position and held that the
rationale of Boumediene applies every bit as much
to Bagram as it does to Guantanamo." The Obama
administration announced that it would appeal the
ruling, thus placing Obama's Department of
Justice "squarely to the right of an extremely
conservative, pro-executive-power, Bush
43-appointed judge on issues of executive power
and due-process-less detentions," in radical
violation of Obama's campaign promises and earlier stands.
The case of Rasul v Rumsfeld appears to be
following a similar trajectory. The plaintiffs
charged that Rumsfeld and other high officials
were responsible for their torture in Guantanamo,
where they were sent after they were captured by
Uzbeki warlord Rashid Dostum. Dostum is a
notorious thug who was then a leader of the
Northern Alliance, the Afghan faction supported
by Russia, Iran, India, Turkey, and the Central
Asian states, joined by the U.S. as it attacked
Afghanistan in October 2001. Dostum then turned
them over to U.S. custody, allegedly for bounty
money. The plaintiffs claimed that they had
traveled to Afghanistan to offer humanitarian
relief. The Bush administration sought to have
the case dismissed. Obama's Department of Justice
filed a brief supporting the Bush position that
government officials are not liable for torture
and other violations of due process, because the
Courts had not yet clearly established the rights
that prisoners enjoy (Daphne Eviatar, "Obama
Justice Department Urges Dismissal of Another
Torture Case," Washington Independent, March 12, 2009).
It is also reported that Obama intends to revive
military commissions, one of the more severe
violations of the rule of law during the Bush
years. There is a reason. "Officials who work on
the Guantánamo issue say administration lawyers
have become concerned that they would face
significant obstacles to trying some terrorism
suspects in federal courts. Judges might make it
difficult to prosecute detainees who were
subjected to brutal treatment or for prosecutors
to use hearsay evidence gathered by intelligence
agencies" (William Glaberson, "U.S. May Revive
Guantanamo Military Courts," New York Times, May
1, 2009). A serious flaw in the criminal justice system, it appears.
There is much debate about whether torture has
been effective in eliciting informationthe
assumption being, apparently, that if it is
effective then it may be justified. By the same
argument, when Nicaragua captured U.S. pilot
Eugene Hasenfus in 1986 after shooting down his
plane delivering aid to Reagan's contra forces,
they should not have tried him, found him guilty,
and then sent him back to the U.S., as they did.
Rather, they should have applied the CIA torture
paradigm to try to extract information about
other terrorist atrocities being planned and
implemented in Washington, no small matter for a
tiny and poor country under terrorist attack by
the global superpower. And Nicaragua should
certainly have done the same if they had been
able to capture the chief terrorism coordinator,
John Negroponte, then ambassador in Honduras,
later appointed counter-terrorism Czar, without
eliciting a murmur. Cuba should have done the
same if they had been able to lay hands on the
Kennedy brothers. There is no need to bring up
what victims should have done to Kissinger,
Reagan, and other leading terrorist commanders,
whose exploits leave al-Qaeda far in the
distance, and who doubtless had ample information
that could have prevented further "ticking bombs."
Such considerations, which abound, never seem to
arise in public discussion. Accordingly, we know
at once how to evaluate the pleas about valuable information.
Torturer's Cost-Benefit Analysis
There is, to be sure, a response: our terrorism,
even if surely terrorism, is benign, deriving as
it does from the city on the hill. Perhaps the
most eloquent exposition of this thesis was
presented by New Republic editor Michael Kinsley,
a respected spokesperson of "the left." America's
Watch (Human Rights Watch) had protested State
Department confirmation of official orders to
Washington's terrorist forces to attack "soft
targets"undefended civilian targetsand to avoid
the Nicaraguan army, as they could do thanks to
CIA control of Nicaraguan airspace and the
sophisticated communications systems provided to
the contras. In response, Kinsley explained that
U.S. terrorist attacks on civilian targets are
justified if they satisfy pragmatic criteria: a
"sensible policy [should] meet the test of
cost-benefit analysis," an analysis of "the
amount of blood and misery that will be poured
in, and the likelihood that democracy will emerge
at the other end""democracy" as U.S. elites
determine (Wall Street Journal, March 26, 1987).
His thoughts elicited no comment, to my
knowledge, apparently deemed acceptable. It would
seem to follow, then, that U.S. leaders and their
agents are not culpable for conducting such
sensible policies in good faith, even if their
judgment might sometimes be flawed.
Perhaps culpability would be greater, by
prevailing moral standards, if it were discovered
that Bush administration torture cost American
lives. That is, in fact, the conclusion drawn by
U.S. Major Matthew Alexander [pseudonym], one of
the most seasoned interrogators in Iraq, who
elicited "the information that led to the U.S.
military being able to locate Abu Musab
al-Zarqawi, the head of al-Qa'ida in Iraq,"
correspondent Patrick Cockburn reports. Alexander
expresses only contempt for the harsh
interrogation methods: "The use of torture by the
US," he believes, not only elicits no useful
information, but "has proved so
counter-productive that it may have led to the
death of as many U.S. soldiers as civilians
killed in 9/11." From hundreds of interrogations,
Alexander discovered that foreign fighters came
to Iraq in reaction to the abuses at Guantanamo
and Abu Ghraib, and that they and domestic allies
turned to suicide bombing and other terrorist
acts for the same reason (Cockburn, "Torture? It
probably killed more Americans than 9/11," Independent, April 6, 2009).
There is also mounting evidence that
Cheney-Rumsfeld torture created terrorists. One
carefully studied case is that of Abdallah
al-Ajmi, who was locked up in Guantanamo on the
charge of "engaging in two or three fire fights
with the Northern Alliance." He ended up in
Afghanistan after having failed to reach Chechnya
to fight against the Russian invasion. After four
years of brutal treatment in Guantanamo, he was
returned to Kuwait. He later found his way to
Iraq and, in March 2008, drove a bomb-laden truck
into an Iraqi military compound, killing himself
and 13 soldiers"the single most heinous act of
violence committed by a former Guantanamo
detainee," the Washington Post reports, the
direct result of his abusive imprisonment, his
Washington lawyer concludes (Anonymous, Rajiv
Chandrasekaran, "From Captive to Suicide Bomber,"
Washington Post, February 22, 2009).
Another standard pretext for torture is the
context: the "war on terror" that Bush declared
after 9/11, a "crime against humanity" carried
out with "wickedness and awesome cruelty," as
Robert Fisk reported. That crime rendered
traditional international law "quaint" and
"obsolete," Bush was advised by his legal counsel
Alberto Gonzales, later appointed attorney
general. The doctrine has been widely reiterated
in one or another form in commentary and analysis.
The 9/11 attack was doubtless unique, in many
respects. One was where the guns were pointing:
typically it is in the opposite direction. In
fact that was the first attack of any consequence
on the national territory since the British
burned down Washington in 1814. Another unique
feature was the scale of terror by a non-state
actor. But horrifying as it was, it could have
been worse. Suppose that the perpetrators had
bombed the White House, killed the president and
established a vicious military dictatorship that
killed 50,000-100,000 people and tortured
700,000, set up a huge international terror
center that carried out assassinations, helped
impose comparable military dictatorships
elsewhere, and implemented economic doctrines
that destroyed the economy so radically that the
state had to virtually take it over a few years
later. That would have been a lot worse than
9/11. And it happened, in what Latin Americans
often call "the first 9/11," in 1973. The numbers
have been changed to per capita equivalents, a
realistic way of measuring crimes. Responsibility
traces straight back to Washington. Accordingly,
thequite appropriateanalogy is out of
consciousness, while the facts are consigned to
the "abuse of reality" that the naïve call history.
It should also be recalled that Bush did not
declarethe "war on terror"; he re-declared it.
Twenty years earlier, the Reagan administration
came into office declaring that a centerpiece of
its foreign policy would be a war on terror, "the
plague of the modern age" and "a return to
barbarism in our time," to sample the fevered
rhetoric of the day. That war on terror has also
been deleted from historical consciousness
because the outcome cannot readily be
incorporated into the canon: hundreds of
thousands slaughtered in the ruined countries of
Central America and many more elsewhereamong
them an estimated 1.5 million in the terrorist
wars sponsored in neighboring countries by
Reagan's favored ally apartheid South Africa,
which had to defend itself from Nelson Mandela's
African National Congress, one of the more
world's "more notorious terrorist groups,"
Washington determined in 1988. In fairness, it
should be added that 20 years later Congress
voted to remove the ANC from the list of
terrorist organizations, so that Mandela is now
at last able to enter the U.S. without obtaining
a waiver from the government (Joseba Zulaika and
William Douglass, Terror and Taboo, 1996; Jesse Holland, AP, May 9, 2009, NYT).
Exceptionalism & Amnesia
The reigning doctrine is sometimes called
"American exceptionalism." It is nothing of the
sort. It is probably close to universal among
imperial powers. France was hailing its
"civilizing mission" while the French Minister of
War called for "exterminating the indigenous
population" of Algeria. Britain's nobility was a
"novelty in the world," John Stuart Mill
declared, while urging that this angelic power
delay no longer in completing its liberation of
India. This classic essay on humanitarian
intervention was written shortly after the public
revelation of Britain's horrifying atrocities in
suppressing the 1857 Indian rebellion. The
conquest of the rest of India was in large part
an effort to gain a monopoly of opium for
Britain's huge narco-trafficking enterprise, by
far the largest in world history, designed
primarily to compel China to accept Britain's manufactured goods.
Similarly, there is no reason to doubt the
sincerity of Japanese militarists who were
bringing an "earthly paradise" to China under
benign Japanese tutelage, as they carried out the
rape of Nanking. History is replete with similar "glorious" episodes.
As long as such "exceptionalist" theses remain
firmly implanted, the occasional revelations of
the "abuse of history" can backfire, serving to
efface terrible crimes. The My Lai massacre was a
mere footnote to the vastly greater atrocities of
the post-Tet pacification programs, ignored while
indignation focused on this single crime.
Watergate was doubtless criminal, but the furor
over it displaced incomparably worse crimes at
home and abroadthe FBI-organized assassination
of black organizer Fred Hampton as part of the
infamous COINTELPRO repression or the bombing of
Cambodia, to mention two egregious examples.
Torture is hideous enough; the invasion of Iraq
is a far worse crime. Quite commonly, selective atrocities have this function.
Historical amnesia is a dangerous phenomenon, not
only because it undermines moral and intellectual
integrity, but also because it lays the groundwork for crimes that lie ahead.
Z
----------
Noam Chomsky is a linguist and social critic. He
is the author of numerous articles and books
including Hegemony or Survival: America's Quest
for Global Dominance (2003) and Failed States:
The Abuse of Power and the Assault on Democracy (2006).
----------
From: Z Magazine - The Spirit Of Resistance Lives
URL:
<http://www.zcommunications.org/zmag/viewArticle/21609>http://www.zcommunications.org/zmag/viewArticle/21609
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