[News] Palestine: the view from South Africa
Anti-Imperialist News
news at freedomarchives.org
Fri Aug 21 10:41:01 EDT 2009
Palestine: the view from South Africa
Gaza, One More Bantustan
August 21, 2009
http://www.zcommunications.org/znet/viewArticle/22381
By Alain Gresh
During the Gaza war, South Africa expressed
strong solidarity with the Palestinians. No one
here has forgotten the collaboration between
Pretoria and Israel under apartheid, and many see
parallels between the Palestinian situation today
and that of black and coloured South Africans back in the days of white rule.
Ronald "Ronnie" Kasrils looks just like the
caricature of him drawn by the cartoonist Zapiro
in November 2001. It showed him at the head of a
line of Jews, including the Nobel Laureate Nadine
Gordimer and Zapiro himself, escaping from a
fortress. Kasrils has a big smile on his face.
The fortress is emblazoned with the words
"unconditional support for Israel". The jailers
are shouting "Catch them! Catch them!"
Kasril's smile is the same today, as is his
determination; his is a life that's been devoted
to moving mountains. He was born in South Africa
in 1938, the son of Jewish immigrants from the
Baltic states. It was not long before he
encountered racism, notably in the Sharpeville
Massacre on 21 March 1960, when the police fired
on unarmed black demonstrators, killing dozens of
people. The international reverberations of the
massacre - the prelude to South Africa's drift
towards dictatorship, were all the greater as
1960 was the year in which the majority of
African nations gained their independence.
Kasrils was unable to turn his back on the
oppression so reminiscent of the pogroms in
eastern Europe which his parents had described.
He joined the Communist Party and the African
National Congress (ANC) and began a 30-year
journey of secrecy and exile. As head of
intelligence for the ANC's armed wing, he
accepted being labeled a terrorist. "Armed and
dangerous" was how the authorities referred to
him when they showed his picture on television in
the 1970s. After his return to the country in
1990 and the subsequent end of apartheid, he held
several ministerial posts until he left the
government at the end of last year.
As an activist who fought apartheid, and as a
communist and a Jew, he was sensitive to the
Palestinian issue from early on. In February 2004
when he was a minister, he visited Yasser Arafat,
surrounded by the Israeli army in the Muqata
complex in Ramallah. "Arafat showed me the view
from the window saying 'this is nothing but a
Bantustan!' I replied: "No! No Bantustan has been
bombed by warplanes, pulverized by tanks...the
South African government pumped funds,
constructed impressive administrative buildings
and even allowed Bantustans airlines so as to
make them recognized by the international community'."
Cattle through a dip
The shock waves of the events in Gaza in December
2008 and January 2009 were quickly felt in South
Africa. They gave rise to mass popular protest
and demonstrations. The powerful Congress of
South African Trade Unions (Cosatu), which had
already stopped an Israeli arms shipment destined
for Zimbabwe being unloaded in April of 2008,
called for a boycott of Israeli shipping.
"At the grassroots level," said Adam Habib,
vice-chancellor of Johannesburg University
responsible for research and innovation, "there
is an implicit sympathy for the Palestinians
because everyone understands the parallel between
Palestine and South Africa, Gaza and Transkei or Ciskei."
The South African government condemned
"unequivocally and in the strongest possible
terms the escalation of violence on the part of
Israel brought about by the launching of a ground
invasion into Gaza." It called on Israel to halt
its "massacre" and to withdraw its troops
"immediately and unconditionally". In a meeting
with the Israeli ambassador, South African
members of parliament asserted that the army's
abuses "made apartheid look like a Sunday school
picnic" and the president of the foreign affairs
commission, Job Sithole, compared the treatment
of Palestinians at checkpoints to that of "cattle through a dip."
In these circumstances, the support for Israeli
policy from leaders of South African Jewish
organizations provoked criticism and
condemnation, including from Jewish intellectuals
who had campaigned against apartheid. "The
loudest defender of Israel", says Adam Habib with
regret, "is not the embassy but the chief rabbi,
Warren Goldstein, who has supported the bombings
of Gaza without qualification, which nobody can understand."
At the height of the Gaza conflict, the Board of
Deputies said in a statement that South Africa's
Jewish community "firmly supports the decision of
the government of Israel to launch a military
operation against Hamas in the Gaza strip." It
was outraged a few days later that its own
elision of Jews and Israel had given rise to
antisemitic calls on the internet for a boycott
of Jewish shops. These calls were roundly
condemned by the South African government, the
ANC, Muslim intellectuals and pro-Palestinian organizations.
The strength of feeling provoked by a conflict
thousands of miles away is not entirely
surprising, however. It stems from the peculiar
nature of the links between South Africa and
Israel. By a quirk of history, just a few weeks
separate the creation of Israel in May 1948 and
the electoral victory of the National Pary in
South Africa. That election result took the
existing racial segregation to a new level by
bringing in the policy of apartheid or "separate
development." The leaders of the National Party
were known Nazi sympathizers (John Vorster, its
leader and later prime minister, was imprisoned
on this account during the second world war), but
they were nonetheless able to forge increasingly close relations with Israel.
'Tough and resilient'
Benjamin Beit-Hallahmi, who teaches at the
University of Haifa, explained the paradox: "One
can detest Jews and love Israelis, because
Israelis somehow are not Jews. Israelis are
colonial fighters and settlers, just like
Afrikaners. They are tough and resilient. They
know how to dominate. Jews are different. They
are, among other qualities, gentle, non-physical,
often passive, intellectual. So one can go on
disliking Jews while admiring the Israelis."
Cooperation began between two states that seemed
to have nothing in common. Moshe Sharett, the
Israeli foreign minister, made his first visit to
South Africa in 1950. In November 1984, when the
UN had decided on sanctions against the apartheid
regime, South African foreign minister Roelof
Frederik "Pik" Botha visited Israel. Yitzhak
Rabin was then Israel's prime minister. Le Monde
wrote of "the close ties between the two
countries" and noted that Israel was the only
country in the world to have relations with the
puppet Bantustans, some of which were even
twinned with Israeli West Bank settlements.
The bedrock of the relationship between the two
countries was in the first instance economic,
under the aegis of the Histadrut (the "socialist"
trade union congress), which controlled a
significant part of the Israeli economy during
the 1970s and 1980s. Through the Hevrat Haovdim
company, it enjoyed a quasi-monopoly over trade
with South Africa. The kibbutzim played a part
too: the Lohamei Hagetot ("fighters of the
ghetto") kibbutz, founded by Jews from eastern
Europe who had fought the Nazis, ran the Kama
chemical plant in the Kwazulu Bantustan.
When it came to the military and security, the
alliance between the two countries took on a
strategic dimension. Israel helped South Africa
become a nuclear power. The Israeli military
attaché in Pretoria who was a member of the
General Staff Forum (the only other Israeli
military attaché to hold such high rank was based
in Washington). Israeli arms were manufactured under license in South Africa.
'Beast of Soweto'
The two countries' intelligence services had no
qualms about collaborating to fight communism
and, even then, to combat "terrorism" - whether
it came from the ANC or the PLO, the liberation
movements in Portuguese colonies (Angola and
Mozambique) or the South West Africa Peoples'
Organization (Swapo), which was fighting for
independence for Namibia, then under South African occupation.
Brigadier "Rooi Rus" Swenenpoel, the main
interrogator in the Rivonia trial of 1964 at
which Nelson Mandela was sentenced to life
imprisonment, was a regular guest of the Israelis
in the 1970s. Swanepoel, who set up the
counter-insurrection squads in Namibia, was known
as the "beast of Soweto" for the way in which he
crushed the revolt in the township leading to the
loss of hundreds of lives. Uri Dan, meanwhile, a
journalist and advisor to Ariel Sharon,
proclaimed his admiration for the South African army.
Ronnie Kasrils believes that, beyond the obvious
differences between the two systems - Israel for
example doesn't need an indigenous workforce and
has granted the vote to its Arab minority - there
are pronounced ideological similarities: "The
early Dutch pioneers, the Africaners, had used
Bible and gun as colonizers elsewhere. Like the
biblical Israelites, they claimed to be 'God's
chosen people', with a mission to civilize."
The collusion between Israel and South Africa
didn't give rise to criticism from the Jewish
community, though it ostracized its members who
were involved with the communists and the ANC.
Andrew Feinstein, a former ANC member of
parliament who lost some of his family in the
Nazi death camps, managed to get the new South
African parliament to devote a session to the
Holocaust in May 2000 for the first time in its history.
He explains that, like most white South Africans,
the country's 100,000 Jews remained silent during
the apartheid years, even though "there are clear
parallels between the policies imposed on the
Jews by the Nazis between 1933 and 1939 and those
imposed on the majority of South Africans during
the apartheid era." He mentions Percy Yutar, the
chief prosecutor who called for the death penalty
at Mandela's trial. Yutar was later elected to
lead Johannesburg's most important orthodox
synagogue and lauded by community leaders as a "credit to the community."
After this collaboration between Israel and the
apartheid regime, relations between the two
countries worsened significantly after Nelson
Mandela became president in 1994. The new
government suspended military cooperation
(although it honored its contracts until they
expired in 1998) and gave its full backing to the
PLO and Arafat. It maintains its relations with
them after the declaration of the second intifada
in 2000, in the face of pressure from countries
such as the US (as well as Israel) which had
colluded with apartheid. When Arafat died in
2004, Mandela called him "one of the outstanding
freedom fighters of his generation".
That said, as Azziz Pahad, a former SA deputy
foreign minister with responsibility for the
Middle East, freely admits, the demands of
realpolitik cannot be ignored nor "the
contradiction between the realism of official
foreign policy and the positions of principle
taken by the ANC [support for Palestine and
independence of the western Sahara]".
This realpolitik outraged Palestinian support
groups, as is clear even from the title of a
report from the Stop the Wall campaign:
"Democratic South Africa's complicity in Israel's
occupation, colonialism and apartheid." Na'eem
Jeenah, director of the Afro-Middle East Centre
in Johannesburg, believes that former president
Thabo Mbeki was "in favor of a normalization of
relations with Israel. Trade between the two
countries has increased 15-20 % this year,
especially in the field of security equipment.
There have even been attempts to revive military
relations." And imposing sanctions on Israel is
no longer on the agenda, even though Richard
Goldstone, the judge who chairs the UN commission
on crimes committed in Gaza, is a South African.
TRANSLATED BY GEORGE MILLER
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From: Z Net - The Spirit Of Resistance Lives
URL:
<http://www.zcommunications.org/znet/viewArticle/22381>http://www.zcommunications.org/znet/viewArticle/22381
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