[News] Chávez Administration at 10 Years: The Economy and Social Indicators
Anti-Imperialist News
news at freedomarchives.org
Mon Feb 9 12:26:45 EST 2009
The Chávez Administration at 10 Years: The Economy and Social Indicators
http://www.venezuelanalysis.com/analysis/4182
February 6th 2009, by Mark Weisbrot, Rebecca Ray and Luis Sandoval - CEPR
For the full report in its original PDF format,
<http://www.cepr.net/documents/publications/venezuela-2009-02.pdf>click here.
Executive Summary
This paper looks at some of the most important
economic and social indicators during the 10
years of the Chávez administration in Venezuela,
as well as the current economic expansion. It
also looks at the current situation and challenges.
Among the highlights:
* The current economic expansion began when
the government got control over the national oil
company in the first quarter of 2003. Since then,
real (inflation adjusted) GDP has nearly doubled,
growing by 94.7 percent in 5.25 years, or 13.5 percent annually.
* Most of this growth has been in the non oil
sector of the economy, and the private sector has
grown faster than the public sector.
* During the current economic expansion, the
poverty rate has been cut by more than half, from
54 percent of households in the first half of
2003 to 26 percent at the end of 2008. Extreme
poverty has fallen even more, by 72 percent.
These poverty rates measure only cash income, and
does take into account increased access to health care or education.
* Over the entire decade, the percentage of
households in poverty has been reduced by 39
percent, and extreme poverty by more than half.
* Inequality, as measured by the Gini index,
has also fallen substantially. The index has
fallen to 41 in 2008, from 48.1 in 2003 and 47 in
1999. This represents a large reduction in inequality.
* Real (inflation adjusted) social spending
per person more than tripled from 1998-2006.
* From 1998-2006, infant mortality has fallen
by more than one third. The number of primary
care physicians in the public sector increased
12fold from 1999-2007, providing health care to
millions of Venezuelans who previously did not have access.
* There have been substantial gains in
education, especially higher education, where
gross enrollment rates more than doubled from 1999/2000 to 2007/2008.
* The labor market also improved
substantially over the last decade, with
unemployment dropping from 11.3 percent to 7.8
percent. During the current expansion it has
fallen by more than half. Other labor market
indicators also show substantial gains.
* Over the past decade, the number of social
security beneficiaries has more than doubled.
* Over the decade, the government's total
public debt has fallen from 30.7 to 14.3 percent
of GDP. The foreign public debt has fallen even
more, from 25.6 to 9.8 percent of GDP.
* Inflation is about where it was 10 years
ago, ending the year at 31.4 percent. However it
has been falling over the last half year (as
measured by three month averages) and is likely
to continue declining this year in the face of
strong deflationary pressures worldwide.
The current situation and challenges:
Venezuela's most important immediate challenge
is, as for most countries, the world economic
recession. This affects Venezuela's economy
mainly through oil prices, which have fallen
about 70 percent from their July peak last year.
At oil prices below $45 per barrel (for
Venezuelan oil), Venezuela would begin to run a
current account deficit. However, because
Venezuela has an estimated $82 billion in
reserves, it could finance a modest current
account deficit for some time - e.g. even if oil
prices were to remain at their current depressed
levels for the next two years. But economists and
the futures markets are not predicting oil prices
to remain at current levels for that long:
futures markets are pricing oil at above $60 per barrel in December 2010.
With balance of payments constraints unlikely,
Venezuela's main challenge in the near future
will be to come up with an adequate fiscal
stimulus package. Over the intermediate run, it
will also want to adjust its exchange rate to a
more a competitive level, in order to diversify
its economy away from oil. However, because of
its ample reserves, the government is unlikely to
suffer a forced devaluation in the foreseeable future.
Introduction
Hugo Chávez Frías was first elected president of
Venezuela in December 1998 and took office ten
years ago, in February of 1999. Chávez is a
controversial figure, and most discussion of his
tenure is polarized or otherwise ideological, and
mostly negative. This paper looks briefly at some
of the most important economic and social
indicators over the last decade, and also at the
current situation and challenges. It relies on
data that are not in dispute. Some of the most
important data have been largely unreported,
although they are publicly available.
Economic Growth
Figure 1 shows Venezuela's real quarterly GDP
from 19982008 (second quarter).[1] As can be seen
from the graph, growth appears to be heavily
influenced by various shocks, including political instability and strikes.
[]
There are different ways to evaluate the growth
performance of the Venezuelan economy during the
Chávez years. One is to simply look at GDP growth
since Chávez became president in the first
quarter of 1999. The latest (seasonally adjusted)
data available are for the second quarter of
2008. On that basis, the economy has grown 47.4
percent, or 4.3 percent annually over 9.25 years.
On a per capita basis, this is about 18.2
percent, or 1.9 percent annually. Although this
is a vast improvement over the two decades of
economic decline that preceded Chávez, it is
modest growth, about the same as the regional average.
However, looking at the entire decade is
misleading because the Chávez government did not
control the state owned oil company until the
first quarter of 2003. So for the first four
years, the state owned oil company (PDVSA), which
at the time accounted for more than half of
government revenue and 80 percent of export
earnings, was controlled by people who were
hostile to the government. Furthermore, the
managers of the company actually used their
control over these vital resources to destabilize
and even topple (temporarily) the government.
Under these circumstances there was not much that
the government could do to promote economic growth.
We could therefore measure growth from the time
that the government got control over PDVSA, in
the first quarter of 2003. This has the
disadvantage that part of the growth since that
time is a rebound from a deep recession.
Nonetheless it is a better measure to evaluate
the performance of the Chávez administration than
is the whole ten year period. Also, it could be
argued that this measure is relevant because even
the early part of the recovery was a difficult
achievement for the government. This was not a
normal business cycle but a deep economic
recession that involved considerable sabotage in
the oil industry. When the strike ended, analysts
quoted in the business press predicted a slow and
painful recovery, with much difficulty restoring oil production.
Looking at growth from the first quarter of 2003,
real GDP grew by 94.7 percent over 5.25 years, or
13.5 percent annually. This is extremely rapid
growth by any historical or international
comparison. On a per capita basis, it was 78.8
percent, or 11.7 percent annually.
Finally, another way to measure growth that
cancels out the effect of the rebound from the
20022003 oil strike is to start from the point
where GDP reached is pre recession peak. This
would be the third quarter of 2004. On this
basis, GDP grew 37.2 percent over 3.75 years, or
8.8 percent annually. On a per capita basis, this
is 28.2 percent, or 6.9 percent annually. This is
also very rapid growth by almost any international or historical comparison.
[]
By any reasonable comparison, then, the growth
experience of the Venezuelan economy during the
Chávez years has been very successful. Of course
this is even more true if we compare to the two
decades prior to Chávez's election, when the
Venezuelan economy actually suffered a decline in
per capita GDP, and one of the worst in the world
during this period. From 19781998, Venezuela's
per capita GDP declined by 21.5 percent.
Figure 1 shows some detail about how the economy
was influenced by external shocks, especially
those related to political instability. Chávez
took office with the lowest oil prices in 22
years; the first year was marked by negative
growth. This trend reversed by the first quarter
of 2000, and the economy grew until the third
quarter of 2001, a time of great political
instability. In December of 2001 the Venezuelan
Chamber of Commerce (FEDECAMARAS) organized a
general business strike against the government.
This political instability, with much capital
flight, continued through April 2002, when the
elected government was overthrown in a military
coup. The constitutional government was restored
within 48 hours, but stability did not return, as
the opposition continued to seek to topple the
government by extralegal means. Growth remained
negative through the summer and fall of 2002, and
then the economy was hit with the opposition led
oil strike of December 2002 - February 2003. This
plunged the economy into a severe recession
during which Venezuela lost about 24 percent of
its GDP. The economy began to recover in the
second quarter of 2003 and has grown very rapidly
since then, with one dip in the first quarter of 2008.
Components of Economic Growth
As can be seen from Figure 2 and Table 2, the non
oil sector has accounted for the vast majority of
the growth during the current expansion. In fact,
the oil sector had negative growth for 20052007,
after a 13.7 percent jump in 2004 after
production was restored following the strike.
Even in 2004, however, the non oil sector grew faster than the oil sector.
It is also worth noting that in spite of the
expansion of government during the Chávez years,
the private sector has grown faster than the
public sector. This has also been true throughout
the current expansion, with the exception of
2008, where the public sector accounted for
almost all of the growth in the first three quarters.
The fastest growing sectors of the economy have
been finance and insurance, which has grown 258.4
percent during the current expansion, an average
of 26.1 percent annually; construction, which has
grown 159.4 percent, or 18.9 percent annually;
trade and repair services (152.8 percent, or 18.4
percent annually); transport and storage (104.9
percent, or 13.9 percent annually);
communications (151.4 percent, or 18.3 percent
annually). Manufacturing grew 98.1 percent during
the expansion, or 13.2 percent per year.
[]
Poverty and Inequality
As can be seen in Table 3, there has been a huge
decline in poverty and extreme poverty during the
current economic expansion. The percentage of
households in poverty declined by more than half,
from 54 percent in the first half of 2003, to an
estimated 26 percent at the end of 2008. The
percentage of households in extreme poverty fell
by even more: a 72 percent decline, to seven
percent of total households. This is a
significant achievement, and puts Venezuela
within reach of eliminating extreme poverty
altogether. It is worth noting that the United
Nations' Millennium Development Goals call for a
reduction in extreme poverty by half over the period 19902015.
If we take the first half of 1999 as the starting
point, the percentage of households in poverty
has been reduced by 39 percent, from 42.8 percent
to 26 percent. Extreme poverty fell by over half,
from 16.6 percent to seven percent.
There has also been a sharp drop in inequality,
as measured by the Gini index. Since Chávez's
election, the Gini index has dropped by almost
six points, from 46.96 to 40.99. In this most
recent expansion, the drop has been even greater:
over seven points, from 48.11 to 40.99. For a
rough idea of the size of such a change in the
distribution of income, compare this to a similar
movement in the other direction: from 19802005,
the Gini index for the United States went from
40.3 to 46.9,[2] a period in which there was a
large (upward) redistribution of income.
[]
Health and Education
Health
Venezuelans, especially children, have benefited
from the government's social policies over the
past decade through improved health outcomes. As
shown in Figure 4, infant mortality has decreased
by over onethird, falling from 21.4 to 13.7
deaths per 1,000 live births. Likewise, child
mortality has fallen by over onethird, from 26.5
to 17.0 deaths per 1,000 live births. The
greatest benefit has been for children between
the ages of one and eleven months: post neonatal
mortality has been cut by more than half, falling
from 9.0 to 4.2 deaths per 1,000 live births.
[]
Venezuelans have seen a similar improvement in
food security. Average caloric intake has risen
from 91.0 percent of the recommended levels in
1998 to 101.6 percent in 2007. Even more
importantly, malnutrition related deaths have
fallen by more than 50 percent, from 4.9 to 2.3
deaths per 100,000 in population between 1998 and
2006. Two new programs have helped reach this
goal. First, the PAE school feeding program,
which provides a free breakfast, lunch, and
snack, began in 1999 serving a quarter million
students and has risen to over four million students in 2008.
Secondly, the Mercal network of government food
stores began in 2003 selling 45,662 metric tons
of deeply discounted food and has risen to a
level of 1.25 million metric tons in 2008.[3]
A third improvement in health outcomes has seen
potable water and sanitation accessible to many
more Venezuelans than before Chávez's election.
As Figure 5 shows, in 1998, 80 percent of
Venezuelans had access to drinking water and 62
percent had access to sanitation. In 2007, 92
percent had access to drinking water and 82
percent had access to sanitation. Compared to
1998, then, roughly four million more Venezuelans
now have access to clean drinking water, and over
five million more Venezuelans now have access to sanitation.
[]
These achievements have been facilitated by a
large expansion in access to medical care. From
1999 to 2007, the number of primary care
physicians in the public sector increased more
than twelve times, from 1,628 to 19,571,
providing health care to millions of poor
Venezuelans who previously did not have access to
health care. In 1998 there were 417 emergency
rooms, 74 rehab centers and 1,628 primary care
centers compared to 721 emergency rooms, 445
rehab centers and 8,621 primary care centers
(including the 6,500 neighborhood clinics,
usually in poor neighborhoods) by February 2007.
These new community healthcare centers have had
over 250 million healthcare consultations: nearly
37,000 each since the program began. Since 2004,
399,662 people have had eye operations
that restored their vision. In 1999, there were
335 HIV patients receiving anti retro viral
treatment from the government, compared to 18,538 in 2006.[4]
Education
Improvements in education are visible for both
young and nontraditional age students.
Traditionalage enrollment has risen
significantly, as shown in Figure 7. Net
enrollment at the basic (grades 19) level has
risen from 85 percent to 93.6 percent, and
secondary enrollment has risen even more, from
one fifth to over one third of the population.
The increase in basic education enrollment
represents 8.6 percent of children age 5 through
14, or nearly a half million children in school
who would otherwise be without education. For
secondary education, the increase means that 14.7
percent of children ages 15 through 19, or nearly
400,000 children, have been able to stay in
school as a direct result of improved social investment.[5]
The largest gains have been seen in higher
education: from the 19992000 school year to
20062007, enrollment increased by 86 percent;
estimates for the 20072008 school year put the
increase at 138 percent from the 19992000 base.[6]
The Chávez administration has also initiated the
Ribas Mission to provide secondary education for
returning adult students. The Ribas Mission began
in 2003 and its first students graduated in 2005.
In its first three years of operations, the
program has graduated over half a million
students - about three percent of the country's
adult population.[7] The government also carried
out a large scale literacy training program, Mision Robinson.[8]
Labor Market and Social Security
Labor Market
Venezuelan workers face a substantially better
labor market than a decade ago, as shown in Table
4. There are now 2.9 million more jobs than in
1998, which represents a one third increase. The
unemployment rate has dropped from 11.3 percent
to 7.8 percent; it rose to 19.2 percent in 2003,
but has fallen by over half since that time.
There has also been a significant increase in job
quality, as measured by formal sector employment.
Over half of the labor force - 51.8 percent - is
now employed in the formal sector, up from 45.4
percent in 1998. Most of the job growth have been
in the private sector, but both sectors have
outpaced the growth in the labor force: the
decade has seen a 47.2 percent increase in public
sector jobs and a 30.6 percent increase in private sector jobs.
Also, the rate of employment (employed as a
percentage of the labor force) has increased
enormously during the current expansion, from
80.8 percent to 92.2 percent. Measured from 1999
it is much less but still substantial, increasing
from 88.7 percent. In sum, the labor market
indicators, by any comparison, all show
substantial improvement during the Chávez
administration. These are consistent with the
reduction in poverty as measured by cash income.
[]
Social Security
For those beyond employment age, widowed,
orphaned, or unable to work due to a disability,
the social security programs have vastly expanded
their protection, as shown in Figure 8. The reach
of old age, disability, and survivors benefit
programs has more than doubled since 1998. Among
the entire population, this figure has risen from
1.7 percent receiving benefits to 4.4 percent. As
is the case for other indicators, social
security's performance was slow at the beginning
of Chávez's term, actually fell slightly during
the oil strike, and has grown very rapidly since
2003, when Venezuela recovered from the oil
strike and the government gained control over the oil sector.
[]
Government Finance and Current Account
Government revenues have benefited enormously
from the rising price of oil until last year;
world oil prices rose from an average of $19.3
per barrel in 1999 to $99.7 per barrel in
2008.[9] However, it is worth noting that nonoil
revenue also increased significantly as a
percentage of GDP over the decade, from 11.7
percent of GDP in 1998 to 14.2 percent of GDP in
2007. This was due to improved tax collection.
Revenue and spending are shown in Table 5. As can
be seen, revenue increased from 17.4 percent of
GDP in 1998 to 28.7 percent of GDP in 2007.
Spending also increased, from 21.4 to 25.7
percent of GDP over this period. The government
ran a fiscal surplus of 3 percent of GDP for
2007; there are still no official figures available for 2008.
It is important to note that not all government
spending is included in these figures for central
government finances. Much of the government's
spending has, in recent years, been carried out
directly from PDVSA, the state oil company. For
example, in the first three quarters of 2008
(January through September) PDVSA had $13.9
billion, or 6.1 percent of GDP in public expenditures.
It is also worth noting that real (inflation
adjusted) social spending per person more than
tripled from 1998-2006.[10] Over the decade, the
government's total public debt has fallen from
30.7 to 14.3 percent of GDP. The foreign public
debt has fallen even more, from 25.6 to 9.8 percent of GDP.
[]
[]
[]
Inflation and the Exchange Rate
Figure 10 shows the monthly year over year
inflation over the past decade, as measured by
changes in the Caracas Consumer Price Index.
President Chávez took office with inflation at
29.5 percent. This dropped to 12.3 percent over
the next three years, then soared to a peak of
38.7 percent in February of 2003 as a result of
the economic destruction caused by the oil strike
at that time. After the strike ended in that
month, the economy grew very rapidly while
inflation declined sharply to a low of 10.4
percent in May of 2006. It then began an upward
climb that, except for a dip from
FebruaryDecember 2007, brought inflation to a
peak of 36 percent in September of 2008, from
which it has since declined to 32 percent.
[]
However, the year over year numbers give only a
rough picture of current trends. For a more
detailed picture, it is better to look at three
month intervals and separate out the core
(excluding food and energy) from headline
inflation. This is especially important because
food and energy prices surged worldwide in the 15
months from April 2007 to July 2008, and then fell back sharply.
As can be seen in Figure 11, headline inflation
in Venezuela during the year ending July 2008
averaged 33.7 percent with core inflation
averaging 28.7 percent over the same period. Both
figures are significantly higher than they were
in the two previous years -17.2 and 16.5 percent
respectively. However, recent inflation has been
concentrated in the first half of 2008 and has
abated considerably in the second half. The three
month average headline inflation peaked in
January at 54.3 percent and for the three months
ending in December ran only 31.4 percent. Core
inflation also peaked at 43.8 percent in the
three months ending in January, but now stands at 24.7
percent. While this rate of inflation is still
much higher than the previous couple of years
(although still low by Venezuela's historical
standards) the considerable deceleration of
inflation during 2008 does not appear to be
cyclical, but rather the passing of temporary price shocks.
Given the trajectory of the regional and world
economy, inflation is likely to continue
declining this year, in the absence of
unanticipated events and/or serious shortages.
Inflation itself, then, does not seem to be a
direct threat to economic growth in Venezuela,
although the government will want to bring it down over time.[11]
[]
The more serious problem posed by Venezuela's
inflation is that, due to Venezuela's fixed
exchange rate regime, it contributes to a growing
and ultimately unsustainable overvaluation of the
country's real exchange rate. The bolivar is
pegged at 2,150 to the dollar; it was fixed at
1,600 in February 2003 when the government
implemented foreign exchange controls. If we
assume that the currency was neither overvalued
nor undervalued when the exchange controls were
implemented - more likely it was already
overvalued - we would expect a depreciation to
about 4,200 (or 4.2 Bolivares Fuertes) as a result of Venezuela's inflation.
Thus the Venezuelan currency is at least 49
percent overvalued relative to the dollar. It is
worth noting that this is not necessarily
overvalued to the extent indicated by the
parallel market rate, which fluctuates
considerably and is currently at about 5,400
bolivares to the dollar. Nonetheless the currency
is still very overvalued. This is something that
will have to be remedied if Venezuela is going to
pursue a long term development strategy that
diversifies the economy away from oil. An
overvalued currency discourages the development
of non oil sectors, exports and import competing
sectors, and especially manufacturing. It makes
imports artificially cheap and the country's
exports more expensive on world markets, thus
putting the country's tradable goods at a serious
disadvantage in both international and domestic
markets. As can be seen from the data on sectoral
growth, manufacturing did not grow. This is a
serious long term development problem. There are
also distortions and inefficiencies associated
with the system of exchange controls and the parallel market.
The overvalued fixed exchange rate, combined with
present levels of inflation, thus presents a
significant intermediate term problem. Even if
inflation is stabilized and begins to be reduced,
so long as it remains at or near current levels
and the nominal exchange rate remains fixed,
Venezuela's currency will become increasingly
overvalued in real terms. This will increasingly
squeeze domestic production outside of oil and
non tradables, and would eventually become
unsustainable. It is worth noting that the growth
in manufacturing has fallen sharply in 2008 (see
table 2 above); it is possible that the
overvalued exchange rate has contributed to this
decline, and very likely that it has limited the
overall growth of manufacturing relative to other
sectors of the economy (see above) during the current economic expansion.
Nonetheless, Venezuela's overvalued exchange rate
does not present the kind of immediate threat
that e.g., overvalued exchange rates in
Argentina, Mexico, Brazil, or Russia presented in
the 1990's, where a sudden and forced devaluation
was imminent. The Venezuelan government still has
a number of options for bringing the currency to
a more competitive level over time. There is no
reason to think that the government would be
forced to devalue, nor would a devaluation
necessarily have to be sudden or drastic.
The Current Situation and Looking Forward
The Venezuelan economy slowed in 2008, to an
estimated 4.9 percent growth rate, from 8.4 in
2007. The slowdown was probably at least partly
due to government efforts to slow inflation in
2007. From February to September 2007, monthly
year over year inflation dropped from 20.4 to
15.3 percent (see Figure 10, above), before
rising again. Another change that may have
contributed to the slowdown in growth was a
decline in public sector capital formation. Table
7 shows that public sector capital formation
slowed sharply in 2007. It had previously grown
quite rapidly throughout the expansion, although
not as fast as in the private sector. For 2008,
there is not yet a breakdown between public and
private capital formation, but total capital
formation (public and private) actually declined
by 1.5 percent. This is a problem that will have
to be addressed if the economy is to continue at
a healthy rate of growth; right now it appears
likely that the government will address this
problem in the near future through a stimulus
program that includes public spending on
infrastructure and other public investment.
[]
Like almost all developing countries, Venezuela
faces a number of challenges in 2009. World
economic growth is falling drastically; the IMF
has now lowered its estimate for World GDP growth
to 0.4 percent, the lowest since World War II and
down from an actual GDP growth of five percent in
2007. The ILO estimates that between 30 and 50
million people will be added to global
unemployment. The global financial crisis, which
the IMF now estimates will result in $2.2
trillion in losses in the United States alone, is
still not resolved, and it is increasing the cost
and reducing the availability of credit in developing countries.
Venezuela does not receive any significant
foreign investment from the United States or
other countries that have been hard hit by the
financial crisis and economic slowdown. The most
important, and practically the only, direct
impact of these external events on Venezuela is
through oil prices. Petroleum exports are
currently about 93 percent of Venezuela's exports.
The relevant question for Venezuela is therefore
how far oil prices would have to fall before the
country would begin to run an unsustainable
current account deficit. This is the binding
constraint for developing countries. In other
words, the United States, Europe, and Japan will
- inasmuch as they choose to do so - pursue
expansionary monetary and fiscal policies,
including deficit government spending, in order
to counteract the current recession. Developing
countries can and ideally should do the same, but
unlike these rich countries, they face a
constraint due to the fact that their national
currencies are not "hard" currencies. Therefore
they cannot count on being able to borrow nearly
as much, relative to GDP, or for so long a period
of time, as countries with hard currencies, to
cover their import needs. For this reason, the
balance of payments - not the central government
budget, which can be covered in local currency -
is the most important and binding constraint on
developing countries such as Venezuela in the present situation.
Venezuela ran a current account surplus estimated
at 13.9 percent of GDP for 2008. This huge
current account surplus would fall to zero at
about $45 dollars a barrel for Venezuelan oil.
Venezuela's oil is currently at approximately $38
per barrel, so if oil prices remain at present
levels, we would expect a current account deficit
by the end of this year. However, this would not
cause any balance of payments problems, as
Venezuela has approximately $82 billion, or 25
percent of GDP, in foreign exchange reserves -
more than twice what the country needs. A current
account deficit of 2 or 3 percent of GDP, which
is what we might expect if oil prices remain at
this level, is not significant in the face of
such large reserves. This could even continue
through next year without posing a significant problem.
Of course, oil industry analysts, as well as
futures markets, do not expect oil prices to
remain this depressed for very long. The futures
price for December 2010 crude (WTI) is over $60
per barrel. So, unless oil prices remain
depressed for years longer than anyone is
expecting, Venezuela is not likely to have to dip
very far into its reserves. Venezuela is also
fortunate in that its foreign public debt is low,
at about 9.8 percent of GDP. Principal payments
for the next four years are about $1.5 billion a
year, which is very modest. Therefore Venezuela
could also increase its borrowing internationally
if necessary, but it is extremely unlikely to
encounter any balance of payments problems.
The main determinant of Venezuelan growth in 2009
and probably 2010 is likely to be the size,
speed, and efficacy of a fiscal stimulus. The
government has recently announced a major public
spending program of about $12 billion, or 3.6
percent of GDP. As in most other countries in the
hemisphere, including the United States, it will
be important to move quickly on this program. In
the face of strong deflationary pressures, as
discussed above, Venezuela's inflation is likely
to continue falling in the near future. As in
most countries today, the government should not
be overly concerned about inflation, so long as
it continues falling; nor does it need to worry
about adding to the public debt, which is not
very high at 14.3 percent of GDP. The challenge
is to compensate for falling private demand until
the world economy begins to recover, so as to
avoid an unnecessary recession. It is worth
noting that Peru, Chile, Argentina, Mexico, and
other countries in the hemisphere have already
announced significant fiscal stimulus programs,
some of them comparable to that of the United
States, relative to their economies.
The main challenge for Venezuela in the next
couple of years will therefore be to implement an
effective stimulus package that can keep the
economy on a steady growth path. It would be even
better if, as the Chinese government did during
the Asian crisis ten years ago, Venezuela could
make infrastructure and other public investments
that will increase productivity in the years that follow.
Works Cited
BCV (Banco Central de Venezuela), 2009.
"Indicadores: Información Estadística. Online
database. Consulted 2 February 2009.
<http://200.74.197.130/c2/indicadores.asp>http://200.74.197.130/c2/indicadores.asp.
SISOV (Sistema Integrada de Indicadores Sociales
de Venezuela), 2007. "Logros." Caracas:
Ministerio del Poder Popular para la
Planificación y Desarrollo.
<http://www.sisov.mpd.gob.ve/estudios/detalle.php?id=158>http://www.sisov.mpd.gob.ve/estudios/detalle.php?id=158
SISOV (Sistema Integrada de Indicadores Sociales
de Venezuela), 2009. "Indicadores." Caracas:
Ministerio del Poder Popular para la
Planificación y Desarrollo. Online database.
Consulted 2 February 2009.
<http://www.sisov.mpd.gob.ve/indicadores/>http://www.sisov.mpd.gob.ve/indicadores/.
INE (Instituto Nacional de Estadística), 2008.
"Resumen de Indicadores Sociodemográficos
19982008. Caracas: Ministerio del Poder Popular
para la Planificación y Desarrollo..
http://www.ine.gov.ve/resumenindicadoressociales/descarga/ResumenIndicadoresSociode
mograficos.zip.
INE (Instituto Nacional de Estadística), 2009.
Homepage. Caracas: Ministerio del Poder Popular
para la Planificación y Desarrollo. Online
database. Consulted 2 February 2009. http://www.ine.gov.ve/.
Rosnick, David and Mark Weisbrot. 2009.
"Inflation Experiences in Latin America,
20072008." Washington, DC: Center for Economic
and Policy Research (Forthcoming).
Weisbrot, Mark and Rebecca Ray, 2008. "Oil Prices
and Venezuela's Economy." Washington, DC: Center
for Economic and Policy Research (November).
http://www.cepr.net/index.php/publications/reports/oilpricesandvenezuelaseconomy.
About the Authors
Mark Weisbrot is CoDirector; Rebecca Ray and Luis
Sandoval are Research Assistants at the Center
for Economic and Policy Research in Washington, DC.
Acknowledgements
The authors would like to thank Dean Baker and
Dan Beeton for their comments, and Jake Johnston,
Juan Vazquez and Kunda Chinku for editorial and research assistance.
Endnotes
[1] Seasonally adjusted.
[2] United States Census Bureau. 2006. Current
Population Survey, 1968 to 2006 Annual Social and
Economic Supplements, Table A3.
http://www.census.gov/hhes/www/income/histinc/p60no231_tablea3.pdf]
[3] SISOV (2009).
[4] Ministerio del Poder Popular para la Salud,
2007. "Logros de la Misión Barrio Adentro I al 16 de febrero de 2007" (As
of February 16, 2007).
[5] These estimates use the Instituto Nacional de
Estadísticas (INE) population estimates by age for 2008: 5,522,489
children ages five through 14, and 2,703,056
children ages 15 through 19. (INE, 2009).
[6] The estimates for enrollment in higher
education for the 2006-2008 period are from
Ministerio del Poder Popular para la
Planificación y Desarrollo, 2008, "Logros de la
Revolución en un país de 28 millones de habitantes", October,
Caracas, Venezuela. Population estimates are from
the Instituto Nacional de Estadísticas (INE).
[7] SISOV (2009).
[8] There has been some debate over the size and
effectiveness of Mision Robinson -see Rodríguez, Francisco and Daniel
Ortega. 2006. "Freed from Illiteracy? A Closer
Look at Venezuela's Robinson Literacy Program."
Middletown, CT: Wesleyan University, Department
of Economics and Rosnick, David and Mark
Weisbrot.2008. "'Illiteracy' Revisited: What
Ortega and Rodríguez Read in the Household
Survey". Center for Economic and Policy Research, Washington, D.C.
[9] These prices refer to WTI oil, according to
U.S. Energy Information Agency data.
[10] Real per capita social spending in Venezuela
increased by 218.3 percent over the 19982006
period. This calculation includes social spending
by both the central government and PDVSA,
deflated by the Caracas Consumer Price Index.
Data for central government social spending are
from SISOV and for PDVSA from the company's
financial statements. Consumer price data are
from the Banco Central de Venezuela.
[11] See Weisbrot, Mark and Luis Sandoval. 2008.
"Update: The Venezuelan Economy in the Chávez Years." Center for
Economic and Policy Research, Washington, D.C., p.18.
[12] This is based on the ratio of Venezuela's
cumulative consumer price inflation since February 2003, which is 201.4
percent, to U.S. inflation of 14.8 percent.
Source:
<http://www.cepr.net/index.php/press-releases/press-releases/report-examines-economy-and-social-indicators-during-the-chavez-decade-in-venezuela/>CEPR
Freedom Archives
522 Valencia Street
San Francisco, CA 94110
415 863-9977
www.Freedomarchives.org
-------------- next part --------------
An HTML attachment was scrubbed...
URL: <http://freedomarchives.org/pipermail/news_freedomarchives.org/attachments/20090209/462dcadb/attachment.htm>
More information about the News
mailing list