[News] Fair Play for Cuba and the Cuban Revolution
Anti-Imperialist News
news at freedomarchives.org
Sat Jul 25 10:22:12 EDT 2009
http://www.counterpunch.org/simpich07242009.html
July 24-26, 2009
How American Antiwar and Solidarity Movements in
60s Impeded an Effective Invasion of Cuba
Fair Play for Cuba and the Cuban Revolution
By BILL SIMPICH
July 26, Cubas most important holiday, is the
commemorative date in 1953 when Castro and his
forces unsuccessfully stormed the government
stockade at Moncada and ignited the Cuban
revolution. On a day like today, it should be
noted that Americans made a successful Cuban
invasion impossible with a campaign of determined resistance.
Antiwar and solidarity activists came together to
protect the Cuban revolution during the era of
1960-1963 - the era of the Bay of Pigs, the Cuban
missile crisis, and the JFK assassination - in
significant part due to organizations such as the
Fair Play for Cuba Committee (FPCC). Professor
(and CISPES activist) Van Gosse has done
groundbreaking research to make a good argument
that this period really was the birth of the New Left.
The release in the last few years of thousands of
CIA and FBI files reveals that this resistance
was central in preventing a successful invasion
of Cuba. Like most activist organizations, the
FPCC had approximately a three-year life cycle -
after that period, many of the core activists had
returned to Cuba or have moved on to other
pressing causes. In the period from 1960-1963,
recently released documents show the powerful
conflict between the forces of agitation (the
FPCC and its allies) and the forces of
provocation (the CIA, FBI and military). This
conflict ended with a political landscape that
made any future US invasion of Cuba impossible.
This story is not founded on a theory about who
killed JFK, but rather examines an overlooked conflict.
The story below is largely set in New York City,
the headquarters of the FPCC, and the revelation
here of a key informants identity explains how
different threads of this drama weave together.
As the Church Committee said in the seventies,
informants are used to raise controversial
issues and to take advantage of ideological
splits in an organization. Many of the documents
are hidden to protect the identity of the
informants, while the world is deprived of the
history of how these informants were used to
protect the US national security state.
An April 1960 New York Times advertisement paid
for by the Cuban government led to the formation of the FPCC
The founder and first leader of the FPCC was
Robert Taber, a CBS newsman who was befriended by
the Santos Buch family when they learned that
Taber was interested in telling the rebels' side
of the story about Castro and his followers. With
the help of the Santos Buch family, Taber
obtained a rare exclusive interview with Fidel
Castro while he was up in the mountains fighting
in 1957. This interview became the basis of the
CBS Special Report Rebels of the Sierra Maestra:
The Story of Cubas Jungle Fighters and his
renowned book on the rebels: M-26: Biography of
a Revolution. M-26" refers to the
aforementioned storming of Moncada on July 26, 1953.
Working with CBS newsman Richard Gibson, they
decided to run a full page ad in the New York
times in order to make a statement on the
importance of the Cuban revolution. Taber and
Santos-Busch went so far as to raise the money
for the ad by obtaining a big donation from the
Cuban government with the assistance of Raulito
Roa, the son of Cuban UN foreign minister Raul Roa.
The advertisement caused a minor sensation in a
number of different circles. The authors were
flooded with more than a thousand letters of
people ready to take action. Besides the
timeliness of the appeal, it was signed by other
leading lights in the literary community: Simone
de Beauvoir, Jean-Paul Sartre, Norman Mailer, Dan
Wakefield, even Truman Capote. African Americans
were prominent in the call - besides newsman
Richard Gibson of CBS, it was also signed by the
historian John Henrik Clarke, novelists James
Baldwin, Julian Mayfield and John O. Killens, and
the soon-to-be-famous Southern activist Robert F.
Williams. Other supporters in this period
included Linus Pauling and Allen Ginsberg.
The ad also caught the attention of the CIA's
Cuban affairs head William Harvey, whose love of
alcohol and firearms caused many to ask if he was
the role model for Ian Fleming's James Bond. Two
days after the ad ran, William Harvey bragged to
FBI counterintelligence chief Sam Papich. For
your information, this Agency has derogatory
information on all individuals listed in the attached advertisement.
Harvey was the head of Task Force W, a brigade of
2000 Cubans, a navy of speedboats, and 400
Americans based at CIA headquarters and the
JM/WAVE station in Miami. JM/WAVE may have been
the largest CIA base in history. Huge quantities
of arms and munitions passed through its gates.
The JM/WAVE station directed a wide range of
operations against Cuban shipping, aircraft and industrial sites.
The Socialist Workers Party and the Communist
Party were able to work together within the FPCC,
marking a break from a bad history going back to
the Depression era when 20,000 Communist
supporters marched through the streets to
denounce their Trotskyist competitors. Berta
Green of the SWP was able to provide deep
experience from her organizing efforts in Detroit
and more recently in New York City. Richard
Gibson was a bridge to people like Robert
Williams, Leroi Jones, journalist William Worthy
and other black activists in making the equation
between African American militance and solidarity
with Castro and Cuba's largely black population.
Within six months, the FPCC had 7000 members in
27 "adult chapters" and 40 student councils on
various college campuses with emerging student
leaders such as Saul Landau and Robert Scheer.
When Fidel met Malcolm X and other community
leaders at the Hotel Theresa in Harlem during the
late summer of 1960, it was the social event of
the year in New York for African Americans and radicals alike.
In December, 1960, William Worthy released the
documentary Yanqui, No!, with a camera crew
that included the legendary D.A. Pennebaker and
Albert Maysles. After doing a national tour for
Fair Play, his work led to an indictment for
traveling to Cuba - imposed on no other
journalist. The Ballad of William Worthy earned
a spot in the Phil Ochs canon:
William Worthy isnt worthy to enter our door
He just came back from Cuba, hes not American anymore
But it seems awfully funny to hear the State Department say
Youre living in the Free World
In the Free World you must stay.
Sensing a deepening problem, the anti-Castro
forces countered by investigating the funding of
the initial ad, calling the FPCC leaders before a
Congressional committee, the Senate Internal
Security Subcommittee with the
appropriate-sounding name of "SISS". It was also
known as the Eastland Committee; at the time,
James Eastland was probably the most racist
senator in the United States. The SISS was so
powerful that its chief prosecutor Julian
Sourwine had been known in the 48-state era as the "97th Senator".
On January 6, 1961 Santos-Buch told Sourwine in
executive session that he and Taber had received
the needed money from "eight different people".
The documents reveal that Santos Buch changed his
story on January 9 at a subsequent executive
session, and that he was also given a promise
that the CIA would help get a number of family
members out of Cuba. On January 9, Santos Buch
changed his story, at least in part because of
his desire to extricate his family from Cuba. On
January 10, Santos Buch publicly admitted that
the Cubans provided the crucial $3500 needed to
place the NYT ad. A week later, Jane Roman from
James Angleton's counterintelligence office in
the CIA reported that security concerns made it
too dangerous for the CIA to keep its promise to Santos Buch.
Taber had gone to Cuba the previous month, in
December 1960. For obvious reasons, he now felt
it was a good idea to stay. He passed on his
executive secretary duties to Richard Gibson,
covered the ensuing Bay of Pigs invasion, and was
wounded by mortar shells in the effort.
Meanwhile, CIA operatives David Phillips and
James McCord (of Watergate fame) ran an illegal
domestic surveillance on the FPCC throughout the
year of 1961 until the FBI apparently got wind of
it while they began their own operation. The CIA
then backed away from the FBIs turf for a period
of time. During this same period, Phillips was
running an anti-Castro media campaign in New
Orleans. Phillips was the recent recipient of the
CIAs Intelligence Medal of Merit for the
disinformation campaign he ran in Guatemala that
paved the way for the successful 1954 coup - it
was stated that this achievement has no parallel
in the history of psychological warfare.
The upsurge of protest against the Bay of Pigs invasion in the United States
Some people could sense the Bay of Pigs coming,
but the FPCC sounded the alarm. After the Nation
magazine warned about it in explicit terms during
November of 1960, the LA chapter held a press
conference to get the word out. They called upon
Congress to investigate immediately the
widespread reports indicating that the Central
Intelligence Agency is implicated in the training
of armed forces for an invasion of Cuba.
Persistent reports from Guatemala, Nicaragua and
Florida of invasion forces in these areas being
tied to the CIA raise into question U.S.
observance of the principle of nonintervention
into the domestic affairs of other countries.
At what is described by Van Gosse as a "massive
inaugural rally of San Francisco Fair Play" in
January 1961, the anarchist Beat poet Lawrence
Ferlinghetti wrote an homage to Castro and Walt
Whitman that sums up the passions of many people during this era.
One Thousand Fearful Words for Fidel Castro
I am sitting in Mikes Place trying to figure out
Whats going to happen
without Fidel Castro
Among the salami sandwiches and spittoons
I see no solution
Its going to be a tragedy
I see no way out
among the admen and slumming models
and the brilliant snooping columnists
who are qualified to call Castro psychotic
because they no doubt are doctors
and have examined him personally
and know a paranoid hysterical tyrant when they see one
because they have it on first hand
from personal observation by the CIA
and the great disinterested news services
I see no answer
I see no way out
among the paisanos playing pool
it looks like Curtains for Fidel
Theyre going to fix his wagon
in the course of human events...
The radio squawks
some kind of memorial program:
When in the course of human events
it becomes necessary for one people
to dissolve the political bonds
which have connected them with another
I see no way out
no escape
Hes tuned in on your frequency, Fidel
History may absolve you, Fidel
but well dissolve you first, Fidel
Youll be dissolved in history
Weve got the solvent
Weve got the chaser
and well have a little party
somewhere down your way, Fidel
Its going to be a Gas
As they say in Guatemala
Heres your little tragedy, Fidel
Theyre coming to pick you up
and stretch you on their Stretcher
Thats what happens, Fidel
when in the course of human events
it becomes necessary for one people to dissolve
the bonds of International Tel & Tel
and United Fruit
Fidel
How come you dont answer anymore
Fidel
Did they cut you off our frequency
Weve closed down our station anyway
Weve turned you off, Fidel
I was sitting in Mikes Place, Fidel
waiting for someone else to act
like a good Liberal
I hadnt quite finished Camus´ Rebel
so I couldnt quite recognize you, Fidel
walking up and down your island
when they came for you, Fidel
My Country or Death you told them
Well youve got your little death, Fidel
like old Honest Abe
one of your boyhood heroes
who also had his little Civil War
and was a different kind of Liberator
(since no one was shot in his war)
and also was murdered
in the course of human events
Fidel...Fidel...
your coffin passes by
thru lanes and streets you never knew
thru day and night, Fidel
While lilacs last in the dooryard bloom, Fidel
your futile trip is done
yet is not done
and is not futile
I give you my sprig of laurel."
In the immediate aftermath of the Bay of Pigs in
April 1961, the FPCCs national influence was at its highest point.
"Actions with up to 2,000 outside the United
Nations began the same day as the invasion and
lasted throughout the entire week of the crisis,
culminating in a rally of perhaps 5,000 in Union
Square on 21 April - the largest left wing
demonstration there or anywhere else in the US
since the execution of the Rosenbergs, and one
also unprecedented in that a young Communist and
a young Trotskyist shared the same public podium,
brought together by the 26th of July.
"...Meanwhile, San Francisco saw demonstrations
in which students played a leading role.
Coordinated actions on various Bay Area campuses
on 19 April were followed by a student-only rally
of 2,000 in Union Square on 20 April, and an
equally large all-ages Fair Play
demonstration...(where protesters) spontaneously
took to the streets of the downtown area to march
to the offices of Hearst's virulently anti-Castro
San Francisco Examiner, an unheard thing to do in those days."
Elsewhere, there was violence inflicted on
numbers of Fair Play protesters. Meeting halls
were shuttered in Los Angeles, Detroit, Newark
and Tampa. Campuses came alive with lively
actions at Cornell, Swarthmore, Madison,
Berkeley, City College, Yale, the University of Michigan and Oberlin.
On April 27, Hoover himself ordered his agents to
focus on pro-Castro activists, stating that the
FPCC illustrated "the capacity of a nationality
group organization to mobilize its efforts in
such a situation so as to arrange demonstrations and influence public opinion.
Right after the Bay of Pigs, the FBI organizes a
campaign of disruption against the FPCC
In response, FBI man number three Cartha Deke
DeLoach began a well-documented red-baiting
campaign against the FPCC during May 1961. "As
part of his counterintelligence responsibilities,
DeLoach developed a "Mass Media Program" that
included over 300 newspaper reporters,
columnists, radio commentators, and television news investigators."
Meanwhile, during that same month, something very
odd was going on in Havana. Dr. Enrique Lorenzo
Luaces told Army Intelligence that Taber
introduced him to Lt. Harvey Oswald, an arms
expert while having drinks at Sloppy Joe's,
better known as the "Sardi's for spies". When the
FBI interviewed Taber, he denied knowing Oswald.
A popular position to take, especially since the
common wisdom is that Oswald was continuously in
the USSR between 1959 and 1962.
During June, 1960, a few months after Oswald's
defection to the USSR in late 1959, J. Edgar
Hoover himself sent a memo to the State
Department alerting it to the possibility that an
imposter was using Oswald's identity. Hoover was
tipped to the problem by a telegram from Harold
F. Good at the New York field office. Former
Cuban Prime Minister Tony Varona testified to a
House committee that he believed Oswald was in
Cuba during 1961. There is a long and
well-documented history of reports involving
individuals impersonating Oswald, no matter where
one stands on the JFK assassination.
The FBI uses Victor Vicente, the head of the
FPCCs Social Committee and informant T-3245-S*,
to build a criminal case against Gibson
Back in Washington DC, SISS was now focusing its
attention on Richard Gibson, issuing a subpoena
for him to come to Washington and testify. They
wrote a letter to INS, asking them to take action
to stop Gibson from leaving the country before
his testimony. INS explained that American
citizens were virtually never given such a stop
order without a directive from the Secretary of
State. Within a matter of hours, such a directive
was issued against Gibson. Gibson spent years
abroad in the 1950s in expatriate circles, and
this directive was a serious blow to his freedom.
In Gibsons first appearance in April, 1961, he
told SISS that "on behalf of myself and the Fair
Play for Cuba Committee, and speaking personally
for myself and many other American Negroes, I can
only express delight at the utter and dismal
defeat of this act of international banditry."
The SISS, licking its wounds, ordered him to come
back with the FPCC membership list. When he came
back on May 16, he provided the mailing list, and
claimed that there was no way to separate the
FPCC members from those who were on the mailing
list. This infuriated the committee. The FBI was
asked to take action to obtain whatever
membership list could be found, as well as
anything else that would expose Gibson to perjury
charges. They immediately ordered a mail cover on
Gibson's home at 788 Columbus Circle.
On May 21 and 22, Special Agents Patrick
Lundquist and Harold Hoeg went inside the FPCC
offices and photographed the list provided to
them by informant T-3245-S*. The identity of
T-3245-S* has been the subject of serious
speculation over the years, especially because
the S is a symbol for a political informant.
With the flood of new documents released by the
government in the wake of the JFK Act, I can
confirm with confidence after long and careful
study that the identity of this informant is
Victor Thomas Vicente, who was the head of the
Social Committee for the FPCC. As the one willing
to do the difficult work of fundraising, he was
given special trust. Vicentes work proved invaluable.
The dean of the study of FBI black bag jobs,
also known as break-ins or surreptitious
entries for many years has been Athan G.
Theoharis, professor of history at Marquette
History. In a black bag job, the documents are
photographed rather than stolen, so that the
target does not know that its privacy has been
compromised. William Sullivan justified them in a
letter to the Directors office in 1966: Such a
technique involves trespass and is clearly
illegal; therefore, it would be impossible to
obtain any legal sanction for it. Despite this,
black bag jobs have been used because they
represent an invaluable technique in combatting
subversive activities...aimed directly at
undermining and destroying our nation.
Theoharis credits the FBI for eight black bag
jobs to the FPCC, far more than suffered by any
other group in his study. He discovered an
initial black bag job at the FPCC NY headquarters
during January, 1961, which I have not yet
located in the FBI records on-line. The second
one is clearly during the weekend of May 22-23, 1961.
The purpose for the entry was to obtain evidence
to contradict Gibsons testimony to SISS about
the FPCC membership list and to the Fair Play
publication. In the material provided by Vicente
in May, 1961, a voluminous mailing list was
included in this material, but the agents
reported that there was no way to determine
whether a code system was being used on this list
in order to designate members or subscribers
names of members of student groups were also
provided, but no membership list and no list of
subscribers to fair play was included in this
material. Thus, this material could not be used
to support a perjury charge against Gibson.
However, the data was used to focus on FPCC
operatives in Dallas, Tampa and Miami (major
cities in the southern United States). What is
fascinating is that the NY office mailed the
relevant portions of these mailing lists to Miami
got the mailing lists on 6/16/61, Dallas got the
lists on 6/19/61 in a letter from FED in the
New York office to Dir. FBI urging an
investigation of the principal FPCC leaders in
the area. Shortly after, Miami was asked to bring
the Tampa office into the hunt. The Tampa FPCC
had hundreds of members during this period, due
to the pro-Castro workers in the nearby cigar
factories. The president of the chapter during
this time, VT Lee, later became Gibson's
successor as the last national FPCC head. It
seems like the FBI wanted the focus to be on FPCC
members in the vicinity of Cuba. Within days, the
FPCC mailing list were circulating in right-wing
circles such as the Mississippi Sovereignty
Commission and the Florida Legislative Investigation Committee.
Taber returns to the USA, leaves the FPCC, is
hounded by the red-hunters, but curiously not
charged with perjury - while Gibson seeks
recruitment by the CIA in exchange for money
Taber returned to the US during the end of 1961.
The stories were various: One was that he was
"homesick"; another was that Cuban currency was
not convertible into American dollars. In any
case, Taber claimed that he could return
"quietly". He was subpoenaed in short order. He
resigned from the FPCC in February, and spoke
with the CIA and FBI on 3/19/62. On 4/10/62, he
had to testify again before SISS, this time in
executive session, where he was confronted with
his testimony that clashed with Santos-Buch about
the source of the money for the ad. Despite the
committee's fury at Taber, he was never charged
with perjury. Instead, his testimony was publicly
released in June 1963. Many people claim that
Taber had gone over to the CIA at this point. The
real question is more subtle - it isn't whether
he asked to be an informant, but whether his offer was ever accepted.
In a dramatic incident during the summer,
Gibson's problems with money finally got the best
of him. On July 16, 1962, Richard Gibson wrote a
letter to Thornton Hagert of Falls Church, VA,
the stepbrother of Philip Reiss of the Dept. Of
Agriculture. Gibson writes in the letter that
Reiss told him in the past that he is a former
CIA employee. Gibson wants to make contact with
the CIA, and suggests either the 799 Broadway
office or his home. (201-306052) (also see redacted version at 105-93072-80)
On July 24, 1962, the Nationalities Intelligence
Section get the OK to interview Gibson. On August
16, 1962, Gibson is interviewed by NY agents Hoeg
and Day. James Day writes the report in October,
after Gibson skipped the country heading for
Algeria in 9/12/62 - some say "just ahead of an
indictment" but I'm not convinced any indictment
was in the works based on these records. Gibson
initially went to Canada, and there is no sign of
pursuit or even concern by his departure by the intelligence agencies.
Although I don't see anything in the file
indicating a push for indictment of Gibson,
Gibson's story to Lee was that the Cuban Mission
told him that indictment was imminent. From
reviewing the documents, it seems like this was Gibson's cover story.
"On September 15, 1962, NY T-1 advised that on
the evening of September 14 Ted Lee (also known
as VT Lee) advised that Gibson's departure from
the United States was unexpected. Lee told the
source that someone from the CMUN (the Cuban
Mission to the UN) had contacted Gibson and had
told Gibson that things were getting hot for
Gibson in the United States and that it would be
necessary for Gibson to go to Canada for a short
time. According to what Lee told NY T-1, the
employee of the CMUN gave Gibson an envelope and
instructions. Lee further stated that when Gibson
got to the Cuban embassy in Ottawa, Canada,
Gibson was told that he should go to Algeria with
the result that Gibson left Ottawa, Canada by
plane on September 13, 1962 headed for Algeria.
Lee stated that Gibson told him of this when
Gibson called Lee from Ottawa, Canada on the
evening of September 12, 1962. Lee further
advised T-1 that very few people know of the
involvement of the CMUN in this matter and that NY T-1 should keep it secret."
Gibson says he will assist the FBI for money, as
he finds the FPCC no more than a translation
service and the whole leftist movement
"ineffective and inconsequential". He adds that
the Cubans are stupid and he hates stupidity, and
that the Communists have failed to help the Negro race.
Hoeg discusses in his report that he will submit
the New York offices recommendation for both a
tactical and strategic plan to be implemented to
disrupt, dissolve, or at least neutralize the
FPCC as a subversive organization.
Another report on this interview says: We
advised Attorney General (Robert F. Kennedy) re
(Gibsons) interview with New York office on
8/16/62 (redacted) wherein he wanted money to
denounce FPCC and wanted US to grant fugitive
Robert Williams immunity from prosecution if he
returned from Cuba. We told AG Gibson was
untrustworthy and we were not initiating any more
communication with him. Data herein will be given
AG, as well as CIA and State Department, which
agencies are aware of the previous interview.
FBI reports Gibson is in Algeria, speculates that
Gibson may have been picked up by the CIA as an
informant, but a handwritten note by Austin Horne
of the CIA says no. Chief of the Nationalities
Intelligence Section Raymond Wannall told his
boss domestic intelligence chief William Sullivan
that Gibson is very untrustworthy and the
approach has to be to accept any info he provides
but not to run Gibson as an informant.
A later document confirms that neither the FBI or
the CIA would accept Richard Gibsons help at
that time: "Gibson indicated that he was willing
to publicly denounce the FPCC, say he was duped,
that the FPCC is a tool of the Cuban government,
that it is ineffective, and anyone still
remaining loyal (to the FPCC) was just wasting
his time, or any other tactic subsequently
determined to be the most effective course of
conduct. However, there was an undertone that he
expected to be paid for any efforts in this
regard. He stated that it was his personal
opinion that it would be much more effective to
use the FPCC as a cover for intelligence and
counter-intelligence purposes, but when
questioned for his specific thinking in this
regard, he commented only that this could
possibly be worked out later." Gibson clearly had some weak moments.
The Cuban missile crisis - protesting against the end of the world
At this point, during October, 1962, the world
was in the full grip of the Cuban missile crisis.
Even when protesting against the end of the
world, FPCC activists did not get a lot of
support, but the show of resistence made the
powers that be even more irrational.
From Ron Ridenour's on-line book, Our America:
I later learned that everyone in the United
States was scared to death, even my friends.
There were daily air raid drillspractice drills
for children and workers in air raid shelters,
stacked with food and water supplies. Hoarding
became a national characteristic with rushes on
supermarkets. The American people were preparing
for a world war; they were not acting to prevent
one. A few thousand rare souls braved the
government-mass media-panic-created atmosphere to
take up picket signs. There were a few
demonstrations. The largest mustered about 10,000
people. They marched before the United Nations
plaza with slogans: US-USSR, No War Over Cuba,
and Hands Off Cuba. The latter, more radical
demand was opposed by the social democratic part
of the tiny minority who protested US
bellicosity. The American working classthe
population as a wholeshunned the left-wing like
pariahs. As Simone de Beauvoir wrote in Force of
Circumstance, To be genuinely left-wing in the
United States takes a great deal of character and
independence as well as openness of mind...(they
are) lonely and courageous men and women.
Van Gosse mentions that the FPCC-led demo in New
York on October 27 drew about 2500, and the
SANE-led one the next day had about 8000
participants. San Francisco FPCC led the biggest
one on the West Coast, with about 3500. These
were among the few actions led by FPCC that month
- the organization was already much smaller and
weaker than during the Bay of Pigs eighteen
months earlier. On October 8, the FPCC did put
together a picket line at the UN with 200
participants, where they were attacked with
bottles of red paint, rotten eggs and other objects.
The FBI "expanded its Security Index,
establishing a special "Cuban Section" that
included not only names of suspected Cuban agents
operating in the United States, but also of
people who had participated in organizations or
picket lines that supported Castro. Nearly twelve
thousand persons were included on the main index
and another twenty thousand in two reserve
indexes - all of whom were targeted for arrest as
"potentially dangerous" in the event of an "internal security emergency".
Oh, yes, the Security Index is still around,
under another name. After 1971, the Security
Index became ADEX during the 70s. From the 80s
on, it's been known as "Main Core". There's been
progress, of a sort - now, 8 million Americans
are apparently on the round-up list.
So members of the FPCC were on the Security
Index, but not Oswald. He was placed on the FBIs
watchlist (a level of slightly lesser severity,
denoted by a Wanted Notice Card) shortly after
he relinquished his passport at the US embassy in
Moscow. This would be lifted a month before the assassination, as shown below.
At the same time, Oswald became a subject of the
CIAs mail-reading project HT LINGUAL. Thus,
even though no CIA file was opened on Oswald for
more than a year, Angletons CI-SIG unit was
reading his mail, ostensibly because he was a
defector that might be contacted by the Soviets.
Right at the time of the final Bay of Pigs
prisoner exchange, the FBI and Vicente conduct a
key black-bag job at the FPCC office.
During April, 1963, Vicente reports the contents
of the FPCC bank statements from Chase for the
months of January through April 1963. Lee is the
person who can authorize withdrawal from the bank
account. The FBI agents are still trying to
develop volunteer Ed Linton as a source.
During this month, Victor Vicente stated that
Vincent Lee had telephonically contacted him and
asked that the NYC FPCC take care of the month's rent of the FPCC office.
Lee was on a speaking tour for the month of
April, and assured his colleagues that Ed Linton
would handle the office Monday-Wednesday, Lees
wife Marjorie Speece would handle the office
Thursday, and that the office would be closed on
Friday. The FBI agents entered on April 21, 1963
- a Sunday. Lee's final words on the subject were
that "Victor Vicente will handle anything of
importance that happens during his absence."
4/18/63 is the postmark date of the letter sent
from Dallas by Oswald to the national FPCC office
in New York, according to a It refers to
photographs of the below listed material made
available by NY 3245-S* on 4/21/63...in the event
any of this material is disseminated outside the
bureau, caution should be exercised to protect
the source, NY 3245-S*, and the communication
should be classified Confidential.
The FPCC notes stating that 50 pieces of
literature were forwarded to LHO on 4/19/63. Lee
informed the FBI that the notation was written by
him - but all the evidence is that he was out of
town at the time. It was a meaningless and stupid
falsehood, and he was probably covering for his
ally Vicente in an absent-minded fashion.
On 4/21/63, Vicente made available records and
correspondence currently maintained at FPCC
Headquarters
Approximately 100 photographs were
taken of this material
NYO will make appropriate
dissemination when the film is developed.
Hoover biographers Dr. Anthan G. Theoharis and
John Stuart Cox have a copy of the FBI NY
offices Surreptitious Entries file, maintained
informally in the SACs personal folder, which
says that the FBI did break into the FPCC offices during April, 1963".
On April 21, 1963, Vicente - advised that Lee H.
Oswald of Dallas, Texas, was in contact with FPCC
of New York City at which time he advised that he
passed out pamphlets for the FPCC.
Under the wing of the CIA, informant Victor
Vicente goes to Mexico City and meets Castro and Che
The document that tells us what was Vicente's
award for all of his hard work is a 7/10/63 memo
by CIAs Louis de Santi of the
counterintelligence division of the Special
Affairs Staff (SAS) which states: (T)he FBI
informant (blank) is an American-born (blank)
born in NYC (blank). He has been under FBI
control for nearly three years penetrating the
three pro-Castro organizations in NYC: the Fair
Play for Cuba Committee (FPCC); the Casa Cuba,
and the Jose Marti Club. Through the first two
years Subject was only a marginal asset, in the
last six months he has become a valuable
penetration for the FBI into the above 3
organizations as well as the (blank) having
apparently won the complete confidence of the
pro-Castro leaders and Cuban officials. (blank)
Recently he was asked to join the CPUSA
subject
has been instructed by his Cuban superiors to
take a camera with him to take pictures of Cuba
for organizational meetings in NYC.
The LAD/JFK Task Force wrote an analysis in the
70s that DeSanti debriefed the informant upon his
return to the US, and there is a reference that
there were interviews with Castro and Che Guevara.
In The Road to Dallas, author Robert Kaiser names
the document quoted above that identifies
Vicente: In July 1963, the agency infiltrated an
informer from the New York chapter of the Fair
Play for Cuba Committee, a Puerto Rican named
Victor Thomas Vicente, into Cuba, probably
through Mexico City. Vicente declined to settle
there, as the CIA hoped he might, but he met both
Castro and Che Guevara and was debriefed after he returned.
Upon his return to New York, Victor Vicente
showed a slide show of his recent trip to Cuba on
September 23 with about 100 persons in
attendance. The FPCC was still soldiering on with
hundreds of people attending the various New York
forums, but it appeared to be reaching the end of
the three year life cycle that is the natural
fate of most activist-oriented organizations.
Cuba was no longer in the news on a regular
basis. Getting the travel ban reversed seemed
hopeless in the political climate of the era. The
FPCC was undergoing more and more infiltration -
some of the FBI reports refer to as many as forty
informants. But the intelligence agencies plans
to make the FPCC look bad were to blow up in their face.
Throughout this period, CIA and Mafia forces were trying to assassinate Castro
Trafficante (Tampa), Marcello (Dallas) and Johnny
Roselli (Chicago) had the motive to assassinate
Castro, and they worked with CIA operatives like
William Harvey to get it done. In the wake of the
missile crisis, such an operation had to be done
in secret. Officials like William Harvey of Task
Force W, Deputy Director of Plans Richard Helms,
and Desmond Fitzgerald of the Special Affairs
Staff had not informed the CIA Director about
some of their plots, which forced them to cover
up after the JFK assassination. Harvey testified
to the HSCA that he and Helms concealed the
Castro assassination plots from the CIA director.
David Morales, the Chief of Operations at
JM/WAVE, was involved in all of the numerous CIA
actions against Castro in 1963. CIA documents
show that Morales was at an early AMTRUNK meeting
at a safe house in Washington, D.C., along with
Tad Szulc, New York Times reporter, someone
from the State Department, and two other CIA
agents, before the CIA and AMTRUNK apparently
went their separate ways in April. One of the
more spectacular efforts happened on March 13,
1963, when Morales and Colonel Rossellis team
tried to assassinate Castro from a house near the
University of Havana by firing a
mortar...bazookas, mortars and machine guns were
taken. Demond Fitzgerald handed poison to another
operative to kill Castro on the very day that JFK was shot.
The Kennedys had their own projects for a coup or to push the Soviets from Cuba
Kennedy also met with CIA officials in May 1962
and told them not to join forces with the Mafia
without personally contacting him.
As quietly as possible during 1963, the Kennedy
brothers were brewing their own Cuban disruption
campaign. They had a two-track strategy: A coup
launched from foreign shores if necessary, or an
agreement with Castro to rid the island of Soviet
influence. Working with a separate wing of the
CIA than those supporting the Cuban exiles, this
project was known as AM/WORLD.
The leaders of this effort were Manuel Artime and
Harry Ruiz-Williams, with the CIAs Harry
Hecksher as the main case officer. The plan to
create this junta in exile was picked up by the
Associated Press as early as May 1963. By
October, JFK had approved thirteen new sabotage
missions as well a project called AMTRUNK
proposed by New York Times correspondent Tad
Szulc to enlist Cuban military officers into the
coup effort. Although many referred to Artime as
the Kennedys Golden Boy, it is revealing that
the CIA referred to him as AM/BIDDY-1.
Oswald joins the FPCC and meets the CIAs David
Phillips of the anti-Castro forces, who is
involved in a deceptive operation designed to
counter the FPCC in foreign countries
During this same period Oswald used the
opportunity to build up his resume as the head of
his one-man FPCC chapter in New Orleans,
culminating in an arrest and widespread TV
coverage in August as he picketed on behalf of
the Fair Play for Cuba Committee and outraged his
Southern neighbors. The arrest for breach of the
peace grew out of a contrived fight between
Oswald and the anti-Castro DRE, after what looked
like a deliberately clumsy effort by Oswald to
pose as an ant-Castro activist to infiltrate the
DRE. Oswald even wrote VT Lee and described the
fight several days before it actually happened.
The head of the DRE was David Phillips.
At the beginning of 1963, the Cuban disruption
program Operation Mongoose is abolished with
Harveys departure. Harveys Task Force W now
becomes the Special Affairs Staff (SAS).
Throughout 1963, David Morales of the CIAs
Special Affairs Staff (SAS) was one of the
coordinators of operations against Castro
(including new assassination projects), and to
maintain contact with Cubans and other enemies of the Kennedys.
That autumn, when CIA agent David Phillips became
Chief of Cuban Operations in Mexico City, he
became one of these SAS coordinators. Phillips
was in effect rejoining the officers he had
worked with on the Bay of Pigs in 1961, at which
time he had been responsible for propaganda
operations against the newly-created Fair Play
for Cuba Committee. The SAS was packed with
people who wanted to invade Cuba and saw JFK as an impediment.
During September, Alpha-66 Cuban exile leader
Antonio Veciana met with David Phillips and Lee
Harvey Oswald in Dallas at the lobby of the
Southland Building for fifteen minutes. Oswald
was talking about something that we can do to kill Castro.
On 9/16/63, John Tilton of the CIA asked the FBI
to help obtain FPCC stationery and any existing
foreign mailing list in order to have a sample
to produce large quantities of propaganda in the
name of the (FPCC) in order to counter their
activities in foreign countries.
Tilton also said that the CIA was considering
planting deceptive information which might
embarrass the FPCC in areas where it has some
support. Tilton assured the FBI that no
"fabrication" would take place without advance notice and agreement.
The CIA request was directed to the
Nationalities Intelligence Section -to chief
Raymond Wannall. Its analogue in New York was
Harold Hoeg's Squad 312. The reply to CIA should be delivered via Liaison.
On 9/26/63, a memo then went out to SAC NY from
LL Anderson on behalf of Director Hoover. New
York should promptly advise whether the material
requested by CIA is available or obtainable. If
available, it should be furnished by cover letter
with enclosures suitable for dissemination to CIA by liaison.
This is right when Lee Harvey Oswald left for
Mexico City for a week, and repeatedly visited
the Soviet and Cuban embassies in an unsuccessful
quest for a visa to get to Cuba. Wasnt this the
foreign FPCC activity the CIA was gearing up to
counter? Transcripts of calls that were
supposedly made by Oswald to the Cuban embassy
reveal conversations so contrived that it is
obvious that an imposter was making these calls.
Photographs and a tape recording made available
to members of the Warren Commission showed that
someone impersonated Oswald in Mexico City. Even
Hoover said it to LBJ the morning after the assassination.
The 10/4/63 response from SAC NY James Kennedy
reiterated his understanding that "CIA desires
information regarding the availability of samples
of FPCC stationery and FPCC mailing lists in
connection with their consideration of plans to
counter the activities of FPCC in foreign
countries. The NYO plans to contact 3245-S* (Vicente) on 10/27/63."
The attached blind memo is a COINTELPRO letter
suggesting that VT Lee should be asked how many
dupes are still contributing to Castros
propaganda arm here in the US
his fervor for
Castros cause is directly related to the amount of funds being received.
Angeltons aide Jane Roman stated that the man
who takes over Cuban operations in WH/3/Mexico
on the 8th of October 1963 is named David
Phillips. The PR man who was key in bringing
down the Guatemalan government now has a second chance at getting Cuba right.
The next day after Phillips takes over Cuban
operations in Mexico, October 9, FBI supervisor
Marvin Gheesling canceled a FLASH notice on
Oswald that had kept him on the aforementioned
Watchlist among all FBI offices. As mentioned
earlier, Oswald was placed on this Watchlist due
to his defection to the USSR in 1959 and his
statements to the US embassy that he was going to
provide military secrets to the Soviet Union.
When Gheesling canceled the FLASH just hours
before the twin October 10 cables were sent by
the CIA containing critical information about
Oswald, he turned off the alarm switch on Oswald
literally an instant before it would have gone
off. Gheesling's explanation for why he released
the stop on 10/9/63 is contained in a memo to
FBI #2 man Clyde Tolson from Inspector Gale: The
stop was placed in event subject returned from
Russia under an assumed name and was
inadvertently not removed by him on 9/7/62 when case closed.
James W. Douglass, a Catholic theologian who has
pondered this question, suggests that Gheesling
may have been misled by Tilton's memo "into
thinking Oswald was only working under cover in
Mexico to counter the Fair Play for Cuba
Committee. As a CIA operative, Oswald did not
belong on the Security Index. Thus, his security
watch was lifted. His staged Soviet connection
could then be documented for scapegoating
purposes after Dallas, but without sounding a
national security alarm that would have put a
spotlight on Oswald and prevented Dallas from happening."
The next day, the CIA sent two totally
conflicting documents. One was a teletype to the
FBI, State Department and the Navy about Oswald
contacting the Soviet embassy in Mexico City,
inaccurately describing him as approximately 35
years old, with an athletic build, about six feet
tall, with receding hairline...believed that
Oswald was identical to Lee Henry Oswald", a
seeming error made by the CIA in their initial
filing of 1960 when the CIA finally (and
mysteriously) opened a file on Oswald a year
after his defection and his threat to reveal military secrets to the Soviets.
The other document was a cable sent two hours
later to the station in Mexico: "Oswald is five
feet ten inches, one hundred sixty five pounds,
light brown wavy hair, (and) blue eyes." This
description came from his mother to the FBIs
John Fain years earlier, which then ricocheted
back and forth between INS, the FBI and CIA for
years after that, although Oswalds weight only
varied between 130-150 and was 150 at the time of
his death. The description sent to the FBI, the
State Department, and the Navy is a deliberate lie.
The wording of this cable was repeated to the
Dallas police officers almost verbatim in a
mysterious call-in to the dispatcher fifteen
minutes after Kennedy was shot: white, slender,
weighing about one hundred sixty five pounds,
about five feet ten inches tall, and in his early
thirties. Despite repeated attempts to find out
the source, even J. Edgar Hoover had to admit
that the information came from an unidentified citizen.
Both of these messages were drafted by Mexico
City desk officer Charlotte Bustos, while a key
role in checking for accuracy was played by Ann
Egerter of Angletons CI/SIG mole-hunting unit
(the woman who opened the 201 file on "Lee Henry
Oswald") This may have been as part of a larger
strategy to confuse the FBI, with the goal to
withhold information about its anti-Cuban
operations in Mexico City. Egerter admits that
she thought Oswald was up to something bad and
that she knew he had spoken with a KGB agent at the Mexican embassy.
Vicente comes through for the CIA on October 27
Right on October 27, as predicted in the NY FBI
memo earlier that month, Vicente came through. He
provided the Agency with the FPCC stationery they
sought, as well as a ten page mailing list. He
also provided them with "one hundred photos of
the financial records and general activities",
which included a recent letter from Oswald.
In any case, Vicente brought home the bacon.
Special Agent James Kennedy wrote that he was
"...advised that CIA was interested in obtaining
samples of FPCC stationery and also the existing
foreign mailing list of FPCC. On 10/27/63,
NY-3245-S* furnished the above material to agents
of the NYO...3245-S* is a highly confidential
source, the unauthorized disclosure of which
could be prejudicial to national defense interests.
After the assassination, Taber, wracked with
guilt, appears to have gone over to the other side
"At approximately 9:45 pm on the night of
11/22/63, ROBERT TABER telephonically contacted
the NYO at which time it was immediately evident
TABER had been drinking heavily He at first asked
to speak with SAS JAMES A DAY and LUNDQUIST, who
had previously interviewed him in Boston and NY,
and then spoke to HAROLD HOEG. He was regretful,
saying he wished he had never heard of the
damned outfit the FPCC. Told him they wanted
him to cure his perjury about the Cuban funding,
he said he wanted to but didnt want to go back
to jail, hes got four years under his belt
(note: to the SISS, he told them he did eight
years) FBI told him it was the best way to avoid
prosecution. Taber called HOEG again on 12/5, and had a similar conversation.
The CIA and the Assistant AG Yeagley discussed
plans to have a grand jury sit on 1/15/64 and
prosecute Taber for perjury about Cuba's Raul Roa
being the source of FPCC's original 1960 start-up
ad, as well as failure for FPCC to register,
based on his statements to Lundquist on 11/22 while intoxicated.
But, instead, FBI founder Robert Taber is
interviewed by Lundquist and O'Flaherty, and
offers to provide info to the CIA, and even
called back Lundquist on information about
another case - almost certainly the report about
seeing "Lt. Harvey Oswald" in Cuba after the Bay
of Pigs invasion. Taber admitted that he checked
out of hospital on crutches in third week of
April, 1961 and went to Sloppy Joes tavern in
Havana, but denied knowing anything about Lt. Lee
Oswald or anyone named Oswald.
Taber affirms that hes willing to assist the US
government. A situation can be created to make it
look like hes fleeing to Cuba to avoid
prosecution. When Taber was interviewed by CIA,
the agency initially said it was very interested
in Tabers offer. It is to be noted that both
newspaper articles in the accompanying letterhead
memo feature the possible prosecution of Taber, Gibson, and Lee.
Like with Gibson, the CIA apparently got cold
feet. On March 2, 1964, Henry Real said that CIA
plans to use Taber are indefinite. During March
1964, Robert Taber applied for employment with
the CIA. The CIA's Office of Security rejected
him because "In view of Subject's notorious
background, which raises serious questions on his
honesty, loyalty, integrity and (deleted)
trustworthiness, (deleted). Leo J. Dunn." Wannall
grumbled to Sullivan a couple of months later
that they should empanel a grand jury against
Taber if he goes to Cuba as he has discussed.
During 1965, Taber released his classic work on
guerilla insurgency, War of the Flea. Ominously,
this book was reprinted in 2002 by Potomac Press,
with a new foreword by Bard E. O'Neill, a
military counterintelligence author. The book is
now a standard reference for the US military on counterinsurgencies.
In 1966, it appears that the plan Taber discussed
with the CIA may have ripened into fruition. The
CIA reported that Robert Taber asked for and
received political asylum in Cuba. Allegedly, he
was facing prison due to perjury before the Internal Security Committee.
Taber, like Gibson, clearly had some weak moments.
Virtually all the FBI agents named here were
among the 18 punished by Hoover, and then chosen
to lead the investigation into the assassination
18 FBI agents were punished by Hoover for their
pre-assassination work. Lundquist and Hoeg of New
York were two of them. At an HSCA hearing Gale
stated, Tolson called me on two of the agents in
New York they (the Warren Commission or the FBI)
found had, they felt, were derelict in the way
they had reported the matter, and he asked me if
we had found those...and I told him that, yes, we had found those.
Hoover believed that Oswald's background as a
Soviet defector (and marrying the daugther of a
Soviet intelligence officer) triggered espionage
concerns; and his FPCC activism triggered
security concerns. The FBI files available to
Hoover also revealed that Oswald had initially
threatened to provide US military secrets to the
Soviets in exchange for citizenship and that he
was presently a self-declared Marxist.. For these
reasons, Hoover felt that Oswald should have been
on the Security Index, and certainly should not
have been removed from the Watchlist.
The others punished included Gheesling for
removing the FLASH, Elbert Turner for not taking
action on the CIA memo received the day after
Gheesling removed the FLASH, and Hosty, Kaack,
and Lambert L. Anderson for not following up more
aggressively. Fain would have been punished, but
he retired in 1962. Nevertheless, the same men
proceeded to lead the post-assassination investigation as well.
As soon as the investigation was over, the FBI
knew what it had to do to protect its role in
history. The Director's office told New York that
since Warren Commission had issued its report,
you are now authorized to mail an updated copy
of the letter previously submitted. Include a
number of spelling and typographical errors in
the letter and use commercially purchased
stationery. Use every possible precaution to
ensure that the letter cannot be traced to the
FBI. Originally submitted for approval three
months earlier was a hit-piece on the left-wing
background and moral degeneration of Mark Lane.
The FPCC legacy remains a powerful one
The FPCC provides a legacy of resistance. It was
an antiwar organization and a solidarity
organization, much like CISPES (Committee in
Support of People of El Salvador). Berta Green,
to this day, continues to organize against the
wars in Iraq and Afghanistan. It is still a force
in present day America - when co-founder Alan
Sagner was nominated as head of the Corporation
for Public Broadcasting, Senator John McCain
red-baited him about his history with the FPCC.
(Sagner said good things about the founding of
the FPCC, and then weaseled out with, Within a
year of two after the group was organized...I
perceived that people were getting involved whose
purpose and mission was different than mine.)
Fair Play stood in solidarity with Cubans, and
also with African Americans. Cubans helped build
it, and part of the reason for the FPCCs decline
is that so many of them went back to Cuba.. Some
people fell or lost faith in the struggle; some
were strengthened; and some we won't be sure
about until all the files are opened.
The work of the FPCC and its allies made any
successful invasion of Cuba impossible. They blew
the whistle on the Bay of Pigs loudly and clearly
for months before the invasion. They mounted
resistance to the war plans of US military and
intelligence advisors in the Bay of Pigs
aftermath. The agencies retaliated by
infiltrating the FPCC and demonizing its
leadership. When JFK was allegedly killed by the
FPCC activist Lee Harvey Oswald, the agencies had
to hide their war plans from the Warren
Commission in order to avoid punishment for
public exposure of their illegal plans to
assassinate Castro, violate the Neutrality Act by
creating shadow armies and navies, and engage in
dirty tricks on American citizens exercising
their First Amendment rights. The Kennedys
AMTRUNK operation never regained its momentum and
slowly petered out to a close by 1966.
LBJ was petrified that any Cuban connection with
Oswald could result in World War III. Thats how
he persuaded Warren to chair the Warren
Commission. LBJ didnt know, and didnt want to
know, any details about the assassination. The
net result was to greatly ease the heat on Cuba.
Many of these activists are still alive and with
their shoulders bent in defense of Cuba, such as
Saul Landau. Lawrence Ferlinghetti still operates
the City Lights Book store in North Beach and
continues to inspire at the age of 90. Many
others are unknown to anyone but their loved
ones. After the hard stories about that era, it
heartened me to know that Rosa Parks came to
Robert F. Williams' funeral in 1996 (he made it
back to the USA in 1969, where all charges were
ultimately dropped), and gave thanks that a
warrior that faced so many dangers in the defense
of the people was able to return home with his
family and live a long and happy life. Think about what didn't happen to Fidel.
Fidel...Fidel...
your coffin passes by
thru lanes and streets you never knew
thru day and night, Fidel
While lilacs last in the dooryard bloom, Fidel
your futile trip is done
yet is not done
and is not futile
I give you my sprig of laurel."
Bill Simpich is an antiwar activist in the San
Francisco Bay Area. The endnotes, with weblinks
to the documents, are available with an email to
<mailto:bsimpich at gmail.com>bsimpich at gmail.com. To
see other historical documents from the sixties
and seventies involving US intelligence and
military plans,
<http://www.maryferrell.org>maryferrell.org is a great resource.
Freedom Archives
522 Valencia Street
San Francisco, CA 94110
415 863-9977
www.Freedomarchives.org
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