[News] Fair Play for Cuba and the Cuban Revolution

Anti-Imperialist News news at freedomarchives.org
Sat Jul 25 10:22:12 EDT 2009


http://www.counterpunch.org/simpich07242009.html

July 24-26, 2009


How American Antiwar and Solidarity Movements in 
60s Impeded an Effective Invasion of Cuba

Fair Play for Cuba and the Cuban Revolution

By BILL SIMPICH

July 26, Cuba’s most important holiday, is the 
commemorative date in 1953 when Castro and his 
forces unsuccessfully stormed the government 
stockade at Moncada and ignited the Cuban 
revolution. On a day like today, it should be 
noted that Americans made a successful Cuban 
invasion impossible with a campaign of determined resistance.

Antiwar and solidarity activists came together to 
protect the Cuban revolution during the era of 
1960-1963 - the era of the Bay of Pigs, the Cuban 
missile crisis, and the JFK assassination - in 
significant part due to organizations such as the 
Fair Play for Cuba Committee (FPCC). Professor 
(and CISPES activist) Van Gosse has done 
groundbreaking research to make a good argument 
that this period really was the birth of the New Left.

The release in the last few years of thousands of 
CIA and FBI files reveals that this resistance 
was central in preventing a successful invasion 
of Cuba. Like most activist organizations, the 
FPCC had approximately a three-year life cycle - 
after that period, many of the core activists had 
returned to Cuba or have moved on to other 
pressing causes. In the period from 1960-1963, 
recently released documents show the powerful 
conflict between the forces of agitation (the 
FPCC and its allies) and the forces of 
provocation (the CIA, FBI and military). This 
conflict ended with a political landscape that 
made any future US invasion of Cuba impossible. 
This story is not founded on a theory about who 
killed JFK, but rather examines an overlooked conflict.

The story below is largely set in New York City, 
the headquarters of the FPCC, and the revelation 
here of a key informant’s identity explains how 
different threads of this drama weave together. 
As the Church Committee said in the seventies, 
informants are used to “raise controversial 
issues” and “to take advantage of ideological 
splits in an organization.” Many of the documents 
are hidden to protect the identity of the 
informants, while the world is deprived of the 
history of how these informants were used to 
protect the US national security state.

An April 1960 New York Times advertisement paid 
for by the Cuban government led to the formation of the FPCC

The founder and first leader of the FPCC was 
Robert Taber, a CBS newsman who was befriended by 
the Santos Buch family when they learned that 
Taber was interested in telling the rebels' side 
of the story about Castro and his followers. With 
the help of the Santos Buch family, Taber 
obtained a rare exclusive interview with Fidel 
Castro while he was up in the mountains fighting 
in 1957. This interview became the basis of the 
CBS Special Report “Rebels of the Sierra Maestra: 
The Story of Cuba’s Jungle Fighters and his 
renowned book on the rebels: “M-26: Biography of 
a Revolution”. “M-26" refers to the 
aforementioned storming of Moncada on July 26, 1953.

Working with CBS newsman Richard Gibson, they 
decided to run a full page ad in the New York 
times in order to make a statement on the 
importance of the Cuban revolution. Taber and 
Santos-Busch went so far as to raise the money 
for the ad by obtaining a big donation from the 
Cuban government with the assistance of Raulito 
Roa, the son of Cuban UN foreign minister Raul Roa.

The advertisement caused a minor sensation in a 
number of different circles. The authors were 
flooded with more than a thousand letters of 
people ready to take action. Besides the 
timeliness of the appeal, it was signed by other 
leading lights in the literary community: Simone 
de Beauvoir, Jean-Paul Sartre, Norman Mailer, Dan 
Wakefield, even Truman Capote. African Americans 
were prominent in the call - besides newsman 
Richard Gibson of CBS, it was also signed by the 
historian John Henrik Clarke, novelists James 
Baldwin, Julian Mayfield and John O. Killens, and 
the soon-to-be-famous Southern activist Robert F. 
Williams. Other supporters in this period 
included Linus Pauling and Allen Ginsberg.

The ad also caught the attention of the CIA's 
Cuban affairs head William Harvey, whose love of 
alcohol and firearms caused many to ask if he was 
the role model for Ian Fleming's James Bond. Two 
days after the ad ran, William Harvey bragged to 
FBI counterintelligence chief Sam Papich. “For 
your information, this Agency has derogatory 
information on all individuals listed in the attached advertisement.”

Harvey was the head of Task Force W, a brigade of 
2000 Cubans, a navy of speedboats, and 400 
Americans based at CIA headquarters and the 
JM/WAVE station in Miami. JM/WAVE may have been 
the largest CIA base in history. Huge quantities 
of arms and munitions passed through its gates. 
The JM/WAVE station directed a wide range of 
operations against Cuban shipping, aircraft and industrial sites.

The Socialist Workers Party and the Communist 
Party were able to work together within the FPCC, 
marking a break from a bad history going back to 
the Depression era when 20,000 Communist 
supporters marched through the streets to 
denounce their Trotskyist competitors. Berta 
Green of the SWP was able to provide deep 
experience from her organizing efforts in Detroit 
and more recently in New York City. Richard 
Gibson was a bridge to people like Robert 
Williams, Leroi Jones, journalist William Worthy 
and other black activists in making the equation 
between African American militance and solidarity 
with Castro and Cuba's largely black population. 
Within six months, the FPCC had 7000 members in 
27 "adult chapters" and 40 student councils on 
various college campuses with emerging student 
leaders such as Saul Landau and Robert Scheer. 
When Fidel met Malcolm X and other community 
leaders at the Hotel Theresa in Harlem during the 
late summer of 1960, it was the social event of 
the year in New York for African Americans and radicals alike.

In December, 1960, William Worthy released the 
documentary “Yanqui, No!”, with a camera crew 
that included the legendary D.A. Pennebaker and 
Albert Maysles. After doing a national tour for 
Fair Play, his work led to an indictment for 
traveling to Cuba - imposed on no other 
journalist. “The Ballad of William Worthy” earned 
a spot in the Phil Ochs canon:

William Worthy isn’t worthy to enter our door
He just came back from Cuba, he’s not American anymore
But it seems awfully funny to hear the State Department say
You’re living in the Free World
In the Free World you must stay.

Sensing a deepening problem, the anti-Castro 
forces countered by investigating the funding of 
the initial ad, calling the FPCC leaders before a 
Congressional committee, the Senate Internal 
Security Subcommittee with the 
appropriate-sounding name of "SISS". It was also 
known as the Eastland Committee; at the time, 
James Eastland was probably the most racist 
senator in the United States. The SISS was so 
powerful that its chief prosecutor Julian 
Sourwine had been known in the 48-state era as the "97th Senator".

On January 6, 1961 Santos-Buch told Sourwine in 
executive session that he and Taber had received 
the needed money from "eight different people". 
The documents reveal that Santos Buch changed his 
story on January 9 at a subsequent executive 
session, and that he was also given a promise 
that the CIA would help get a number of family 
members out of Cuba. On January 9, Santos Buch 
changed his story, at least in part because of 
his desire to extricate his family from Cuba. On 
January 10, Santos Buch publicly admitted that 
the Cubans provided the crucial $3500 needed to 
place the NYT ad. A week later, Jane Roman from 
James Angleton's counterintelligence office in 
the CIA reported that security concerns made it 
too dangerous for the CIA to keep its promise to Santos Buch.

Taber had gone to Cuba the previous month, in 
December 1960. For obvious reasons, he now felt 
it was a good idea to stay. He passed on his 
executive secretary duties to Richard Gibson, 
covered the ensuing Bay of Pigs invasion, and was 
wounded by mortar shells in the effort. 
Meanwhile, CIA operatives David Phillips and 
James McCord (of Watergate fame) ran an illegal 
domestic surveillance on the FPCC throughout the 
year of 1961 until the FBI apparently got wind of 
it while they began their own operation. The CIA 
then backed away from the FBI’s turf for a period 
of time. During this same period, Phillips was 
running an anti-Castro media campaign in New 
Orleans. Phillips was the recent recipient of the 
CIA’s Intelligence Medal of Merit for the 
disinformation campaign he ran in Guatemala that 
paved the way for the successful 1954 coup - it 
was stated that “this achievement has no parallel 
in the history of psychological warfare”.

The upsurge of protest against the Bay of Pigs invasion in the United States

Some people could sense the Bay of Pigs coming, 
but the FPCC sounded the alarm. After the Nation 
magazine warned about it in explicit terms during 
November of 1960, the LA chapter held a press 
conference to get the word out. They “called upon 
Congress to investigate immediately the 
widespread reports indicating that the Central 
Intelligence Agency is implicated in the training 
of armed forces for an invasion of Cuba. 
Persistent reports from Guatemala, Nicaragua and 
Florida of invasion forces in these areas being 
tied to the CIA raise into question U.S. 
observance of the principle of nonintervention 
into the domestic affairs of other countries.”

At what is described by Van Gosse as a "massive 
inaugural rally of San Francisco Fair Play" in 
January 1961, the anarchist Beat poet Lawrence 
Ferlinghetti wrote an homage to Castro and Walt 
Whitman that sums up the passions of many people during this era.

One Thousand Fearful Words for Fidel Castro

I am sitting in Mike’s Place trying to figure out
What’s going to happen
without Fidel Castro
Among the salami sandwiches and spittoons
I see no solution
It’s going to be a tragedy
I see no way out
among the admen and slumming models
and the brilliant snooping columnists
who are qualified to call Castro psychotic
because they no doubt are doctors
and have examined him personally
and know a paranoid hysterical tyrant when they see one
because they have it on first hand
from personal observation by the CIA
and the great disinterested news services

I see no answer
I see no way out
among the paisanos playing pool
it looks like Curtains for Fidel
They’re going to fix his wagon
in the course of human events...

The radio squawks
some kind of memorial program:
“When in the course of human events
it becomes necessary for one people
to dissolve the political bonds
which have connected them with another­“
I see no way out
no escape
He’s tuned in on your frequency, Fidel


History may absolve you, Fidel
but we’ll dissolve you first, Fidel
You’ll be dissolved in history
We’ve got the solvent
We’ve got the chaser
and we’ll have a little party
somewhere down your way, Fidel
It’s going to be a Gas
As they say in Guatemala


Here’s your little tragedy, Fidel
They’re coming to pick you up
and stretch you on their Stretcher
That’s what happens, Fidel
when in the course of human events
it becomes necessary for one people to dissolve
the bonds of International Tel & Tel
and United Fruit
Fidel
How come you don’t answer anymore
Fidel
Did they cut you off our frequency
We’ve closed down our station anyway
We’ve turned you off, Fidel

I was sitting in Mike’s Place, Fidel
waiting for someone else to act
like a good Liberal
I hadn’t quite finished Camus´ Rebel
so I couldn’t quite recognize you, Fidel
walking up and down your island
when they came for you, Fidel
“My Country or Death” you told them
Well you’ve got your little death, Fidel
like old Honest Abe
one of your boyhood heroes
who also had his little Civil War
and was a different kind of Liberator
(since no one was shot in his war)
and also was murdered
in the course of human events
Fidel...Fidel...
your coffin passes by
thru lanes and streets you never knew
thru day and night, Fidel
While lilacs last in the dooryard bloom, Fidel
your futile trip is done
yet is not done
and is not futile
I give you my sprig of laurel."

In the immediate aftermath of the Bay of Pigs in 
April 1961, the FPCC’s national influence was at its highest point.

"Actions with up to 2,000 outside the United 
Nations began the same day as the invasion and 
lasted throughout the entire week of the crisis, 
culminating in a rally of perhaps 5,000 in Union 
Square on 21 April - the largest left wing 
demonstration there or anywhere else in the US 
since the execution of the Rosenbergs, and one 
also unprecedented in that a young Communist and 
a young Trotskyist shared the same public podium, 
brought together by the 26th of July.

"...Meanwhile, San Francisco saw demonstrations 
in which students played a leading role. 
Coordinated actions on various Bay Area campuses 
on 19 April were followed by a student-only rally 
of 2,000 in Union Square on 20 April, and an 
equally large all-ages Fair Play 
demonstration...(where protesters) spontaneously 
took to the streets of the downtown area to march 
to the offices of Hearst's virulently anti-Castro 
San Francisco Examiner, an unheard thing to do in those days."

Elsewhere, there was violence inflicted on 
numbers of Fair Play protesters. Meeting halls 
were shuttered in Los Angeles, Detroit, Newark 
and Tampa. Campuses came alive with lively 
actions at Cornell, Swarthmore, Madison, 
Berkeley, City College, Yale, the University of Michigan and Oberlin.

On April 27, Hoover himself ordered his agents to 
focus on pro-Castro activists, stating that the 
FPCC illustrated "the capacity of a nationality 
group organization to mobilize its efforts in 
such a situation so as to arrange demonstrations and influence public opinion.”

Right after the Bay of Pigs, the FBI organizes a 
campaign of disruption against the FPCC

In response, FBI man number three Cartha “Deke” 
DeLoach began a well-documented red-baiting 
campaign against the FPCC during May 1961. "As 
part of his counterintelligence responsibilities, 
DeLoach developed a "Mass Media Program" that 
included over 300 newspaper reporters, 
columnists, radio commentators, and television news investigators."

Meanwhile, during that same month, something very 
odd was going on in Havana. Dr. Enrique Lorenzo 
Luaces told Army Intelligence that Taber 
introduced him to “Lt. Harvey Oswald, an arms 
expert” while having drinks at Sloppy Joe's, 
better known as the "Sardi's for spies". When the 
FBI interviewed Taber, he denied knowing Oswald. 
A popular position to take, especially since the 
common wisdom is that Oswald was continuously in 
the USSR between 1959 and 1962.

During June, 1960, a few months after Oswald's 
defection to the USSR in late 1959, J. Edgar 
Hoover himself sent a memo to the State 
Department alerting it to the possibility that an 
imposter was using Oswald's identity. Hoover was 
tipped to the problem by a telegram from Harold 
F. Good at the New York field office. Former 
Cuban Prime Minister Tony Varona testified to a 
House committee that he believed Oswald was in 
Cuba during 1961. There is a long and 
well-documented history of reports involving 
individuals impersonating Oswald, no matter where 
one stands on the JFK assassination.

The FBI uses Victor Vicente, the head of the 
FPCC’s Social Committee and informant T-3245-S*, 
to build a criminal case against Gibson

Back in Washington DC, SISS was now focusing its 
attention on Richard Gibson, issuing a subpoena 
for him to come to Washington and testify. They 
wrote a letter to INS, asking them to take action 
to stop Gibson from leaving the country before 
his testimony. INS explained that American 
citizens were virtually never given such a “stop” 
order without a directive from the Secretary of 
State. Within a matter of hours, such a directive 
was issued against Gibson. Gibson spent years 
abroad in the 1950s in expatriate circles, and 
this directive was a serious blow to his freedom.

In Gibson’s first appearance in April, 1961, he 
told SISS that "on behalf of myself and the Fair 
Play for Cuba Committee, and speaking personally 
for myself and many other American Negroes, I can 
only express delight at the utter and dismal 
defeat of this act of international banditry." 
The SISS, licking its wounds, ordered him to come 
back with the FPCC membership list. When he came 
back on May 16, he provided the mailing list, and 
claimed that there was no way to separate the 
FPCC members from those who were on the mailing 
list. This infuriated the committee. The FBI was 
asked to take action to obtain whatever 
membership list could be found, as well as 
anything else that would expose Gibson to perjury 
charges. They immediately ordered a mail cover on 
Gibson's home at 788 Columbus Circle.

On May 21 and 22, Special Agents Patrick 
Lundquist and Harold Hoeg went inside the FPCC 
offices and photographed the list provided to 
them by informant T-3245-S*. The identity of 
T-3245-S* has been the subject of serious 
speculation over the years, especially because 
the “S” is a symbol for a political informant.

With the flood of new documents released by the 
government in the wake of the JFK Act, I can 
confirm with confidence after long and careful 
study that the identity of this informant is 
Victor Thomas Vicente, who was the head of the 
Social Committee for the FPCC. As the one willing 
to do the difficult work of fundraising, he was 
given special trust. Vicente’s work proved invaluable.

The dean of the study of FBI “black bag jobs”, 
also known as “break-ins” or “surreptitious 
entries” for many years has been Athan G. 
Theoharis, professor of history at Marquette 
History. In a black bag job, the documents are 
photographed rather than stolen, so that the 
target does not know that its privacy has been 
compromised. William Sullivan justified them in a 
letter to the Director’s office in 1966: “Such a 
technique involves trespass and is clearly 
illegal; therefore, it would be impossible to 
obtain any legal sanction for it. Despite this, 
“black bag” jobs have been used because they 
represent an invaluable technique in combatting 
subversive activities...aimed directly at 
undermining and destroying our nation.”

Theoharis credits the FBI for eight black bag 
jobs to the FPCC, far more than suffered by any 
other group in his study. He discovered an 
initial black bag job at the FPCC NY headquarters 
during January, 1961, which I have not yet 
located in the FBI records on-line. The second 
one is clearly during the weekend of May 22-23, 1961.

The purpose for the entry was to obtain evidence 
to contradict Gibson’s testimony to SISS about 
the FPCC membership list and to the Fair Play 
publication. In the material provided by Vicente 
in May, 1961, a voluminous mailing list was 
included in this material, but the agents 
reported that there was no way to determine 
whether a code system was being used on this list 
in order to designate members or subscribers – 
names of members of student groups were also 
provided, but no membership list and no list of 
subscribers to “fair play” was included in this 
material. Thus, this material could not be used 
to support a perjury charge against Gibson.

However, the data was used to focus on FPCC 
operatives in Dallas, Tampa and Miami (major 
cities in the southern United States). What is 
fascinating is that the NY office mailed the 
relevant portions of these mailing lists to Miami 
got the mailing lists on 6/16/61, Dallas got the 
lists on 6/19/61 in a letter from “FED” in the 
New York office to Dir. FBI urging an 
investigation of the principal FPCC leaders in 
the area. Shortly after, Miami was asked to bring 
the Tampa office into the hunt. The Tampa FPCC 
had hundreds of members during this period, due 
to the pro-Castro workers in the nearby cigar 
factories. The president of the chapter during 
this time, VT Lee, later became Gibson's 
successor as the last national FPCC head. It 
seems like the FBI wanted the focus to be on FPCC 
members in the vicinity of Cuba. Within days, the 
FPCC mailing list were circulating in right-wing 
circles such as the Mississippi Sovereignty 
Commission and the Florida Legislative Investigation Committee.

Taber returns to the USA, leaves the FPCC, is 
hounded by the red-hunters, but curiously not 
charged with perjury - while Gibson seeks 
recruitment by the CIA in exchange for money

Taber returned to the US during the end of 1961. 
The stories were various: One was that he was 
"homesick"; another was that Cuban currency was 
not convertible into American dollars. In any 
case, Taber claimed that he could return 
"quietly". He was subpoenaed in short order. He 
resigned from the FPCC in February, and spoke 
with the CIA and FBI on 3/19/62. On 4/10/62, he 
had to testify again before SISS, this time in 
executive session, where he was confronted with 
his testimony that clashed with Santos-Buch about 
the source of the money for the ad. Despite the 
committee's fury at Taber, he was never charged 
with perjury. Instead, his testimony was publicly 
released in June 1963. Many people claim that 
Taber had gone over to the CIA at this point. The 
real question is more subtle - it isn't whether 
he asked to be an informant, but whether his offer was ever accepted.

In a dramatic incident during the summer, 
Gibson's problems with money finally got the best 
of him. On July 16, 1962, Richard Gibson wrote a 
letter to Thornton Hagert of Falls Church, VA, 
the stepbrother of Philip Reiss of the Dept. Of 
Agriculture. Gibson writes in the letter that 
Reiss told him in the past that he is a former 
CIA employee. Gibson wants to make contact with 
the CIA, and suggests either the 799 Broadway 
office or his home. (201-306052) (also see redacted version at 105-93072-80)

On July 24, 1962, the Nationalities Intelligence 
Section get the OK to interview Gibson. On August 
16, 1962, Gibson is interviewed by NY agents Hoeg 
and Day. James Day writes the report in October, 
after Gibson skipped the country heading for 
Algeria in 9/12/62 - some say "just ahead of an 
indictment" but I'm not convinced any indictment 
was in the works based on these records. Gibson 
initially went to Canada, and there is no sign of 
pursuit or even concern by his departure by the intelligence agencies.

Although I don't see anything in the file 
indicating a push for indictment of Gibson, 
Gibson's story to Lee was that the Cuban Mission 
told him that indictment was imminent. From 
reviewing the documents, it seems like this was Gibson's cover story.

"On September 15, 1962, NY T-1 advised that on 
the evening of September 14 Ted Lee (also known 
as VT Lee) advised that Gibson's departure from 
the United States was unexpected. Lee told the 
source that someone from the CMUN (the Cuban 
Mission to the UN) had contacted Gibson and had 
told Gibson that things were getting hot for 
Gibson in the United States and that it would be 
necessary for Gibson to go to Canada for a short 
time. According to what Lee told NY T-1, the 
employee of the CMUN gave Gibson an envelope and 
instructions. Lee further stated that when Gibson 
got to the Cuban embassy in Ottawa, Canada, 
Gibson was told that he should go to Algeria with 
the result that Gibson left Ottawa, Canada by 
plane on September 13, 1962 headed for Algeria. 
Lee stated that Gibson told him of this when 
Gibson called Lee from Ottawa, Canada on the 
evening of September 12, 1962. Lee further 
advised T-1 that very few people know of the 
involvement of the CMUN in this matter and that NY T-1 should keep it secret."

Gibson says he will assist the FBI for money, as 
he finds the FPCC no more than a translation 
service and the whole leftist movement 
"ineffective and inconsequential". He adds that 
the Cubans are stupid and he hates stupidity, and 
that the Communists have failed to help the Negro race.

Hoeg discusses in his report that he will submit 
the New York office’s “recommendation for both a 
tactical and strategic plan to be implemented to 
disrupt, dissolve, or at least neutralize the 
FPCC as a subversive organization”.

Another report on this interview says: “We 
advised Attorney General (Robert F. Kennedy) re 
(Gibson’s) interview with New York office on 
8/16/62 (redacted) wherein he wanted money to 
denounce FPCC and wanted US to grant fugitive 
Robert Williams immunity from prosecution if he 
returned from Cuba. We told AG Gibson was 
untrustworthy and we were not initiating any more 
communication with him. Data herein will be given 
AG, as well as CIA and State Department, which 
agencies are aware of the previous interview.”

FBI reports Gibson is in Algeria, speculates that 
Gibson may have been picked up by the CIA as an 
informant, but a handwritten note by Austin Horne 
of the CIA says no. Chief of the Nationalities 
Intelligence Section Raymond Wannall told his 
boss domestic intelligence chief William Sullivan 
that Gibson is very untrustworthy and the 
approach has to be to accept any info he provides 
but not to run Gibson as an informant.

A later document confirms that neither the FBI or 
the CIA would accept Richard Gibson’s help at 
that time: "Gibson indicated that he was willing 
to publicly denounce the FPCC, say he was duped, 
that the FPCC is a tool of the Cuban government, 
that it is ineffective, and anyone still 
remaining loyal (to the FPCC) was just wasting 
his time, or any other tactic subsequently 
determined to be the most effective course of 
conduct. However, there was an undertone that he 
expected to be paid for any efforts in this 
regard. He stated that it was his personal 
opinion that it would be much more effective to 
use the FPCC as a cover for intelligence and 
counter-intelligence purposes, but when 
questioned for his specific thinking in this 
regard, he commented only that this could 
possibly be worked out later." Gibson clearly had some weak moments.

The Cuban missile crisis - protesting against the end of the world

At this point, during October, 1962, the world 
was in the full grip of the Cuban missile crisis. 
Even when protesting against the end of the 
world, FPCC activists did not get a lot of 
support, but the show of resistence made the 
powers that be even more irrational.

 From Ron Ridenour's on-line book, Our America:

I later learned that everyone in the United 
States was scared to death, even my friends. 
There were daily air raid drills­practice drills 
for children and workers in air raid shelters, 
stacked with food and water supplies. Hoarding 
became a national characteristic with rushes on 
supermarkets. The American people were preparing 
for a world war; they were not acting to prevent 
one. A few thousand rare souls braved the 
government-mass media-panic-created atmosphere to 
take up picket signs. There were a few 
demonstrations. The largest mustered about 10,000 
people. They marched before the United Nations 
plaza with slogans: “US-USSR, No War Over Cuba”, 
and “Hands Off Cuba.” The latter, more “radical” 
demand was opposed by the social democratic part 
of the tiny minority who protested US 
bellicosity. The American working class­the 
population as a whole­shunned the left-wing like 
pariahs. As Simone de Beauvoir wrote in Force of 
Circumstance, “To be genuinely left-wing in the 
United States takes a great deal of character and 
independence as well as openness of mind...(they 
are) lonely and courageous men and women.”

Van Gosse mentions that the FPCC-led demo in New 
York on October 27 drew about 2500, and the 
SANE-led one the next day had about 8000 
participants. San Francisco FPCC led the biggest 
one on the West Coast, with about 3500. These 
were among the few actions led by FPCC that month 
- the organization was already much smaller and 
weaker than during the Bay of Pigs eighteen 
months earlier. On October 8, the FPCC did put 
together a picket line at the UN with 200 
participants, where they were attacked with 
bottles of red paint, rotten eggs and other objects.

The FBI "expanded its Security Index, 
establishing a special "Cuban Section" that 
included not only names of suspected Cuban agents 
operating in the United States, but also of 
people who had participated in organizations or 
picket lines that supported Castro. Nearly twelve 
thousand persons were included on the main index 
and another twenty thousand in two reserve 
indexes - all of whom were targeted for arrest as 
"potentially dangerous" in the event of an "internal security emergency".

Oh, yes, the Security Index is still around, 
under another name. After 1971, the Security 
Index became ADEX during the 70s. From the 80s 
on, it's been known as "Main Core". There's been 
progress, of a sort - now, 8 million Americans 
are apparently on the round-up list.

So members of the FPCC were on the Security 
Index, but not Oswald. He was placed on the FBI’s 
watchlist (a level of slightly lesser severity, 
denoted by a “Wanted Notice Card”) shortly after 
he relinquished his passport at the US embassy in 
Moscow. This would be lifted a month before the assassination, as shown below.

At the same time, Oswald became a subject of the 
CIA’s mail-reading project “HT LINGUAL”. Thus, 
even though no CIA file was opened on Oswald for 
more than a year, Angleton’s CI-SIG unit was 
reading his mail, ostensibly because he was a 
defector that might be contacted by the Soviets.

Right at the time of the final Bay of Pigs 
prisoner exchange, the FBI and Vicente conduct a 
key black-bag job at the FPCC office.

During April, 1963, Vicente reports the contents 
of the FPCC bank statements from Chase for the 
months of January through April 1963. Lee is the 
person who can authorize withdrawal from the bank 
account. The FBI agents are still trying to 
develop volunteer Ed Linton as a source.

During this month, Victor Vicente stated that 
Vincent Lee had telephonically contacted him and 
asked that the NYC FPCC take care of the month's rent of the FPCC office.

Lee was on a speaking tour for the month of 
April, and assured his colleagues that Ed Linton 
would handle the office Monday-Wednesday, Lee’s 
wife Marjorie Speece would handle the office 
Thursday, and that the office would be closed on 
Friday. The FBI agents entered on April 21, 1963 
- a Sunday. Lee's final words on the subject were 
that "Victor Vicente will handle anything of 
importance that happens during his absence."

4/18/63 is the postmark date of the letter sent 
from Dallas by Oswald to the national FPCC office 
in New York, according to a It refers to 
“photographs of the below listed material made 
available by NY 3245-S* on 4/21/63...in the event 
any of this material is disseminated outside the 
bureau, caution should be exercised to protect 
the source, NY 3245-S*, and the communication 
should be classified “Confidential”.

The FPCC notes stating that 50 pieces of 
literature were forwarded to LHO on 4/19/63. Lee 
informed the FBI that the notation was written by 
him - but all the evidence is that he was out of 
town at the time. It was a meaningless and stupid 
falsehood, and he was probably covering for his 
ally Vicente in an absent-minded fashion.

On 4/21/63, Vicente “made available records and 
correspondence currently maintained at FPCC 
Headquarters
Approximately 100 photographs were 
taken of this material
NYO will make appropriate 
dissemination when the film is developed.”

Hoover biographers Dr. Anthan G. Theoharis and 
John Stuart Cox have a copy of the FBI NY 
office’s “Surreptitious Entries” file, maintained 
“informally” in the SAC’s personal folder, which 
says that “the FBI did break into the FPCC offices during April, 1963".

On April 21, 1963, Vicente - advised that Lee H. 
Oswald of Dallas, Texas, was in contact with FPCC 
of New York City at which time he advised that he 
passed out pamphlets for the FPCC.”

Under the wing of the CIA, informant Victor 
Vicente goes to Mexico City and meets Castro and Che

The document that tells us what was Vicente's 
award for all of his hard work is a 7/10/63 memo 
by CIA’s Louis de Santi of the 
counterintelligence division of the Special 
Affairs Staff (SAS) which states: “(T)he FBI 
informant (blank) is an American-born (blank) 
born in NYC (blank). He has been under FBI 
control for nearly three years penetrating the 
three pro-Castro organizations in NYC: the Fair 
Play for Cuba Committee (FPCC); the Casa Cuba, 
and the Jose Marti Club. Through the first two 
years Subject was only a marginal asset, in the 
last six months he has become a valuable 
penetration for the FBI into the above 3 
organizations as well as the (blank) having 
apparently won the complete confidence of the 
pro-Castro leaders and Cuban officials. (blank) 
Recently he was asked to join the CPUSA
subject 
has been instructed by his Cuban superiors to 
take a camera with him to take pictures of Cuba 
for organizational meetings in NYC.”

The LAD/JFK Task Force wrote an analysis in the 
70s that DeSanti debriefed the informant upon his 
return to the US, and there is a reference that 
there were interviews with Castro and Che Guevara.

In The Road to Dallas, author Robert Kaiser names 
the document quoted above that identifies 
Vicente: “In July 1963, the agency infiltrated an 
informer from the New York chapter of the Fair 
Play for Cuba Committee, a Puerto Rican named 
Victor Thomas Vicente, into Cuba, probably 
through Mexico City. Vicente declined to settle 
there, as the CIA hoped he might, but he met both 
Castro and Che Guevara and was debriefed after he returned.”

Upon his return to New York, Victor Vicente 
showed a slide show of his recent trip to Cuba on 
September 23 with about 100 persons in 
attendance. The FPCC was still soldiering on with 
hundreds of people attending the various New York 
forums, but it appeared to be reaching the end of 
the three year life cycle that is the natural 
fate of most activist-oriented organizations. 
Cuba was no longer in the news on a regular 
basis. Getting the travel ban reversed seemed 
hopeless in the political climate of the era. The 
FPCC was undergoing more and more infiltration - 
some of the FBI reports refer to as many as forty 
informants. But the intelligence agencies’ plans 
to make the FPCC look bad were to blow up in their face.

Throughout this period, CIA and Mafia forces were trying to assassinate Castro

Trafficante (Tampa), Marcello (Dallas) and Johnny 
Roselli (Chicago) had the motive to assassinate 
Castro, and they worked with CIA operatives like 
William Harvey to get it done. In the wake of the 
missile crisis, such an operation had to be done 
in secret. Officials like William Harvey of Task 
Force W, Deputy Director of Plans Richard Helms, 
and Desmond Fitzgerald of the Special Affairs 
Staff had not informed the CIA Director about 
some of their plots, which forced them to cover 
up after the JFK assassination. Harvey testified 
to the HSCA that he and Helms concealed the 
Castro assassination plots from the CIA director.

David Morales, the Chief of Operations at 
JM/WAVE, was involved in all of the numerous CIA 
actions against Castro in 1963. CIA documents 
show that Morales was at an early AMTRUNK meeting 
at a “safe house in Washington, D.C.”, along with 
“Tad Szulc, New York Times reporter”, someone 
from the State Department, and two other CIA 
agents, before the CIA and AMTRUNK apparently 
went their separate ways in April. One of the 
more spectacular efforts happened on March 13, 
1963, when Morales and “Colonel” Rosselli’s team 
tried to assassinate Castro from a house near the 
University of Havana by firing a 
mortar...bazookas, mortars and machine guns were 
taken. Demond Fitzgerald handed poison to another 
operative to kill Castro on the very day that JFK was shot.

The Kennedys had their own projects for a coup or to push the Soviets from Cuba

Kennedy also met with CIA officials in May 1962 
and told them not to join forces with the Mafia 
without personally contacting him.

As quietly as possible during 1963, the Kennedy 
brothers were brewing their own Cuban disruption 
campaign. They had a two-track strategy: A coup 
launched from foreign shores if necessary, or an 
agreement with Castro to rid the island of Soviet 
influence. Working with a separate wing of the 
CIA than those supporting the Cuban exiles, this 
project was known as AM/WORLD.

The leaders of this effort were Manuel Artime and 
Harry Ruiz-Williams, with the CIA’s Harry 
Hecksher as the main case officer. The plan to 
create this junta in exile was picked up by the 
Associated Press as early as May 1963. By 
October, JFK had approved thirteen new sabotage 
missions as well a project called AMTRUNK 
proposed by New York Times correspondent Tad 
Szulc to enlist Cuban military officers into the 
coup effort. Although many referred to Artime as 
the Kennedys’ “Golden Boy”, it is revealing that 
the CIA referred to him as AM/BIDDY-1.

Oswald joins the FPCC and meets the CIA’s David 
Phillips of the anti-Castro forces, who is 
involved in a deceptive operation designed to 
counter the FPCC in foreign countries

During this same period Oswald used the 
opportunity to build up his resume as the head of 
his one-man FPCC chapter in New Orleans, 
culminating in an arrest and widespread TV 
coverage in August as he picketed on behalf of 
the Fair Play for Cuba Committee and outraged his 
Southern neighbors. The arrest for breach of the 
peace grew out of a contrived fight between 
Oswald and the anti-Castro DRE, after what looked 
like a deliberately clumsy effort by Oswald to 
pose as an ant-Castro activist to infiltrate the 
DRE. Oswald even wrote VT Lee and described the 
fight several days before it actually happened. 
The head of the DRE was David Phillips.

At the beginning of 1963, the Cuban disruption 
program Operation Mongoose is abolished with 
Harvey’s departure. Harvey’s Task Force W now 
becomes the Special Affairs Staff (SAS).

Throughout 1963, David Morales of the CIA’s 
Special Affairs Staff (SAS) was one of the 
coordinators of operations against Castro 
(including new assassination projects), and to 
maintain contact with Cubans and other enemies of the Kennedys.

That autumn, when CIA agent David Phillips became 
Chief of Cuban Operations in Mexico City, he 
became one of these SAS coordinators. Phillips 
was in effect rejoining the officers he had 
worked with on the Bay of Pigs in 1961, at which 
time he had been responsible for propaganda 
operations against the newly-created Fair Play 
for Cuba Committee. The SAS was packed with 
people who wanted to invade Cuba and saw JFK as an impediment.

During September, Alpha-66 Cuban exile leader 
Antonio Veciana met with David Phillips and Lee 
Harvey Oswald in Dallas at the lobby of the 
Southland Building for fifteen minutes. Oswald 
was talking about “something that we can do to kill Castro.”

On 9/16/63, John Tilton of the CIA asked the FBI 
to help obtain FPCC stationery and any existing 
foreign mailing list in order to have a sample 
“to produce large quantities of propaganda in the 
name of the (FPCC)” in order to “counter” their 
activities in foreign countries.

Tilton also said that the CIA was considering 
planting “deceptive information” which might 
“embarrass” the FPCC in areas where it has some 
support. Tilton assured the FBI that no 
"fabrication" would take place without advance notice and agreement.

The CIA request was directed to the 
“Nationalities Intelligence Section” -to chief 
Raymond Wannall. Its analogue in New York was 
Harold Hoeg's Squad 312. “The reply to CIA should be delivered via Liaison.”

On 9/26/63, a memo then went out to SAC NY from 
LL Anderson on behalf of Director Hoover. “New 
York should promptly advise whether the material 
requested by CIA is available or obtainable. If 
available, it should be furnished by cover letter 
with enclosures suitable for dissemination to CIA by liaison.”

This is right when Lee Harvey Oswald left for 
Mexico City for a week, and repeatedly visited 
the Soviet and Cuban embassies in an unsuccessful 
quest for a visa to get to Cuba. Wasn’t this the 
foreign FPCC activity the CIA was gearing up to 
counter? Transcripts of calls that were 
supposedly made by Oswald to the Cuban embassy 
reveal conversations so contrived that it is 
obvious that an imposter was making these calls. 
Photographs and a tape recording made available 
to members of the Warren Commission showed that 
someone impersonated Oswald in Mexico City. Even 
Hoover said it to LBJ the morning after the assassination.

The 10/4/63 response from SAC NY James Kennedy 
reiterated his understanding that "CIA desires 
information regarding the availability of samples 
of FPCC stationery and FPCC mailing lists in 
connection with their consideration of plans to 
counter the activities of FPCC in foreign 
countries. The NYO plans to contact 3245-S* (Vicente) on 10/27/63."

The attached blind memo is a COINTELPRO letter 
suggesting that VT Lee should be asked “how many 
dupes are still contributing to Castro’s 
propaganda arm here in the US
his fervor for 
Castro’s cause is directly related to the amount of funds being received.”

Angelton’s aide Jane Roman stated that the man 
who “takes over Cuban operations in WH/3/Mexico 
on the 8th of October 1963 is named David 
Phillips.” The PR man who was key in bringing 
down the Guatemalan government now has a second chance at getting Cuba right.

The next day after Phillips takes over Cuban 
operations in Mexico, October 9, FBI supervisor 
Marvin Gheesling canceled a FLASH notice on 
Oswald that had kept him on the aforementioned 
Watchlist among all FBI offices. As mentioned 
earlier, Oswald was placed on this Watchlist due 
to his defection to the USSR in 1959 and his 
statements to the US embassy that he was going to 
provide military secrets to the Soviet Union.

When Gheesling canceled the FLASH just hours 
before the twin October 10 cables were sent by 
the CIA containing critical information about 
Oswald, he “turned off the alarm switch on Oswald 
literally an instant before it would have gone 
off”. Gheesling's explanation for why he released 
the “stop” on 10/9/63 is contained in a memo to 
FBI #2 man Clyde Tolson from Inspector Gale: The 
“stop was placed in event subject returned from 
Russia under an assumed name and was 
inadvertently not removed by him on 9/7/62 when case closed.”

James W. Douglass, a Catholic theologian who has 
pondered this question, suggests that Gheesling 
may have been misled by Tilton's memo "into 
thinking Oswald was only working under cover in 
Mexico to counter the Fair Play for Cuba 
Committee. As a CIA operative, Oswald did not 
belong on the Security Index. Thus, his security 
watch was lifted. His staged Soviet connection 
could then be documented for scapegoating 
purposes after Dallas, but without sounding a 
national security alarm that would have put a 
spotlight on Oswald and prevented Dallas from happening."

The next day, the CIA sent two totally 
conflicting documents. One was a teletype to the 
FBI, State Department and the Navy about Oswald 
contacting the Soviet embassy in Mexico City, 
inaccurately describing him as “approximately 35 
years old, with an athletic build, about six feet 
tall, with receding hairline...believed that 
Oswald was identical to Lee Henry Oswald", a 
seeming error made by the CIA in their initial 
filing of 1960 when the CIA finally (and 
mysteriously) opened a file on Oswald a year 
after his defection and his threat to reveal military secrets to the Soviets.

The other document was a cable sent two hours 
later to the station in Mexico: "Oswald is five 
feet ten inches, one hundred sixty five pounds, 
light brown wavy hair, (and) blue eyes." This 
description came from his mother to the FBI’s 
John Fain years earlier, which then ricocheted 
back and forth between INS, the FBI and CIA for 
years after that, although Oswald’s weight only 
varied between 130-150 and was 150 at the time of 
his death. The description sent to the FBI, the 
State Department, and the Navy is a deliberate lie.

The wording of this cable was repeated to the 
Dallas police officers almost verbatim in a 
mysterious call-in to the dispatcher fifteen 
minutes after Kennedy was shot: “white, slender, 
weighing about one hundred sixty five pounds, 
about five feet ten inches tall, and in his early 
thirties.” Despite repeated attempts to find out 
the source, even J. Edgar Hoover had to admit 
that the information came from “an unidentified citizen”.

Both of these messages were drafted by Mexico 
City desk officer Charlotte Bustos, while a key 
role in checking for accuracy was played by Ann 
Egerter of Angleton’s CI/SIG mole-hunting unit 
(the woman who opened the 201 file on "Lee Henry 
Oswald") This may have been as part of a larger 
strategy to confuse the FBI, with the goal to 
withhold information about its anti-Cuban 
operations in Mexico City. Egerter admits that 
she thought Oswald “was up to something bad” and 
that she knew he had spoken with a KGB agent at the Mexican embassy.

Vicente comes through for the CIA on October 27

Right on October 27, as predicted in the NY FBI 
memo earlier that month, Vicente came through. He 
provided the Agency with the FPCC stationery they 
sought, as well as a ten page mailing list. He 
also provided them with "one hundred photos of 
the financial records and general activities", 
which included a recent letter from Oswald.

In any case, Vicente brought home the bacon. 
Special Agent James Kennedy wrote that he was 
"...advised that CIA was interested in obtaining 
samples of FPCC stationery and also the existing 
foreign mailing list of FPCC. On 10/27/63, 
NY-3245-S* furnished the above material to agents 
of the NYO...3245-S* is a highly confidential 
source, the unauthorized disclosure of which 
could be prejudicial to national defense interests.”

After the assassination, Taber, wracked with 
guilt, appears to have gone over to the other side

"At approximately 9:45 pm on the night of 
11/22/63, ROBERT TABER telephonically contacted 
the NYO at which time it was immediately evident 
TABER had been drinking heavily He at first asked 
to speak with SAS JAMES A DAY and LUNDQUIST, who 
had previously interviewed him in Boston and NY, 
and then spoke to HAROLD HOEG. He was regretful, 
saying he wished he had never heard of the 
“damned outfit” the FPCC. Told him they wanted 
him to cure his perjury about the Cuban funding, 
he said he wanted to but didn’t want to go back 
to jail, he’s “got four years under his belt” 
(note: to the SISS, he told them he did eight 
years) FBI told him it was the best way to avoid 
prosecution. Taber called HOEG again on 12/5, and had a similar conversation.

The CIA and the Assistant AG Yeagley discussed 
plans to have a grand jury sit on 1/15/64 and 
prosecute Taber for perjury about Cuba's Raul Roa 
being the source of FPCC's original 1960 start-up 
ad, as well as failure for FPCC to register, 
based on his statements to Lundquist on 11/22 while intoxicated.

But, instead, FBI founder Robert Taber is 
interviewed by Lundquist and O'Flaherty, and 
offers to provide info to the CIA, and even 
called back Lundquist on information about 
another case - almost certainly the report about 
seeing "Lt. Harvey Oswald" in Cuba after the Bay 
of Pigs invasion. Taber admitted that he checked 
out of hospital on crutches in third week of 
April, 1961 and went to Sloppy Joe’s tavern in 
Havana, but denied knowing anything about Lt. Lee 
Oswald or anyone named Oswald.

Taber affirms that he’s willing to assist the US 
government. A situation can be created to make it 
look like he’s fleeing to Cuba to avoid 
prosecution. When Taber was interviewed by CIA, 
the agency initially said it was very interested 
in Taber’s offer. It is to be noted that both 
newspaper articles in the accompanying letterhead 
memo feature the possible prosecution of Taber, Gibson, and Lee.

Like with Gibson, the CIA apparently got cold 
feet. On March 2, 1964, Henry Real said that CIA 
plans to use Taber are “indefinite”. During March 
1964, Robert Taber applied for employment with 
the CIA. The CIA's Office of Security rejected 
him because "In view of Subject's notorious 
background, which raises serious questions on his 
honesty, loyalty, integrity and (deleted) 
trustworthiness, (deleted). Leo J. Dunn." Wannall 
grumbled to Sullivan a couple of months later 
that they should empanel a grand jury against 
Taber if he goes to Cuba as he has discussed.

During 1965, Taber released his classic work on 
guerilla insurgency, War of the Flea. Ominously, 
this book was reprinted in 2002 by Potomac Press, 
with a new foreword by Bard E. O'Neill, a 
military counterintelligence author. The book is 
now a standard reference for the US military on counterinsurgencies.

In 1966, it appears that the plan Taber discussed 
with the CIA may have ripened into fruition. The 
CIA reported that Robert Taber asked for and 
received political asylum in Cuba. Allegedly, he 
was facing prison due to perjury before the Internal Security Committee.

Taber, like Gibson, clearly had some weak moments.

Virtually all the FBI agents named here were 
among the 18 punished by Hoover, and then chosen 
to lead the investigation into the assassination

18 FBI agents were punished by Hoover for their 
pre-assassination work. Lundquist and Hoeg of New 
York were two of them. At an HSCA hearing Gale 
stated, “Tolson called me on two of the agents in 
New York they (the Warren Commission or the FBI) 
found had, they felt, were derelict in the way 
they had reported the matter, and he asked me if 
we had found those...and I told him that, yes, we had found those.”

Hoover believed that Oswald's background as a 
Soviet defector (and marrying the daugther of a 
Soviet intelligence officer) triggered espionage 
concerns; and his FPCC activism triggered 
security concerns. The FBI files available to 
Hoover also revealed that Oswald had initially 
threatened to provide US military secrets to the 
Soviets in exchange for citizenship and that he 
was presently a self-declared Marxist.. For these 
reasons, Hoover felt that Oswald should have been 
on the Security Index, and certainly should not 
have been removed from the Watchlist.

The others punished included Gheesling for 
removing the FLASH, Elbert Turner for not taking 
action on the CIA memo received the day after 
Gheesling removed the FLASH, and Hosty, Kaack, 
and Lambert L. Anderson for not following up more 
aggressively. Fain would have been punished, but 
he retired in 1962. Nevertheless, the same men 
proceeded to lead the post-assassination investigation as well.

As soon as the investigation was over, the FBI 
knew what it had to do to protect its role in 
history. The Director's office told New York that 
since Warren Commission had issued its report, 
“you are now authorized to mail an updated copy 
of the letter previously submitted. Include a 
number of spelling and typographical errors in 
the letter and use commercially purchased 
stationery. Use every possible precaution to 
ensure that the letter cannot be traced to the 
FBI”. Originally submitted for approval three 
months earlier was a hit-piece on the “left-wing 
background and moral degeneration of Mark Lane”.

The FPCC legacy remains a powerful one

The FPCC provides a legacy of resistance. It was 
an antiwar organization and a solidarity 
organization, much like CISPES (Committee in 
Support of People of El Salvador). Berta Green, 
to this day, continues to organize against the 
wars in Iraq and Afghanistan. It is still a force 
in present day America - when co-founder Alan 
Sagner was nominated as head of the Corporation 
for Public Broadcasting, Senator John McCain 
red-baited him about his history with the FPCC. 
(Sagner said good things about the founding of 
the FPCC, and then weaseled out with, “Within a 
year of two after the group was organized...I 
perceived that people were getting involved whose 
purpose and mission was different than mine.”)

Fair Play stood in solidarity with Cubans, and 
also with African Americans. Cubans helped build 
it, and part of the reason for the FPCC’s decline 
is that so many of them went back to Cuba.. Some 
people fell or lost faith in the struggle; some 
were strengthened; and some we won't be sure 
about until all the files are opened.

The work of the FPCC and its allies made any 
successful invasion of Cuba impossible. They blew 
the whistle on the Bay of Pigs loudly and clearly 
for months before the invasion. They mounted 
resistance to the war plans of US military and 
intelligence advisors in the Bay of Pigs 
aftermath. The agencies retaliated by 
infiltrating the FPCC and demonizing its 
leadership. When JFK was allegedly killed by the 
FPCC activist Lee Harvey Oswald, the agencies had 
to hide their war plans from the Warren 
Commission in order to avoid punishment for 
public exposure of their illegal plans to 
assassinate Castro, violate the Neutrality Act by 
creating shadow armies and navies, and engage in 
dirty tricks on American citizens exercising 
their First Amendment rights. The Kennedys’ 
AMTRUNK operation never regained its momentum and 
slowly petered out to a close by 1966.

LBJ was petrified that any Cuban connection with 
Oswald could result in World War III. That’s how 
he persuaded Warren to chair the Warren 
Commission. LBJ didn’t know, and didn’t want to 
know, any details about the assassination. The 
net result was to greatly ease the heat on Cuba.

Many of these activists are still alive and with 
their shoulders bent in defense of Cuba, such as 
Saul Landau. Lawrence Ferlinghetti still operates 
the City Lights Book store in North Beach and 
continues to inspire at the age of 90. Many 
others are unknown to anyone but their loved 
ones. After the hard stories about that era, it 
heartened me to know that Rosa Parks came to 
Robert F. Williams' funeral in 1996 (he made it 
back to the USA in 1969, where all charges were 
ultimately dropped), and gave thanks that a 
warrior that faced so many dangers in the defense 
of the people was able to return home with his 
family and live a long and happy life. Think about what didn't happen to Fidel.

Fidel...Fidel...
your coffin passes by
thru lanes and streets you never knew
thru day and night, Fidel
While lilacs last in the dooryard bloom, Fidel
your futile trip is done
yet is not done
and is not futile
I give you my sprig of laurel."

Bill Simpich is an antiwar activist in the San 
Francisco Bay Area. The endnotes, with weblinks 
to the documents, are available with an email to 
<mailto:bsimpich at gmail.com>bsimpich at gmail.com. To 
see other historical documents from the sixties 
and seventies involving US intelligence and 
military plans, 
<http://www.maryferrell.org>maryferrell.org is a great resource.




Freedom Archives
522 Valencia Street
San Francisco, CA 94110

415 863-9977

www.Freedomarchives.org  
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